St Edwards University - Tower Yearbook (Austin, TX) - Class of 1973 Page 125 of 216
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Page 125 text: “j | over the nominal opposition of Congressman Paul McCloskey, Jr., of California, who thought the President too conservative, and Congressman John Ashbrook of Ohio, who thought him too liberal. In the course of his campaign the Presi- dent strongly supported locally controlled schools and opposed the busing of school children to achieve racial balance. He spoke out against abortion, legalization of mari- juana, welfare for those who refused to work, and amnesty for those who refused to fight in Vietnam. But he maintained a very low profile throughout the campaign and rarely ap- peared on television. He made several paid political speeches on radio, but generally avoided the campaign trail. Instead, Mr. Nixon chose to stay at his desk in the White House, projecting an aloof and dignified image of a nonpartisan President who was above the demand of party politics. His bumper stickers read simply, in red and blue letters on white background, “Re-elect The President.” Meanwhile, George McGovern was doing all he could to play into the President’s cam- paign strategy. The Democratic convention itself had made enemies for McGovern. In- stead of the usual collection of party reg- ulars, big-city bosses, and labor chieftains, many of the delegates were youths, women, and b lacks attending their first convention. Chicago Mayor Richard Daley, a king- maker of past conventions, was not allowed to attend this one. The credentials com- mittee ruled that his elected Illinois delega- tion was in violation of the party’s reforms. George Meany, AFL-CIO president who had soured early on McGovern, was present at the convention only to work against him. McGovern further offended party regulars when he named Utah national committee- woman Jean Westwood as chairman of the Democratic National Committee, replacing Larry O’Brien. Although Daley later agreed to work for McGovern’s election, Meany refused to endorse him, and organized labor, like the Democratic Party, was divided on McGovern. The worst setback to McGovern’s campaign was the disclosure in Custer, South Dakota on July 25 that his 42-year-old vice- presidential running mate, Senator Thomas F. Eagleton of Missouri, had undergone psychiatric treatment. McGovern’s immedi- ate reaction to Engleton’s surprising an- nouncement was a pledge of “1,000 per cent”” support, but a few days later McGovern decided to drop Eagleton on the grounds that the controversy would cloud the real issues of the campaign. McGovern’s leadership image was damaged further when he failed to persuade DOONESBURY IN ST LOUIS THIS MORNING, SENATOR GEORGE Mc GOVERN ANNOUNCE? Hs FINAL eae Cit ey DEFENSE 2, © 1972 G. B. Trudeau 3 ao z 5 2 3 z THE SENATOR SAID THAT HE WAS COLETELY COMMITTED T0 THIS POUCY AND ADDED THAT “I AM 2300°%7% : BEHIND: FAR-RANGING REFORM IN THE AREA OF APPROPRIATIONS (2e2 le, MILITARY. ” ADDRESSING A PRESS CONFERENCE, THE SENATOR SAID; “IT 1S TIME TO CUT THE FAT ANP WASTE FROM EXTKAVACANT MILITARY SFENDING IF ELECTED T LEDGE TO DO JUST THAT MN eg) N OTHER NEWS, THIS AFTERNOON N CHICAGO, SENATOR Mc 6OVERN CHANGED HIS MIND. Copyright, 1972, G.B. Trudeau. Distributed by Universal Press Syndicate. a half dozen prominent Democrats, in- cluding Senator Edward Kennedy, to replace Eagleton. He finally settled on (or for) Sergeant Shriver, Kennedy’s brother- in-law. In the campaign McGovern attempt- ed to make an issue of alledged Republi- can corruption, pointing out the involve- ment of ITT in the original plans of the Republican Party for San Diego conven- tion, and the then still sleepy, still comically James Bondish Republican break-in at the Democratic National Headquarters at the Watergate office- apartment complex in Washington. At the same time, trying to present a more moderate position on explosive issues such as amnesty, abortion, marijuana, tax reform and defense cuts, McGovern only succeeded in raising further doubts among voters about his credibility and decisiveness. Another Nixon Bumper sticker, referring to Nixon, read, “Now More Than Ever!” On November 7 the American people agreed and voted overwhelmingly to give Richard Nixon his “Four More Years.” The President lost only Massachusetts and the District of Columbia in securing 60.7% of the popular vote, a figure second only to Lyndon Johnson’s 61.1% in 1964. Mr. Nixon’s 520 electoral votes was surpassed only by Franklin Roosevelt’s 523 in 1936. Mr. Nixon won his landslide by breaking up the old coalition of black, Jewish, and Roman Catholic voters, part of the “Roose- velt Coalition” since the days of Depression. He also gained large portions of the blue collar and newly-enfranchised youth vote. But the victory was a personal, not a party, triumph. The Republicans had hoped to pick up the 5 seats they needed to take control of the Senate in the 93rd Congress. Instead, they lost 2. In the House of Repre- sentatives, the Republicans gained only 14 of the 39 new seats they needed to gain con- trol. It was the first time in any U.S. election that a party winning the presidency with a sweep such as Mr. Nixon’s failed to take both housed of Congress. Another Bumper sticker explained the reason pretty well. It said, “Democrats for Nixon.” 121 ”
