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Page 17 text:
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lzme, 1937 f f f f f NEWTOWN taken sotne steps in this direction. liy neutralizing the Great Lakes and eliminating fortifications on our boundary, we have maintained complete harmony and understanding with Canada for over one hundred years. We have settled many disputes with England by diplomacy and arbitration. More recently, we have negotiated reciprocal trade and monetary agreements with other powers that should serve to lessen economic friction, and President Roosevelt's Good Neighbor Policyn has greatly improved our relations with the nations of thc Caribbean. All the ideals of past accomplishments have been embodied in the peace proposals ol' Secretary of State Cordell Hull at the recent conference in Buenos Aires. Should the United States ratify the agreements brought up at this conference, she will launch a delinite program of international co-operation. She will prove her acceptance of arbitra- tion and her denunciation of war as a means of settling international disputes. She will show herself ready to elitninate economic peace barriers by means of more reciprocal trade agreements. She will give evidence that she realizes that the hope of peace is not nationalism but internationalism. There remains one more problem. The people must learn to answer this question: VVhy peace? Common sense alone can teach them. Year after year, billions of dollars are spent for armaments. National treasuries are drained to supply bigger ships, faster planes, and more eifective destroyers. This money is inevitably wasted because the weapons are either soon outmoded or destroyed by war. Think how much more intelligent it would be to direct these staggering sums into more constructive channels. Great progress could be made in the Held of education. Science and medicine could reach new heights. Erlicient, fully equipped hospitals, with highly Eleven
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Page 16 text:
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NEWTOWN f f f f f func, 1937 Another cause for the failure of our neutrality policy has been the susceptibility of the American people to propaganda. We are by instinct a liberty-loving people, and we become incensed at any threat to our freedom. In the past, we have been drawn into wars in the belief that we were defending our fundamental rights. America today is confronted with two choices in her fight to maintain peace, isola- tion from wars, or co-operation with other nations in preventing them. Our overnment recentl ado ted a new and stricter neutralit volic . This olic g Y P Y I Y P Y if rigidly enforced will amount to virtual isolation in time of war. Its most glaring weak- ness is its 'KCash and Carry clause, permitting warring nations to trade with the United Phe States if they pay cash and do their own shipping. This would give strong naval powers like England, France and Iapan a distinct advantage. Another criticism of this new policy is that it applies equally to the invaded nation and to the aggressor. But, the most obvious Weakness of such a peace policy is that it makes no contribution to the preven- tion of war. Indeed, the unfriendly tone and the broad discretionary powers given to the President increases the possibility of our being involved in future wars. How much better it would be fore America to drop this cloak of self-protection, and initiate a definite and constructive program for preventing war. In the past, we have Ten
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Page 18 text:
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NEWTOWN 1 1 1 1 1 lunc, 1937 trained corps of doctors and nurses would greatly strengthen the conquest of pestilence and disease. Money could be used for highways, bridges, and railways. Communication could reach a new peak of perfection. More time could be given to the arts and recrea- tion. The world would be a happier place to live in and living in it would make us happy. To all this, you might answer, This is a vague Utopian dream. I reply, No. This is life without war. This is peace on earth. Samuel Hodgdon ll 'idz lVarl1l' Ph nlox Twelve
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