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Page 30 text:
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f .fi Q ' Az g 4, 1, . , - - -,fig-A3 gf.. l , iiTKQtxl, -gin fv - M? . . . if you don't believe in violence, if you aren't looking towards revolution, if you call yourself a liberal, you should be trying to do something-which means working in the political system . . . -a member of the Movement for a New Congress In Spring 1970, students had demanded and received a modified Princeton Plan, giving students a four-day election weekend to permit large-scale participation in political campaigning. But as the election approached it became apparent that students had somehow lost their enthusiasm for politics. One could tell it was an election year. The leafletters roamed White Plaza daily recruiting for Tunney, Riles, and even Governor Reagan. Political speeches were given daily, lVlcCloskey, Gubser, lVlcLean, Gomperts, Tunney, Unruh, Bradley, and Rutherford all spoke before Stanford audiences. lVlcCloskey spoke so often that the Stanford Daily considered replacing its 'Today Box' with a 'Pete lVlcCloskey Box.' New political organizations arose, old ones changed their images. The Stanford Committee for Involvement in Politics, headed by Bob Grant, was organized to coordinate and support campus political activities, workshops were given, few came. The Young Republicans tried to shed its conservative image, their first endorsement wasofWilson Riles. The Movement for a New Congress worked for the election of a 'peace-oriented' Congress. But something was lacking. People. And enthusiasm. X V s ' . 4 r . ii'-ET ' . its iff- ' 5 ? W1
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Page 32 text:
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This was the worst riot in San Jose history. -San Jose Police Chief J. Raymond Blackmore The sign read, l don't want to know the way to San Jose. The reference was clearp newspapers across the country had reported that the Presidential limosine had been 'stoned' the night before in San Jose. The incident itself was not so clear. State Senator Alfred E. Alquist, Democratic candidate for Lieutenant Governor, issued a statement asserting that evidence was mounting that the incident was deIiberately staged . . .to provide a phony law and order smokescreen. Louis Bosco, president of the Santa Clara Labor Council, leveled the strongest attack calling the disorder a hoax and a conspiracy at the highest level involving the President, the Vice-President, Senator Murphy and the Governor of California. Senator George Murphy, though, called the demonstration a planned attack led by experts. He claimed that if the crowd had been able to get at the President's car, We lNixon, Reagan, and Murphyl would've been torn apart piece by piece. San Jose Police Chief J. Raymond Blackmore was quoted as having said, How we got him lthe Presidentl out of there I don't know, it must have been a miracle. lVlost newsmen agreed that only a small number of missles were thrown at the President's car. Buses carrying members of the press and official guests were apparently subject to a brief but furious attack, numerous windows were broken out by rocks and several boards were thrown at the buses but did little damage. Some demonstrators were reportedly maced. One thing, though, was perfectly clear. The President was not likely to return to San Jose in the near future. 28
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