Yeshiva University - Masmid Yearbook (New York, NY)

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M A S M I IJ yyaiilcJ: Tiuo ami a llalj Soldiers and a (jniih(nil By I.oiiis SiMSf)Vi ' iy, It was liaiilly li.ili ' a century ago iliai ' I ' licotloic Herzl— prophet and visionary, dreamt tiic flowing dream of tlic redemption of his people. Herzl saw wiiliiii hiiiuan rc.uli Jewisii National Solida- rity, a tiling whicli had torcver been scoffed at as fanciful and impossible. In his poetic imagina- tion he envisioned the return to Zion. He painted a glowing pictine of the emancipation of the despised and down-trodden Children of Israel, and their return to their Jewish consciousness, to their national existence in the Jewish Homeland. He visioned the fulfilment of centuries of prayer, the realization of an age-old hope, the return to Zion and the Renaissance of his people, so that they might once again replenish the well of Jewish culture, and that the ideals of Judaism might once again radiate from Zion. Herzl ' s dream was noble and beautiful, but callous reality brought with it bitter disappoint- ment. Formidable obstacles beset the path to its realization. Herzl ' s Zionism drew storms of protest from many cente rs. Specious leaders, tak- ing advantage of Jewry ' s disintegrated existence, ptoclaimed themselves spokesmen for their people. These so-called leaders advanced the absurd claim that a revival of Jewish National consciousness would but serve to intensify existing anti-semitism. They were content to lie supinely, to allow them- selves to be ground into dust, and to leave the Jewish people hopelesss and helpless. Loudest in its protest and most violent in its denunciation of Herzl was the Alliance Israelite. They were as- sisted in their outcry by organized Jewish Labor — who politically were diametrically opposed to the capitalistic Alliance. Both the Alliance Israelite and Jewish labor organizations had begun their careers with the avowed purpose of embracing all Jewry within their respective folds. The Alliance, originally organized as a philanthropic organization, liad li jped to establish its branches in every land and to organize all Jews for ii. purpose. The Jewish Labor groups had similarly aniiiipated forging an international Jewish labor organization. However, when a plan was advanced for achieving genuine Jewish solidarity, for a genuine organization of scattered Jewry, both op- posed it vehemently. Hxponents of capitalism united with proponents of Socialism and world revolution for the purpose of thwarting Herzl ' s efforts. Herzl ' s prophetic ambitions were thus tempo- rarily frustrated. The time for redemption, it seemed, was not yet ripe. The Jew, to all ap- pearances, was doomed to continue his bedraggled existence and to remain, as of old, a persecuted and down-trodden people. Anyone else confronted with the situation in which Herzl found himself would surely have thrown up his hands in despair. His aspirations would have died a premature death. But the spirit of prophecy burned in Herzl. warming him to action. Prophets are neve: daunted. Their zeal is unflagging. They are neither rufHed by temporary successes nor discouraged by momentary setbacks. Their hopes and ideas are eternal. Mob protests fail to silence the words of one divinely inspired. And Herzl was a seer in every respect. He was endowed with that super- human strength which enabled him to buffet the tempestuous waves of opposition that surgeJ around him from all sides. He enthusiastically preached his message and converted many to bis doctrines. He organized the Zionist Congress. He- negotiated with monarchs and governments. And. most important of all. he gave his brethren a nev lease on life. With his aid Jewry began to raise itself from the mire of despondenq- into which it had sunk. But the burden w.vs far too great for the TbirtycKC

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MASMID New Deal. In it he said: To stay experimentation in things social and economic is a great responsibility. Denial of the right to experiment may be fraught witli serious consequences to the nation. It is one of the happy incidents of the Federal system that a single courageous state may, if its citizens choose, serve as a laboratory, and try novel social and economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country. This court has the power to prevent an experi- ment . . . But, in the exercise of this high power, we must be ever on guard lest we erect our prejudices into legal principles. If we would guide by the light of reason we must let our minds be bold. The last sentence is typically Brandeisian. As a jurist Mr. Brandeis is classed among those who interpret liberally the Constitution of the United States. With other liberal judges he be- lieves that the Constitution was purposely written in vague terms so as to allow for future develop- ments and adaptation to new conditions. Differing with the radicals, he does not see the necessity for a new constitution. It must be added, however, that in common with the right wing of the New Dealers, Brandeis does not look for a radical transformation of our present social system. Fundamentally, he seeks only for betterment within the broad lines of existing institutions. For fifty years of a very active life Mr. Brandeis took no part in the interests of the Jewish com- munity. Indeed, when past fifty he did enter the Jewish areria, many were surprised to learn of his Jewishness. Here also it was indirectly that he came in contact with what is generally referred to as the Jewish Problem. In 1910 he was asked to serve as arbitrator in a strike in the clothing industry of New York city. Since that time he has been a student of the Jewish people and its prob- lems. For a number of years he served as president of the Zionist Organization of America, and was in.strumental in influencing the British Government to issue the Balfour Declaration. President Wilson ' s support of Jewish causes at the Peace Conference may be traced directly to the influence of Justice Brandeis. To Brandeis there is no conflict or con- tradiction between his Zionism and Americanism. As he himself declared: I am a better American for being a good Zionist. They are one and the same thing to him. In an article in the Menor.ah Journal in 1915 he tells us that the ability of the Russian Jew to adjust himself to America ' s essentially democratic conditions is not to be ex- plained by Jewish adaptability. The explanation lies mainly in the fact that the 20th century ideals of America have been the ideals of the Jew for more than twenty centuries. When the history of the New Deal, the American revolution with a small R, will be written, the name of Brandeis will go down in its annals as one of its founding fathers. The reader must already have noticed the similiariry between legislation recently enacted or about to be proposed, and the ideals of Brandeis as he has expressed them in his various writings. His m- fluence on the New Deal and representative New Dealers continues even to the present, though in an indirect manner. Should the New Deal prove successful, Brandeis will occupy a place in American history similar to that of Abraham Lincoln, to whom he bears more than a superficial resemblance. If the New Deal should prove to be, as some fear or hope, only a period of transition, to give way soon to a sharp turn to the right or to the left, Brandeis will still be remembered as a constructive and prophetic leader who, by example and guidance, lessened the grave dangers inherent in a period of transition, and as a jurist who sought, found, and applied justice in a changing world. Thirty

