North Andover High School - Knight Yearbook (North Andover, MA)

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Salutatory fcssay An Eighteen Year Old’s Ideas on Democracy A S we, the high school graduates of nineteen forty-nine, go forth with the other graduates of this country, we are very fortunate to be going forth into a country governed by democracy — ruled by the people. It is a great responsibility, as well as a privilege, to be a member of this type of government. Have we got what it takes to withstand the devious assaults, both from within and outside our country, upon our cherished democracy? For it is upon our generation that the future welfare of this country rests. It is we graduates of the mid-twentieth century who will either achieve the lasting peace for which the world yearns, or will enter the holocaust of what might well be the last war of all. In order to meet this test, we must have a clear knowledge of what democracy means to us, and we must try to find the best way of making ourselves citizens worthy of living in a democracy. Education has long been one of the greatest pillars of the structure of a democracy. The more education we can get the better understanding we will have of our governmental ideals. Democracy succeeds in America because the American people are better educated for it than are any other people in the world. We are taught what constitutes a democracy, what it has to offer us, and why we should do our utmost to preserve it. We are taught that democracy is based on the ability of a cross-blen d of racial, religious and civic-minded people to live together in a peaceful manner. We learn that all men are created equal and are entitled to the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. We know that democracy offers us equal opportunities, protection from harsh dictatorial rule, and above all, it offers us freedom — freedom of thought, free¬ dom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of assembly. We have been educated to love these rights and privileges, and to uphold these ideals which are the fundamentals of our democracy. We agree that God has been good to us by enabling us to share in the fruits of this great democracy. But did you ever stop to realize that while we are privi¬ leged to enjoy these fruits of democracy, this privilege is accompanied by a very grave duty? We not only have a right to speak our mind about the running of our government, but we have a duty to do so. We not only have the right to vote for the citizens we consider worthy to fill the high positions of government, but we have a duty to see that the men most capable of upholding our ideals of gov¬ ernment receive the jobs of responsibility necessary in maintaining this govern¬ ment. The foundation has been laid. We have learned the theory of our government. It is now up to us to put it into practice. There are three aids which will help us in the decisions we must make concern¬ ing our government — our own common sense, the experience of others and the opinions and advice of those who know more than we do. First, stop and use your own common sense. Is democracy worth fighting for? Is this or that issue harmful to our ideals of government? Secondly, look at the plight of other countries who are not fortunate enough to be under a democratic government. Is their government benefiting their people better than ours? Then, listen to the advice of people who have had more education and more experience. There are, you know, many people who really do know more than an 17

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ssay Stalemate N OW, four years after World War II, we have achieved a worldwide stale¬ mate. The chaos, destruction, “blood, sweat, and tears’’ of actual warfare are behind us, but is this peace? David Bernstein aptly calls it “.the Cold Peace,. . . . the not-war of the late 1940’s.” It is compounded of a series of stale¬ mates backed by the steely firmness of Russia and the United States. The two greatly divergent economic systems, American capitalism and Russian nationalistic socialism are not in any period of collapse. There has been no sharp and serious depression in America; she has even furthered her system by Marshall Plan aid. Russia’s gamble on a quick boom and bust in America has failed. The result — stalemate. The situation in Europe approaches a balance of power. Idle line between East and West runs clearly through Europe. Russia has been able to take over Czechoslovakia, but the non-Communist forces have won out in France and Italy. Only in Austria and Germany are there potential trouble spots, but these are subject to frontier revision. Again . . . stalemate. A similar situation exists in Asia. Russia has on her side Soviet Asia, northern Korea, and now China. But, unless we are criminally negligent, we have on our side southern Korea, Japan, the Philippines and southern Asia, including India and Turkey. It is apparent that the United States is not morally prepared to drop atomic bombs on Russia or she woidd have done so already. Within a few years, it is true, Russia will also have the Bomb, and there is a possibility that the Kremlin, lacking such scruples, will use it. This is possible, yes, but is it probable? In World War I the Germans experimented with poison gas, but by World .War II chemical warfare weapons were so highly developed that neither side ventured to use them. In the case of the Bomb, our use of it on japan may be comparable to the Germans’ experimentation with poison gas; and the Bomb is likely to join that little group of weapons so horrible, so uncontrollable, so unpredictable, that nobody will be ready to use them. So, we would appear to have a stalemate in weapons also. The myth of the unplanned incident has long since been exploded. There are, of course, trouble spots all over the world: Palestine, Berlin, Greece, southeast Asia, and more. These, although some are violent and vexing, have remained isolated, and their threat to world peace has been contained. Thus, there is no reason to believe these trouble spots will lead to an outbreak of worldwide total war. This is not a healthy peace, but it is far better than war — because, as long as the Cold Peace lasts, there is always the chance to build a warm peace. It is still perfectly possible to build a stronger edifice of world peace by continuing our vigilance and pressure. We must continue to reject the isolationist’s Utopia and step forward with the plan for a new, better One World. If a world government cannot include the whole world, then it can at least, under American initiative, be sovereign over so vast a part of the world the U. S. S. R. will not dare to chal¬ lenge it. At this point the Cold Peace will become warm, and w r e can then have more right to hope than at any previous time within the recollection of living men that there will be no war at all. JUSTINF. FITZGF.RAI.I) If)

