United Colleges - Vox Yearbook (Winnipeg, Manitoba Canada)

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A DIRGE . . . By DAVID McKEE They pass down city streets Where ice and ashes wake Scratches; gaslight pokes at Glib face under glib hat. Faces in standstill days Who live in life’s subways But know not life—like clocks That tick but know not time. When green shoots shoulder the crude Dirt aside; and rude And out of breath the lamb Tears the tight womb, tears free — Even that will not interrupt The tick-tock of their living; They will not see it, or know Enough to stretch and grow. 15

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This influence is integrated with the trend of modern life. We have broken the continuity of life by cutting ourselves off from the past. We have wrenched ourselves from the soil, from that way of life in which deep faith in eternal laws is an imperative. And we have placed ourselves in the great cities whose in¬ fluence has penetrated everywhere until whole countries have almost become immensely ex¬ tended urban areas. The new generation has not been able to escape this, nor have they sought to escape it. We were born in the very midst of it, in that impetuous optimism con¬ cerning materialism and during the “debacle of idealism.” And if we have accepted the new ways of life because we knew nothing else, we also accepted the consequences of that life be¬ cause we could do nothing else. In the thirties, which is not so long ago, we saw the results of that glorious ideal of un¬ restricted individualism. The skyrocket of shaky speculation crashed down about us, pull¬ ing down with it the pyramid on which the mechanism of our society was anchored. The pyramid crumpled from the top, melting away until the whole broad base was affected and the apologists could do nothing but remain silent. Then followed the grueling period of re¬ examination. While governments sought im¬ mediate remedies, the organization of society was painstakingly scrutinized. The economic collapse was world-wide. No one living in the age could dodge either its concrete pressures or its implications. Again our generation inherited the skepticism of the age in this sphere. If we were bom too late to have connection with the causes of the disin¬ tegration itself, we could at least observe its effects. If we did not look hopelessly for work, our elder brothers did. Thus, we became aware of our social and economic system by the insistency with which its collapse thrust itself upon our minds. We became aware of it at a time when it was ex¬ hibiting its shortcomings and, as we were cer¬ tain, proving its inadequacy. We saw that liberalism had become a facade behind which only the strong and privileged were free. We saw that a society without safe¬ guards was a ruthless society, not at all exist¬ ing for the betterment of all the people of that society. Above all we saw that an acquisitive norm of activity within society was fundament¬ ally incompatible with the democratic ideal. These were the conclusions we reached. We saw human needs hammered into any mold that conformed to the standards of the business man. We realized that the failures of the new industrialism as a provider of a humane and just social order were basic failures. In the long march towards war our eyes smarted at the sight of betrayal after betrayal of what were supposedly our ideals. We sought for an explanation, and found one. It was this: that the stabilized and established elements within our society have certain ends they must pursue if they are not to become unstable elements. If democratic institutions in any way obstruct the achievement of those ends their existence is hardly justified. We see evidence of this attitude in Canada today where parliament has been ignored in the growing ascendency of bureaucratic con¬ trol. And an offshoot of this attitude has re¬ cently struck close to us: the feeling against the liberal arts course that is current in many circles today. I have purposely avoided labels for they are unnecessary and confusing. Our story is a clear one. Our generation grew up in the midst of what might be called the decay of an age. We examined our society as objectively as possible and discovered certain anomalies and discrep¬ ancies. We have no magic formulas that we wish applied, formulas that would transform the world into a paradise immediately upon their acceptance. We have endeavored only to make an honest appraisal of the society in which we live. If we have been bitter in our verdict, it is because we were first aware of our society when it was in unfortunate circumstances. This is the background of the class in 1943. It is a background of destructive forces, of dis¬ solution, of breaking down. It is a negative background. It was and is our background not because we chose it but because we were born into it. It is a background that might well lead to the cynicism of Which we have so often been accused. But such is not our position. We are not disillusioned cynics without guide-post or guide-star. They who label us as such are mis¬ directed and mistaken. They mistake our real¬ ism for cynicism. They mistake our healthy skepticism for some innate will to destroy. (Continued on page 32)

