Ipswich High School - Tiger Yearbook (Ipswich, MA)

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dents of his race with a feeling of national pride and rights — ideals for democracy which were born in the tyranny and injustice he saw around him, and which grew as a result of wide reading and discus- sions. Along with his interest in the v elfare of his own and other na- tionalities, Masaryk always dis- played a keen sense of justice and fair dealings. Upon the occasion of the court decision against a Jewish man named Hilsner on a charge of murder, Masaryk was stirred to defend him and later caused the charge to be revoked. In innumerable instances, this lit- tle-known professor stood out for his beliefs. His stand on certain policies aroused temporary unpop- ularity with many. Fellow-coun- trymen even named their dogs “Mas- •aryk” in spite. While a professor at Prague Uni- versity, he started his political ca- reer by publishing a weekly politi- cal newspaper in 1887. As a suc- cessful candidate of the Young Czech party in 1891, he became a member of Parliament in Vienna, an office which he resigned two years later to conduct a moral ed- ucation program for the Czechs. In 1900, Masaryk’s followers formed a new Realist party and elected him to Parliament again. This time he openly disagreed with certain aggressive policies of the Empire, and he succeeded in bring- ing to light treacheries and forger- ies committed for selfish ends by Aehrenthal, the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the mighty Austria-Hun- garian Empire. Imagine what a storm that caused in official circles I With his love for his people and a keen sense of justice, Thomas Masaryk preached freedom. When Francis Ferdinand was assassinat- ed and the World War started, Czech troops were forced to enter the Austrian army, but Czechs from various other parts of the world eagerly enlisted in the Allied forces. For four months Masaryk weighed in his mind the chances of a victory for the Allies, which alone would warrant his undertak- ing to secure independence for his people. He finally decided openly to oppose the Hapsburgs and ac- tively began his campaign. Talking with a young journalist, Eduard Benes, one day, Masaryk, himself an idealist, found in this materialist a suitable leader for the “Maffia,” an organization to function in Prague to receive and send communications to him out- side of the war territory. Having escaped from Austria through Italy, he began soliciting approval and funds for the cause of inde- pendence among Czechs all over the world by pamphlets and exten- sive tours. Messages were con- veyed by him to Prague by means 27

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area, Hungary seized Carpatho- Ukraine, and Germany first split up the small nation, then gained complete control of the remaining districts, Bohemia, Moravia, and Slovakia. As a result of the shake- up at Munich, Czechoslovakia had no barriers to defend when a sec- ond crisis came. She seemed left in the lurch by other democratic nations, which had promised aid. She became a prey to Naziism, and now with her people and her gov- ernment in a state of terror, the beliefs and strivings of Masaryk seem to have been of no avail. We may ask what the ideals of Masaryk were. He was, without question, a towering pillar of de- mocracy — not in stature, not in appearance, but in sincerity and in singleness of purpose to strive for the protection of the rights of the Czech people. Throughout his life, the degradation of his Czech race and other downtrodden na- tionalities was imprinted in his mind. He had been taught while very young how his Czech race and the Slovac peoples had been inde- pendent for many years after the start of the twelfth century, and how, in the sixteenth century, Aus- tria-Hungary had first dominated them and, as the result of a reli- gious revolt, later completely sub- jected them. The tyranny of the lordly House of Hapsburg was plain to him in his earliest days. His own father was a bonded team- ster who was forced to move fre- quently from village to village on an imperial Estate near Chayko- vitz. The overbearing mien of the titled landowners irked him as much as it troubled his parents. Masaryk showed his eagerness to learn by memorizing a Latin dic- tionary from cover to cover in sev- eral weeks. He attempted always to understand other people’s points of view. When he had made up his mind on a subject, he was not afraid to state his opinions. He caused a great wave of indigna- tion in a village school v hen he expressed his belief that the earth revolved around the sun. He was rebellious at some of the restric- tions imposed upon students in the “gymnasium” or high school at Brunn. Through acquaintance with boys at the “gymnasium,” Masaryk felt a growing symnathv with the Slavic, Polish, Jevfish, and Russian races as he saw them among his comrades. While attending a Universitv in Vienna, he thought seriouslv o ' f’ en- tering the diplomatic service, but ’hen he found that occupation re- served for wealthy boys, he be- came deeply interested in philoso- phy. At this time he joined the Czech Academic Society in Vienna, of which, after two years of mem- bership, he became the President. He stimulated workers and stu- 26

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of code messages knitted into socks. An example of the hopeful spirit of the Czechs at this time was the placard near a huge ceme- tery in Prague, saying “Rise, ye dead, the Emperor is calling his last reserves.” Soon a National Council w as established in Paris with Masaryk as President and Eduard Benes as Secretary. The preparation and campaign- ing had not been in vain ! Before the completion of the War, Czecho- slovakia was recognized as a na- tion by the Allies, a nation with an army and a diplomatic force. Soon after this, revolts and desertions by starving Austrians enabled the Czech people to take over the reins of their own government from the Hapsburgs. The Czechoslovakian Declaration of Independence was signed by Masaryk sitting in John Hancock’s chair in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. Two weeks after the formation of the new na- tion on October 28, 1918, the Na- tional Assembly was called togeth- er, and it w as Thomas G. Masaryk who was honored with the first Presidency of Czechoslovakia, a po- sition which he held until ill health forced him to resign in 1935. The responsibility of establish- ing soundly a country of people who had been under bondage for three hundred years was no easy task. He had to unify Slovaks, Ruthenians, Czechs, Jews, Poles, Germans, Gypsies, and Hungari- ans. Czechoslovakia was thorough- ly democratic in its tolerance — for there is no question but that the minorities in Czechoslovakia were better treated than anywhere else in the world — its wholesome- ness, its national pride, its progress, its government, and its peace-lov- ing motives. The character of Masaryk shines through these ten- dencies — the faith of Masaryk, a man keenly interested in philoso- phy, religious, determined, tolerant, and practical. Must we say that, because Mas- aryk is dead and Czechoslovakia is dissolved, his ideals and hopes for his country have perished ? I do not think so. These were tlie words of a Czech patriot, Comen- ius, in 1640 : “I, too, believe before God, that when the storms of wrath have passed, to thee shall return the rule over thine own affairs, O Czech people!” Benes, the second president, is confident that at some time he may return to lead his people. With- out a doubt the hope for the Czech people lies in their own hands. As they have maintained their love of freedom and justice through centuries of bondage, so they may continue and strive to perpetuate the ideals of their great leader, Masaryk, in a democracy, which can best follow his ideals of 28