Ipswich High School - Tiger Yearbook (Ipswich, MA)

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TIGER ‘43 it, “the problem is not to retain for some nations repressed dependencies, but to obtain for all nations the free access to the world’s resources.’’ International cooperation pre- supposes a concert of nations similar to the old League of Nations. All causes of disputes between nations cannot be eliminated. But a dispute can be prevented from developing in- to a war if a society of nations pro- vided with an adequate police organ- ization can enforce peaceful settle- ment. A new league would be pro- vided with better opportunities for peaceful change than its predecessor and would naturally be represented by the United States and eventually by the Axis powers after they have rec eived a just retribution. France, so long a world troublemaker, has, since Napoleon’s downfall and the penal- ties then imposed, lived a decent in- ternational life. Why not Germany after Hitler’s Waterloo and after the cause of discontent, the unstable pol- itical and economic conditions, have been removed. It hardly seems that even the Germans are so impractical that, having been given a degree of security, they would start another revolt merely to satisfy their militar- istic desires. A peaceful solution of the pol- itical delemma then can be accom- plished by changes in international relations. Along with equalization of political opportunities among nations there would naturally follow equal- ization of economic opportunities, and this would mean the breaking down of tariff barriers and the se- curing of free access to markets and to raw materials for all nations. Such are the political and econ- omic changes that will probably be effected among nations if peacemakers desire to secure a just and a fair peace. Within our own country there too will be certain changes toward an equalization of economic and social conditions — “toward the breaking down of class strife and the spread of well-being and security for the individual.’’ Although to some this may sound too idealistic, it is entirely possible if we wish to meet the challenge squarely. For, as “Time’’ phrased it, “in a sprawling and devastated world, America is a treasury of hope.’’ To face a post- war world the United States has enough factories, enough foodstuffs, enough ships, enough airplanes, enough materials and synthetics, and enough projects. But with all these great resouces we shall undoubtedly be faced with mass unemployment in the recon- struction era. While plants are being converted to a peace-time basis, while shortage of civilian goods are bein replaced, and while the ruined cities of Europe are being rebuilt, every- body might be kept busy. What then? With the flood of demobilized sol- 19

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TIGER ‘43 security and economic and social jus- tice, even though by trial and error. The difference between the two choices would mean the difference be- tween losing and winning the peace- between putting Humpty Dumpty back on his wall and resuming the turmoil of 1939, or profiting by the mistakes of Versailles. The pattern we take after the war depends upon the attention we give the problem now. Change based on the utilization of past experiences is the keynote of the second alternative. The Greeks said that war is the father of change — and change can be for good or evil or a combination of both. If we have the courage and intelligence not to fear wise changes, we can make this v ar give us a better America and a better world. Change in the political sphere would be directed toward greater in- ternational cooperation. Even in a highly interdependent world, it might be possible by sufficiently dras- tic planning to maintain a state of isolationism: but the outcome is im- probable. “Isolation and neutrality have been tested and found wanting. “ Says Russell Davenport: “Cain never received an answer to his outraged question, ‘Am I my brother’s keep- er?’ But the answer is: ‘You are.’’’ An international trend is preferable: it is not, as the ever-active isolationist would have us believe, mere idealis- tic raving. International cooperation would involve closer union and more sym- pathetic understanding between the United Nations, especially in the case of Russia and China: the prevention of a psychology of revenge: and the rehabilitation of the agriculture, economy, and health of Europe. Costly? Yes, but less costly than an- other huge war — the inevitable re- sult of social and economic unrest. Federation of weak nations is another phase of international co- operation. Realizing that small coun- tries offer temptations to aggressors, the exiled governments of Poland and Czechoslovakia have already made a pact of union. Federal union in Europe would be desirable from the British viewpoint because it will facilitate traveling conditions on the continent. Federation can be successfully undertaken to a certain extent: but nationalism which has been given an added impetus by the war unfort- unately cannot now be abolished. But to offset European nationalism and imperialism, national indepen- dence would be gradually extended to Asia. Backward nations, now rapidly becoming modernized, will not much longer suffer domination by some distant power. This necessarily im- plies the end of imperialism — a wel- come change. As one writer expressed 18

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TIGER ‘43 diers and of released war workers, we shall be faced with the cheerful pro- spect of wholesale unemployment. In this predicament there are two courses: we can put the unemployed on the bread line or at digging ditches, we can hunt around and find odds and ends of jobs as the W.P.A. did, and allow people once again to lean on their shovels and feel frustra- ted and foolish — or we can maintain full production to raise the standard of living of that one-third of our nation which is poorly housed, poor- ly clothed, and poorly fed. “In such public projects,” declares the famed economist Stuart Chase, “room c an be found for all the man power we have available.” Full production, full employ- ment, and a higher standard of living are the peace cry of the nation, and they are attainable together. This is the economic cycle: if we have full employment, we shall have money to purchase goods: if we purchase goods, we shall keep the factories go- ing: if we keep the factories going we shall have full employment and , sim- ultaneously a higher standard of liv- ing — and around and around it goes. It is as simple as that. If the cycle is once started, it will continue to func- tion until one phase of it is impeded. Then the -whole system will break down and put us behind the eight ball — in other words precipitate us into bankruptcy and depression. To attain a higher standard of living would mean somewhat to equalize wealth. Here some people shake their heads dubiously, mutter- ing the dark words “communism. But others envision a “mixed economy” where the government takes the re- sponsibility for full employment, but where businesses, big and little, will share the field. From such an econ- omy, competition for positions on the social step ladder is by no means removed. Stuart Chase puts it this way “Competition would simply be moved to the ground floor. The pen- alty of bad luck, of inadequate educa- tion, of an act of God, of an I. Q. be- low 100, is no longer a breadline, a flophouse or a leap from Brooklyn Bridge. A line is cemeted below which no American need ever go. Competition begins at this base. Citi- zens can still battle for positions in upper stories, namely preferred calls on the output of luxuries. But when losers come tumbling downstairs, they no longer fall into the cellar. They pick themselves up, wipe off the blood, and start over again on the ground floor.” So much for over-all economic changes: but just ' what are some of these projects that will raise the standard of living? Science offers wool from silk and silk from coal: plywoods: plas- tics: rustless steels: bendable glass two-way private radios: furniture 20