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REVIEWS . . . IRVIN PETSNICK The Good Society . . . Walter Lippmann First Edition: Published September, 1937, by Little, Brown and Com¬ pany. Obviously this book is not a cur¬ rent publication. However, the per¬ sistent problems with which it deals occupy such a prominent place in contemporary thought that Lipp- mann’s treatment of them is still stimulating and provocative in 1943. In the light of the realization of many destructive defects in our pres¬ ent system, and the ever increasing unrest that has resulted therefrom, Lippmann takes upon himself the gigantic task of attempting to reveal the answers to the defects, and postu¬ late to a degree, remedies for the future. He is acutely aware of the terrific and widespread reaction that has set in, which has resulted in the resigned acceptance by thousands of learned people, of some form of a collective society. Consequently, he must recognize the established posi¬ tion of this widespread movement, and give to it an unbiased, unpre¬ judiced, and disinterested analysis if he wishes to retain the objective approach for which he is so highly respected. In order to accomplish his task, Lippman divides his book into two main divisions. The first deals with the background, theory, and practical outworking of the movement which has been attempting an organized and planned social order. The second is a re-examination of the Liberal movement, its principles, defects, and consequent misunderstanding by fu¬ ture liberal men, resulting in its temporary collapse, placing it in a position of ridicule and scorn by recognized intellectuals of our pres¬ ent time. Having done this, Lipp¬ mann, sincerely aware of his own limitations, and only too ready to admit the inadequacy of his deter- minded answers, accepts the task of presenting some solution to this world-wide problem. This in outline is the purpose and plan of the book. One realizes immediately the hope¬ less task of even alluding to the important aspects of collectivism that Lippmann so minutely reveals, examines, and judges. Consequently, this will be but a bare outline of his work. He is not merely concerned with the problem of finding the necessary ideal men to run this plan¬ ned economy, but should they be found (and he is ready to admit that they may be found), would that en¬ sure the successful operation of so varied and widespread an economy with its diversified interests, and tre¬ mendous problem of allocating mil¬ lions of resources to literally mil¬ lions of variable needs. Lippmann agrees that the economy can be planned, but, if it is, then it shall be bellicose and poor, and, if it is not to be bellicose and poor, then it cannot be planned. One of the first important points that he makes is that progress comes by liberation, not by suppression or concentration. The very course of history itself proves that the strug- dle has been one of consistent eman¬ cipation from arbitrary power and centralized control. Our develop¬ ment by incorporated companies was not the inevitable outworking of the growth of techniques, machines, etc., but merely the result of established law. It has not been proven that progress, development, invention, go hand in hand with large scale in¬ dustry, but, on the contrary, that small scale industry is more con¬ ducive to elastic progress. The tre¬ mendous profits of large incorporated companies are not due necessarily to their immensity, but to the law which gives them special privileges, monopoly of raw materials, and gen¬ eral all-round advantages, which completely remove the one great fac¬ tor that should keep them in con¬ trol; namely, competition. Thus men fall into the trap of assuming that the state should take over these large incorporated companies, in¬ crease their size, and thus gain wealth, abundance, prosperity. Lipp¬ mann maintains that it is not simply by concentration that one gains pro¬ gress, but by liberation of ideas, techniques, experiment, etc. He goes on now to show not only that large scale industry leads to stagnation, stability , rigidity, and the inevitable maintenance of the “status quo,” but also the hopeless task of finding men equal to the problem of allocating scarce means to compet¬ ing ends. This is probably the most fundamental economic problem of any age. We may have the resources at our disposal; it may not even be too great a problem to determine the amount that will be available; but the task of allocating the same to thousands of complex needs, which in turn are governed by thousands of personal interests, subject to thousands of changes, has gone be¬ yond the possibility of even the mathematicians. The tremendous task that the collectivist faces is not simply to put the ideal people in the place of authority, but to find men who shall be not men, but super-men. It contains the illusion that the economy lends itself to full understanding, and one has only to place the right men in authority, and all be a Garden of Eden. In other words, it is a double complex problem; that of finding men of ideal character, not subject to all the degrading influences of human na¬ ture, and also of super-human abil¬ ity, who can plan a future which they are unable to imagine, and who can manage a civilization which they are unable to understand. In Book II Lippman examines the collectivist movement, and passes judgment upon it. All collectivists must finally arrive at their end—the totalitarian state. He examines the Fascist movement and uncovers its paradox. It must produce leaders out of an economy which is char¬ acterized by rigidity, militarism, and conformity to mass, a hopeless task unless you allow for a hereditary caste, which again creates the di¬ versity of interest that the Fascists have set out to abolish. Similarly, he passes condemnation on the com¬ munist movement. Lippmann main¬ tains that the communist regime is necessarily a war economy, retain¬ ing its growth and stability upon the basis of simple purposes, demands, and allocation of resources that war brings. In relation to this, Lippmann goes on to prove that war economy is conducive to collectivism by over¬ simplifying the problems of a peace economy. In wartime there is only one purpose, one job to do, one de¬ mand for resources, one planning body, and, any individual interest, desire, or purpose is submerged be¬ neath the one all-inclusive purpose at hand; namely, war. In wartime the planners are in control. They know what is needed, where re¬ sources must be allocated, and they (Continued on page 47) 16