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Page 124 text: “Four More Years The two most important people in America the morning of November 7, 1972 were Richard Nixon and George McGovern, but by evening it might as well of been Spring 1972 for George who?. THE QUESTION SiT OVER Pepse ITS OVER AFAIR [Q PRESS. | 1D rest: reaffirming their demand for moderation in political affairs the American people selected their president by an over- whelming majority for the second time in eight years in 1972. If extremism in the defense of liberty was indeed a vice in 1964, then so was extremism in the defense of socialism in 1972. Senator George S. McGovern, a relative unknown in the early 1972 Democratic lineup of possible presidential nominees, correctly read the Democratic Convention but misread the Democratic Party and the American people, winning the nomination in Miami Beach but losing horribly to President Richard M. November. Nine Democrats took the campaign trail in the spring; front-runner Nixon in besides McGovern Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine, Senators Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota, Henry (Scoop) Jackson of Washington, and Vance Hartke of Indiana, and former Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota, Congress- woman Shirley Chisolm of New York, Governor George Wallace of Alabama, and 120 DID THE. PRESS REPORT THE -——Sp TROTH DUR Dist. Publishers-Hall Syndicate ADMINIS - TRATION? YOURE NOT GOING TO CK Orn US Gite $1 © 1971 Jules Feiffer, Courtesy Publishers—Hall Syndicate Mayors John Lindsay of New York and Sam Yorty of Los Angeles. But after a poor showing in the Wisconsin primary, Muskie announced his withdrawal from the primaries, and in Laurel, Maryland a would-be assassin’s bullet paralyzed George Wallace and shattered his presi- dential hopes, and McGovern began making gains. The man who had gained a reputa- tion as a party reformer after he helped reshape the Democratic convention rules after the 1968 disaster in Chicago, McGovern gathered strong support through his populist appeal and his image as a left-of-center apostle of the so-called New Politics. He also possessed an excel- lent organization of tireless young workers. At the turbulent but relatively peace- ful Democratic National Convention in July McGovern overcame a stop- McGovern movement when the creden- tials committee returned to him 151 California delegates that his opponents had argued were won in violation of the con- vention’s far reaching reform rules, and he easily won first ballot nomination on July 12. The finely tuned decorum of the mas- terfully orchestrated Republican National Convention that met in the same hall six weeks later was in sharp contrast to the excitement the Democrats had brought Miami Beach. The week’s biggest excitement was the rare Republican goof that caused Walter Cronkite to try to explain to a waiting nation that they were seeing tomor- row’s movie today, while the delegates were seeing today’s movie tomorrow. There was one floor fight, an important battle over a delegate-reform proposal to in- crease representation of the populous states at the 1976 convention. Liberals and moder- ates from the populous states organized the unsuccessful battle to prevent small-state and Southern conservatives from assuring the 1976 presidential nomination of Spiro Agnew. Nixon was nominated on August 22 ”Page 126 text: “The Heat is on for Brother Stephen — “T vealways been the youngest person at something. My age hasn’t been a problem. I just don’t think about it. The only thing I ask of anybody is that I’m free to be myself and that I don’t have to play the role of college president. There are a number of students who know me pretty well, and I continue a kind of normal, natural relationship with them. I don’t try to assert myself as the president. In the long run, you don’t gain respect or cooperation by virtue of your position or your title—that comes from personal rapport and your effectiveness on another level. You don’t descend from on high. 99 122 ”
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1973, pg 68
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