Soldan High School - Scrip Yearbook (St Louis, MO)

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-'--.-.4--1 -1 T -'fi ee iff 2- f - ,fi how it would have felt, had the then victorious Germany turned her engines of war in our direction ?-So you see, we are concerned. Now let us take the other point of view, the generous or humani- tarian: The opponents of a league of nations say that we are not con- cerned, we are not hurt, we should not be moved by the actions of states of Europe toward one another. Do you remember how your blood boiled when you read of Germany's invasion of Belgium? Do you remember how you ground your teeth when you learned of the German atrocities in invaded France? Do you recall your feelings when you heard of the German destruction of Louvain and Rheims? Do you remember the hot rage aroused when you heard of the sinking of the Lusitania?-Now, after recalling your feelings, it is impossible for any American to say that we should not abandon our old policy of isolation. Our spiritual outposts have already been moved forward uncounted miles. Let us now take up the second objection: American youths should have to give up their lives to settle European disputes. Certainly most of these disputes shall be settled by arbitration. But if there is any offending nation, then the offender shall face a boycott by all the other nations of the league. A boycott failing-then it's war. When it comes to war, our boys are willing to pay the price! We feel that you cannot hurt or wrong an Englishman, you cannot wrong a Frenchman or an Italian without hurting us. We love our country but we love mankind also. We have learned that there exists some supreme power that connects the lives and the destinies of one person or nation with all the rest. This feeling was fundamental to our entrance into the war. It is because of this new humanitarianism, it is because of this great love for our fellowmen that our boys answered the calls of devas- tated Belgium, exhausted France and gallant Britain. But, alas! in spite of our response to these calls, in spite of the fact that our youths are willing to defend justice at any price, we are being misrepre- sented in Congress. We young Americans demand a league of nations. We uphold this league, for even if there be any wars after the formation of this league, these shall not be wars of aggression, but wars to en- force justice and to punish an offender, who, in offending one, offends all. We now have answered the second objection of the senator. The Senator's third objection is specious and impossible to reply to, for it ends just where the arguments of our great representative at Versailles begins. Our worthy Senator says that some of the nations are not perfect enough to carry in practice their signed covenants, hence a league of nations is impossible. Our President says that since the nations are not perfect a league of nations is necessary. Now it is your duty to support this league, that the children of the peaceful generations to come may read- Woodrow Wilson, the twenty- 14

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'wffsjv' -iv A :fig I , 'V fi- - , TQ.: .3 . LJ.,-,-- A League ofNations Y, OUR years of bitter struggle are ended. Human blood has been shed until the fields of battle teem with streams red. All knowledge and science has been bent toward one goal, destruction. Millions of the defenders of liberty have U paid the supreme price. Now the world at last has decided that the foundations of a lasting peace must be laid, that some other means of settling international controversies must be adopted. The greatest question that confronts the members of the peace conference is how to secure an honorable, lasting peace, and yet provide for just settlement of all controversies. They are considering a league of nations to prevent aggression, encroachment, and offense, a league to enforce arbitration, a league to assure justice to all. This league is to consist of a union of all the self-determined and ethnically constituted nations. It is to have a supreme court of arbitration. The weapons of international boycott or military power are to be used against an offending nation. The eyes of the whole world are fixed upon this peace conferenceg the eyes of the weak, the oppressed, the wronged, all look forward to the formation of this league of nations which is to insure freedom, peace, and justice to a stricken world. All the nations are deeply interested. Americans are vitally con- cerned. Heretofore, America has kept herself isolated from European affairs. The formation of such a league may mean death to the Mon- roe Doctrine. Besides, America has never before fought a war outside this continent. Our membership in this league may mean the lives of our youths to enforce decisions of the international court. There 'are leading Americans who are strongly in favor of a league of nations, these are led by our beloved president. There are opponents, however, and among them is a senator from this sovereign state of Missouri. This man offers certain academic objections. He does not want America to take a part in European affairs. He does not want Ameri- can youths to give their lives to settle European disputes. He fears men are not perfect enough to carry into practice their signed cove- nants. These are his objections. Now let us give some of these points the acid test. Let us consider these objections from two points of view, namely, the selfish point of view and the generous or the humani- tarian point of view. From the selfish point of view: Are we concerned by the outcome of the European disputes? I wonder whether it would have mattered to us if Germany had defeated England, Italy, and France? I wonder 13

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eighth president of these United States and 'Father of a League of Nations. ' -Milton Yawitz. The Returning Soldier iii HEN a nation undertakes war, the people are called upon to endure, as individuals and as nations, an interruption in industry and in daily habits. They are called upon to 1. sacrifice money, food and men. Hard as these sacrifices i ' are, out of them is born a high patriotism. Consolation grows out of the hope that conditions requiring sacrifice are but temporary. But when peace comes, the emotional spur which enables men to bear losses dies down. The bitter part is over. But what of the returning soldier? We must not, now, allow our patriotism to die down, our material and spirit- ual aid to cease. Far greater and more vital than any other duty is the making of this land a fit home for heroes. First of all, we must consider the state of mind of the returning soldiers. They have fought for an ideal entirely new to war-not for their own country, but for the ideals of humanity. They have fought side by side with their English, French and Italian brothers. They are no longer citizens of any clearly bounded country, they are citizens of the world. They will think in world terms, they will live on world heights, and we must think with them and stand beside them. Our business, our politics, our social life must be organized to lit the wider views of our crusaders. The government ideally plans to take care of these problems. But is not the government you? No interest can be placed above the interests of those who fought our battles, those who carried the torch of light and hope to the stricken world. You are suggesting many ways of caring for them, such as opening up swamp lands. What a cheap offer! It costs you nothing! If they want swamp lands, well and good. But we want these men to take up what they are now fitted for. Are you an employer? You released this worker in high chivalry, you sent him over there with Libertyls beacon. Now in spirit of this same chivalry, take him back. If you cannot pay the value of his enhanced power, share with him your bounty-and it will be re- turned to you in spiritual joy. Make good your mighty promises. He will work as he has fought. Now, it is your duty to fight as you have worked. Fight the spirit of greed, of gain, make your democracy demo- cratic, your chivalry chivalrous. Much has been said about re-educating the soldier. It will be necessary in many cases where the soldiers find new industries and new ideas developed. But, take a closer look. It is we, who must s vfii 'H 15