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eighteen year old. Weigh their opinions about the different issues which arise. Let their experience guide us, but here again we must use our own common sense and weed out the good from the bad. In summary, as we look into the future of our own lives and that of our coun¬ try, may we, who are the products of the greatest example of a democracy in the world, our public school system, realize the great privileges and rights which are our own because we live in a democracy. May we resolve to do our full share in solving the great problems that will confront us in the future, by intelligently and sincerely carrying out the duties that the enjoyment of the great privileges of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness place upon us. Mary C. Finn Our Inheritance O N a June evening thirty years ago, young men and women, the leaders of today, stood on this platform pondering over events, past and future. They were looking back over their childhood with longing eyes. Simultan¬ eously they were looking forward with anticipating minds to the veiled future. The greatest war of all times had just ended. Yet, already there was ample dis¬ agreement over international politics; there was considerable domestic grief; and war, that godless word which implies an infinite amount of injury, pain and death was already clouding the future. Their predecessors had left them an inheritance of debt and war. Are we, who are to receive diplomas this evening, going to bequeath to our descendants a war much more destructive than ever before thought humanly possible? For many people are striving to fix the guilt for our present chaos on something outside themselves, either poverty, power, or environment, anything but their own deficiencies. They would, however, find the solution to present problems if they would only heed the example of those few good citizens to whose devotion we now owe what bright gleams of hope are discernible in glowering clouds over the world today. These worthy citizens followed faithfully the ensu¬ ing three pursuits. The first is that they kept abreast of the current times. They read impartial reports on international and domestic affairs. If the matter under consideration was debatable, they read reliable accounts on all sides and decided for themselves as to what was right and wrong. They weren’t bullied into opinions by un¬ authorized or traitorous observers. The second is that they voted in all elections. Some of us seem to think that only the Presidential election is significant. Other elections concern only sena¬ tors, representatives, selectmen and the like. It only means the difference between a smooth and a rutty road, a beautiful school and an antiquated building, high taxes and low taxes, graft and utopia. Yet to some of us these things are of minor importance. We complain about the high cost of living and unemployment, and seem to get a million dollars’ worth of enjoyment from doing it. We would rather lament over state taxes than look up the platform of the man for whom we are about to cast a vote. We don’t know whether he advocates state taxes, uni¬ versal military training, isolationism or the removal of unions. We just haven’t the time to give to such matters. 1 he third is that after electing a man to office, these truly democratic men and women of whom I am speaking, continue to show their interest towards their nominee. They do not give this representative a totally free rein. If there is a bill up for consideration to send oil to Russia or tea to China just for the profit of a few influential men, they instantly take their pens and write their represen ta- 18