Wilbur High School - Tomahawk Yearbook (Wilbur, WA)

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neighbor. But our fathers were not content to go on in this wav. By slow stages, thru the formation of guilds and labor-saving devices, the elements of specialization were introduced. With these came a new order. Not every man could buy a machine. The one who was able to do so employed the rest to labor for him. Thus arose the factory, a distinct product of the age of machines. This in tum made for economy, since it eliminated the waste incident to business conducted on a small scale. But the laborers did not share the benefits of this economyg it fell, rather, to the employer, who was thus enabled to extend his control over men and machines. ln order to extend their power still further, employers combined to form trusts. The growth of these soon gave rise to monopolies which to-day threaten to dominate completely our industry. More recently the growth of these con- cems has been fostered thru the protection afforded by our high tariff policy. The question, then, which we have to answer is this: What are we to use as a remedy for the social, political and economic evils produced by this system, and how may we prevent their spread in the future? This is a question which we may scarcely attempt to answer in specific terms. At present our people are divided into great factions, or political parties. Each of these is attempting a solution. Let us consider four of the most important: The faction which has so long been in control of affairs naturally takes a conserva- tive stand. Ir regards the present abuses of concentrated wealth as mere incidents in the great expansive movement of the material progress of the world. It recog- nizes the present unrest, but treats it lightly. ln the opinion of Ex-president Taft, present agitations have been caused by a superficial sensationalism which will soon subside. Hence no great constructive program is needed. The republican party proudly points to its record of the past and proposes, on the strength of this, to guide the ship of state in the future. Thus it fails to recognize that new conditions demand adjustments: that we cannot always depend upon the institutions of the past. Mr. Roosevelt, the leader of the Progressive party, seems to realize the serious- ness of the present situation. He expresses himself as being emphatically in favor of progress and change. He has made many detailed promises of radical reform. He would provide adequate control of all big business and the stern suppression of the evils connected with it. He has great confidence in being able to carry out his promises. But, in view of his past record, we may at least question his pro- gram. Did not the trusts and monopolies grow by leaps and bounds during Mr. Roosevelt's administration? Did he seriously attempt to curb these evils while in power? Moreover, lVlr. Roosevelt, with all his promises, fails to propose a definite mode of procedure. He will refor n, but how? The Democratic party has always been the champion of popular opposition and reform. It now proposes a new constructive program by which, as President Wilson puts it, the machinery of political control shall be restored to the people. The chief issues in this program are the regulation of monopolies and the revision of the tariff. Trusts and corporations must be placed under laws that will prevent monopolies and give us a basis of fair competition. Protective tariff is considered wrong, since it tends to protect special interests rather than the interests of all. Protection in this day, when linlced with other conditions, has made monopolies possible. lt has overburdened the people with artihcial prices, in order to protect industries that

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r I Q I rtcrurg iljepcuztment OUR INDUSTRIAL CRISIS NOTE: This ovation won Hrst place in comaasitian a-id delivery al the annual Orntoricnl contest. Mr. I Lyse will represent the Wf H. S. at the L C. S. A. A, contest at Davenport. When we lock about us to-day we see everywhere evidences of progress. We see this thriving nation of ours. We see, standing above us, the mighty bulwarks of our gcvemment. How fond we are of pointing to it as the best working exam- ple ol the ability of a people to govem itself. We see, dotted over the land, cities where some of our people live in an opulence wfich the anc'ent East could never have known. We see a vast and beautlul countryside whe e the highest standards of rural culture are maintained. This nation has been progressing - is progressing- at a terrific rate. Never before, in the history of the human race, have so many miracles been wrought in so short a time. No people on the face of the earth has ever gone as fast or as far as we have. But, with all our progress, where are we going? Have all our people been progressing? Or have some, by the very nature of that progress, been forced backward and downward? ln the cities, the great industrial and social centers of our civilization, we are knowingly fostering evil industrial and social conditions. The age-old institution of slavery still forms the base of the pillar that upholds our civilized society. This is not the chiattel slavery which was invented at the first birth of nations. It is not the serfdom of the feudal ages. lr is rather an outgrowth of the two, built upon the same princ ples of ignorance and utilized for the same purpose. The laboring man is everywhere dominated by capital. He is no longer held in bondage by sheer force, but is, nevertheless, compelled to sell his labor, himself and his very faculties, and that usually at a price that will afford an unreasonable profit to his master. Millions of men, women and children are slaving their lives away for less than a living wage. Many of our honest and industrial citizens are badly housed, clothed and fed. Wealth and power are more honored than vir.ue, wisdom or industry. The govemment of the United States is fast becoming a tool in the hands of the Kings of Finance. These men, with the power that wealth has given them, have taken upon themselves the guardianship of the common people. This is wrong, The governn ent of our country cannot be lodged in any particular set of interests. There is no group of men, tho they represent the greater part of the wealth of the nation, who are capable of taking care of the people of the United States. No less than the majority of the people can do that. But it was not always so. The founde's of our nation intended that the rights of the people should be safeguarded. The ideal of Lincoln was: A govemment of the people, by the people and for the people. How, then, has this striking change come about? What forces have ushered in this new aristocracy? ln order to answer this question, we must go back to the age of tools. ln those good days people worked apart from each other. They labored largely to satisfy their own individual needs. Each was, we may say, quite independent of his

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rightfully do not belong in this country. President Wilson proposes to bring these changes about gradually thru the medium of good laws. The Socialist party is the recognized champion of the social unrest of the time. It has tried to dig down to the root of things. Its declaration is, that our entire capitalist system is wrong. The socialist would not do away with big business, but he would have production for use rather than for profit. To this end he would place the control of all public utilities in the hands of the government. Such gov- ernment control, he declares, would eliminate the evils attendant upon big business. It would solve most of our economic and many of our moral problems. The social- ist points to our postal and educational systems which are managed so efficiently by the govemment. I-le would place on the same basis all industries which virtually concem all the people. Such, in brief, are the views held by the four political parties. We are inclined to see things in each which are good. Again, we might find points in each which would seem questionable. We 'will all conce:le, no doubt, that the concentration of wealth, such as we have it, should be prevented. Wle know that big business is necessary in this age. We know that co-operation is not only necessary, but inevitable. But monopolies are neither necessary nor inevitable. Nor will the American people further submit to the injustice imposed by the present system. They are already beginning to assert themselves. Soon radical reforms will follow. The evils will be eradicated. Whether this will be through the Socialist plan of public ownership, or thru legislative control of large industries, we must leave to the future. We hope the very near fixture may decide. We are not yet able to see clearly the way out, but we know that the American people have arrived at an industrial crisis. We are at the forks of the road. If we tum one way, we shall enter the path which leads to decline -we shall share the fate of the civilization of all previous ages. If, on the other hand, we step out con- fidently on the other road, we shall progress to undreamed heights and lift the level of civilization to the very summit of achievement. ALVIN LYSE-'l3. THE SCHOOL IN TRANSITION tThin oration awarded second pIace.I In the life of every individual there are certain factors which strongly influence him. Among these are the home, the church and the school. lt is of the school that I wish to speak. The school is the basis of American civilization. Here the child spends a great part of his time in order to secure an education. To-day a revolution is going on in our schools. Before speaking of this, let us pause and con- sider for a moment the purpose and meaning of education. Education, in the broadest sense, should prepare for life. It should enable one to deal successfully with his environment-to rise above the obstacles which may confront him. The school is the specialized agency for this process of education. In order to fulfill its function, the school must accomplish three things: It must acquaint the pupil