Wilbur High School - Tomahawk Yearbook (Wilbur, WA)

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rightfully do not belong in this country. President Wilson proposes to bring these changes about gradually thru the medium of good laws. The Socialist party is the recognized champion of the social unrest of the time. It has tried to dig down to the root of things. Its declaration is, that our entire capitalist system is wrong. The socialist would not do away with big business, but he would have production for use rather than for profit. To this end he would place the control of all public utilities in the hands of the government. Such gov- ernment control, he declares, would eliminate the evils attendant upon big business. It would solve most of our economic and many of our moral problems. The social- ist points to our postal and educational systems which are managed so efficiently by the govemment. I-le would place on the same basis all industries which virtually concem all the people. Such, in brief, are the views held by the four political parties. We are inclined to see things in each which are good. Again, we might find points in each which would seem questionable. We 'will all conce:le, no doubt, that the concentration of wealth, such as we have it, should be prevented. Wle know that big business is necessary in this age. We know that co-operation is not only necessary, but inevitable. But monopolies are neither necessary nor inevitable. Nor will the American people further submit to the injustice imposed by the present system. They are already beginning to assert themselves. Soon radical reforms will follow. The evils will be eradicated. Whether this will be through the Socialist plan of public ownership, or thru legislative control of large industries, we must leave to the future. We hope the very near fixture may decide. We are not yet able to see clearly the way out, but we know that the American people have arrived at an industrial crisis. We are at the forks of the road. If we tum one way, we shall enter the path which leads to decline -we shall share the fate of the civilization of all previous ages. If, on the other hand, we step out con- fidently on the other road, we shall progress to undreamed heights and lift the level of civilization to the very summit of achievement. ALVIN LYSE-'l3. THE SCHOOL IN TRANSITION tThin oration awarded second pIace.I In the life of every individual there are certain factors which strongly influence him. Among these are the home, the church and the school. lt is of the school that I wish to speak. The school is the basis of American civilization. Here the child spends a great part of his time in order to secure an education. To-day a revolution is going on in our schools. Before speaking of this, let us pause and con- sider for a moment the purpose and meaning of education. Education, in the broadest sense, should prepare for life. It should enable one to deal successfully with his environment-to rise above the obstacles which may confront him. The school is the specialized agency for this process of education. In order to fulfill its function, the school must accomplish three things: It must acquaint the pupil

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neighbor. But our fathers were not content to go on in this wav. By slow stages, thru the formation of guilds and labor-saving devices, the elements of specialization were introduced. With these came a new order. Not every man could buy a machine. The one who was able to do so employed the rest to labor for him. Thus arose the factory, a distinct product of the age of machines. This in tum made for economy, since it eliminated the waste incident to business conducted on a small scale. But the laborers did not share the benefits of this economyg it fell, rather, to the employer, who was thus enabled to extend his control over men and machines. ln order to extend their power still further, employers combined to form trusts. The growth of these soon gave rise to monopolies which to-day threaten to dominate completely our industry. More recently the growth of these con- cems has been fostered thru the protection afforded by our high tariff policy. The question, then, which we have to answer is this: What are we to use as a remedy for the social, political and economic evils produced by this system, and how may we prevent their spread in the future? This is a question which we may scarcely attempt to answer in specific terms. At present our people are divided into great factions, or political parties. Each of these is attempting a solution. Let us consider four of the most important: The faction which has so long been in control of affairs naturally takes a conserva- tive stand. Ir regards the present abuses of concentrated wealth as mere incidents in the great expansive movement of the material progress of the world. It recog- nizes the present unrest, but treats it lightly. ln the opinion of Ex-president Taft, present agitations have been caused by a superficial sensationalism which will soon subside. Hence no great constructive program is needed. The republican party proudly points to its record of the past and proposes, on the strength of this, to guide the ship of state in the future. Thus it fails to recognize that new conditions demand adjustments: that we cannot always depend upon the institutions of the past. Mr. Roosevelt, the leader of the Progressive party, seems to realize the serious- ness of the present situation. He expresses himself as being emphatically in favor of progress and change. He has made many detailed promises of radical reform. He would provide adequate control of all big business and the stern suppression of the evils connected with it. He has great confidence in being able to carry out his promises. But, in view of his past record, we may at least question his pro- gram. Did not the trusts and monopolies grow by leaps and bounds during Mr. Roosevelt's administration? Did he seriously attempt to curb these evils while in power? Moreover, lVlr. Roosevelt, with all his promises, fails to propose a definite mode of procedure. He will refor n, but how? The Democratic party has always been the champion of popular opposition and reform. It now proposes a new constructive program by which, as President Wilson puts it, the machinery of political control shall be restored to the people. The chief issues in this program are the regulation of monopolies and the revision of the tariff. Trusts and corporations must be placed under laws that will prevent monopolies and give us a basis of fair competition. Protective tariff is considered wrong, since it tends to protect special interests rather than the interests of all. Protection in this day, when linlced with other conditions, has made monopolies possible. lt has overburdened the people with artihcial prices, in order to protect industries that

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with the world in which he is to live, it must rouse him to actiong and, finally, it sh: uld make life's activities pleasurable. This brings before us the question: What shotld education consist of in order to prepare for life? Before answering this ques- tion, let us make a brief survey of the past. The education of primitive man was to the point. The parent taught his off- spring the rudiments of his simple life. However, as civilization advanced and life became more complex, the parent could no longer perform this task. As a result, schools were established. Of the early nations, the Greeks and Romans developed the most extensive school systems. At Sparta, where there were five slaves to every freeman, physical strength was needed. Hence, education there was largely physical. At Athens, where an almost purely democratic form of government prevailed, the education of the individual for citizenship and culture was the great task of the schools. Rome was even more practical than Greece. Here the boy committed to memory the twelve tables of law, and was early initiated into the mysteries of citizenship. During the republican period, when the rostrum wielded its supreme power, rhetoric and ora- tory were carefully fostered. Later, when Grecian and Oriental culture poured in as a result of conquest, this singleness of aim was to some extent lost. But proud Rome fell! Then came the dark ages, in which leaming was lost sight of for a long time. This was followed bythe awakening-the Renaissance- the revival of leaming. With it came the classical education. This was desirable, for only thru this literature could the leaming of the Greeks and Romans be acquired. After the Renaissance came the great scientific awakening. This produced a new civilization, one entirely different from that of the Greeks and Romans. This should gradually have become the subject-matter for the schools, for henceforth the people were to live in the midst of this civilization. If they were to be really eth- cient in dealing with their surroundings, it was necessary that they should become acquainted with the principles of this new civilization. But what did the schools do about it? Unfortunately, they ignored it. As a result, the classical system remained. lt remained on the plea that Latin and Greek developed the mind more than any other subiects. Hence, for a long time the people were compelled to get their real education outside of the schools. Our American high schools were of this type. Arnong the first of these was the Boston Latin School. Here the bay was prepared for college and given the edu- cation of a gentleman. To use the culturist's own words, The school prepared most effectually for nothing in particular. ln fact, up to the recent past, the chief aim of the American high schcol has been to prepare for college. Consequently, the great mass received but little help from these schools. They were left without adequate preparation for life. No doubt this high school training was of some value in the lc ng run, but it adjusted the individual too slowly: and in some cases it even unhtted him for any adjustment at all. As a result there is a general revolt. The people demand that the schools pre- pare for life. They would do away with the traditional college entrance require- ments. They feel that the college, as well as the high school, should prepare for life, only on a larger and more specialized scale. Hence, they feel that the col-