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MASMID shoulders of one man. Herzl fell of exhaustion; but not until he had handed his baton to those who were to carry it on. Like Moses, he was not destined to see the actualization of his dream, but that dream has become a reality. Zionism has literally grown by leaps and bounds until to day it has reached the stage of development at which it is, beyond doubt, the greatest Jewish mass move- ment the world has ever seen. The Zionist cause was endorsed by sixty nations. The world ' s mightiest empire pledged itself to cooperate in its fulfillment. The masses of Jewry flocked to the Zionist b.mner. Thousands of Israel ' s fines: sacrificed the brilliant futures the diaspora offered them, for the privilege of becoming the pioneers in the rebuilding of Zion. We have lived to see Palestine emerge from the realms of fancy onto the solid ground of reality. It is no longer the pet pastime of flighty idealists but a haven of refuge for the Jewish oppressed. The practical genius of the Jew coupled with his passionate idealism have already built a permanent home fo: the wandering people. With this introduction of the national aspect into Jewish life a new problem presents itself. Until now the Jewish people as such have played but a minor role in the drama of international affairs. With the growth of Zionism our role has rapidly become one of greater importance. The Jewish nation has to be represented in the poli- tical arena of the world. Our united sentiment has to be voiced by those qualified to speak authoritatively for the far-flung nation. But no representative body such as is necessary for the execution of these duties exists. Up to the present the Zionist congress has exercised these functions. Though none but Zionists participated in the congress, it was nevet- theless the only body which could in some way claim to be the organ of Jewish opinion. In the diaspora it acted as the diplomatic and political representative of World Jewry. Through its various agencies it carried on the work of rebuilding Palestine. As long as Jewry was united for one purpose, the rejuvenation of Eretz Yisroel, the Congress reflected in a large measure the trend of Jewish diought. But as Palestine developed from a backward land peopled by a few scattered colonists to a land of teeming cities with a pulsat- ing and ever-growing industrial and agricultural life, problems of social and economic organization arose. That fearful spectre — the political party — made its appearance within the ranks of the Zionist organization. Conflicting opinions as to the proper economic, social, and religious foundations to be laid in rearing the new structure of Jewish life brought dissent and discord in their wake. Rather than presenting a united front, the Zionist congress is split into factions. The use of the term Zionist to connote one whose only goal is the rebuilding of Palestine has today disappeared. In its stead we have the Zionist Labor Party, Revisionists, Mizrachists etc. As the national development ad- vances to a higher stage this party struggle be- comes intensified. One group succeeds in electing a controlling majority of delegates to a congress and it dictates Zionist policy. Under such circum- stances, Zionist agencies can no longer claim to represent universal Jewish opinion. A World Jewish Congress as the centralized voice of all ot scattered Jewry is essential. In this dark hour of crisis, it is imperative ! Particularly today, finding ourselves as we do in the most perilous situation which has ever thteatened us, do we need a world Jewish body. Anti-semitism and Jew-hatred may be as old as the Jew. Never in history, however, has it assumed such gigantic and terrifying proportions. Never before have its methods been so ruthless and .so cruel. Tales of mediaeval persecutions pale before the reports of present atrocities. No longer is anti- semitism a sporadic, localized phenomenon. It has extended its tentacles over the entire world. From distant Africa to Eutope, from America to Asia, it has spread its venomous poison. This form of modern barbarism ruthlessly aims at the com- plete annihilation of the Jewish people. Not only are we to be denied equal rights in the social, economic, and political life of our adopted countries, but our intellectual activity is to be Thirty-lwo