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Page 11 text:
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THE INAUGURAL—'ASK WHAT YOU CAN DO FOR YOUR COUNTRY’ What follows is the text of President Kennedy's Inaugural Address delivered in Washington on Jan. 20, 1961. Vice President Johnson. Mr. Speaker. Mr. Chief Justice. President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman. Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens We observe today, not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom—symboliz- ing an end as well as a beginning—signifying renewal as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago. The tvorld is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe —the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the ivord go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans—born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage—and un- willing to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this na- tion has alicays been committed, and to which ice are committed today at home and around the tvorld. Let every nation know, whether it tvishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty. This much we pledge—and more. PLEDGE TO ALLIES To those old allies tchose cultural and spiritual origins we slutre. we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of new co- operative ventures. Divided, there is little tve can do—for we dare not meet a power- ful challenge at odds and split asunder. To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be re- placed by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own free- dom—and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside. To those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, tve pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required—not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it can not save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, tve offer a special pledge—to convert our good words into good deeds—in a new alliance for progress—to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house. LAST HOPE FOR PEACE To that world assembly of soverign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of ivar have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support—to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective—to strengthen its shield of the new and the iveak—and to enlarge the area in tvhich its writ may run.
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Page 10 text:
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3l)ll Ureiidenl of the United dila le t Way 29, 1917 -Ylooemher 22, 963 6
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Page 12 text:
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Finally, to those nations ivho tvould make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge hut a request : that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or acci- dental self-destruction. W e dare not tempt them ivith weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can ice be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed. But neither can tiro great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course—both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that un- certain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war. A NEW BEGINNING So let us begin anew—remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is altvays subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those prob- lems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first lime, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms—and bring the absolute power to destroy other na- tions under the absolute control of all nations. Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. To- gether let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah— to “undo the heavy burdens . . . (and) let the oppressed go free.” And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungles of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor—not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Admistration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, ivill rest the final success or failure of oup course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms ive need—not as a call to battle, though embattled we are—but a call to bear the bur- den of a long twilight struggle year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patience in tribulation”—a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, di- sease aiul war itself. Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? LIGHT FOR THE WORLD In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility— welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which ice bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own.
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