Ipswich High School - Tiger Yearbook (Ipswich, MA)

 - Class of 1929

Page 13 of 88

 

Ipswich High School - Tiger Yearbook (Ipswich, MA) online collection, 1929 Edition, Page 13 of 88
Page 13 of 88



Ipswich High School - Tiger Yearbook (Ipswich, MA) online collection, 1929 Edition, Page 12
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become citizens of the United States under our naturalization laws. This excluded the Japanese coolies who were coming into California in large numbers, working for very little pay and consequently putting many Americans out of work. This law was passed to protect our prosper- ity and welfare and to prohibit from coming into our country those people who would lower our stand- ards of living. Another topic on the lips of American politicians and statesmen today is that regarding our island possessions. The United States has shown no desire to put its posses- sions under absolute control of its government, and the natives living in the possessions are contented with practically entire self-rule. Al- though a governor is sent into each possession from the United States, the legislative branches are chosen by the natives themselves. All laws passed by legislatures in the posses- sions must be approved by the Con- gress and president of the United States. On the other hand Ameri- ca has done much to improve edu- cation and sanitation in the Philip- pines, Hawaii, and Porto Rico. At one time the Filipinos expressed a desire for complete independence and Congress voted that it be given them at the time when we were con- vinced that they would be able to govern themselves. When the Por- to Ricans saw that they had little hope of securing independence, they petitioned the United States Gov- ernment to give them the right to become American citizens. This privilege was granted to all natives of that island. Our relations with our possessions stand in this condi- tion at the present time. Like a band of hungry wolves searching for helpless prey, the na- tions of the world today are seek- ing plans by which they will be able to secure the future peace and prosperity of their people. This condition has been brought about as a result of the Great War; the more statesmen think of the events that led up to and took place dur- ing the war, the more they are con- vinced that there should be peace in the future. Much has been done to make future wars impossible. Be- sides the work of the League of Na- tions, international peace confer- ences take place at intervals at the Hague. The work accomplished by these conferences is much the same as that done by the League of Na- tions and the World Court. Another step which was taken to lessen the possiblities of war was the attempt at the limitation of arm- aments on land and water. A na- val conference was held in Wash- ington in 1921 - 1922 which put England, America, and Japan on the 5:5:3 ratio. The next naval conference aiming at disarmament was held recently at Geneva. This conference was a failure because the great naval powers could not come to terms. What are the results of these na- val conferences? The Congress of the United States and the English Parliament have both included in their budgets for the coming year a great sum of money for the build- ing of war ships. These confer- ences have done nothing to insure disarmament and it is the strong be- lief of noted statesmen today that disarmament can come only from the voluntary action of each na- tion ; — the desire to limit arma- ments on a purely mathematical ba- sis has failed. Thus we see the fo reign affairs of our country pass before our eyes. In the earlier part of the nineteenth century, America, as a young nation paid as little attention as possible to foreign relations. Having estab- lished herself as a nation in the lat- ter part of that century America, through the Monroe Doctrine, took upon herself the protection of Lat- in-American republics and continues to do so today. At the present 11

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of November in 1918. Shortly af- terwards many of the belligerent nations signed a treaty of peace. President Wilson drew up the four- teen points in this treaty stating the conditions under which the Ger- mans should surrender. Germany promised to carry out these four- teen points but when the treaty was brought back to America for the ap- proval of the senate, it was not passed and was declared void. At a later date Germany signed a sep- arate treaty of peace with the Unit- ed States which was approved by the Senate of America. The war brought forth many in- tricate problems and affairs. One of these is the problem of the settle- ment of war debts and reparations. The United States, one of the rich- est of countries at the time of the beginning of the war, loaned great sums of money to the nations tak- ing part in the war. At the end of the struggle many of the nations in- debted to the United States were in very poor condition to repay be- cause many of their homes and lands had been devastated. For a period of about ten years after the war some countries developed them- selves to the extent that they paid their debts to the United States while others have made efforts to do the same. France alone however is dis- contented and hesitates to pay her debts to America. She is trying to convince us that what we did for her during the war was nothing but our duty as an ally. For this rea- son she is withholding her pay- ments. Germany is bound by her signing of the Treaty of Versailles to satis- fy the allied powers in regard to reparations. In 1924 Charles Dawes, representing the United States, drew up a plan by which Germany was to pay the allied pow- ers a certain amount yearly for rep- arations. Germany and the allies agreed at first to this plan. The Dawes Plan, however, did not set a date on which these payments were to be stopped and for this rea- son a body of experts, representing nations who have an interest in this affair, are holding meetings at the present time in Paris. Germany wants to know how much she is to pay and how long a period she has in which to pay this amount. While the Dawes Plan is indefinite in re- gard to these points, the present conference in Paris is aimed to fix them definitely. Article 1 of the Versailles Treaty provided that a League of Nations be formed as an international union to guarantee justice to all peoples and make future wars impossible. This league was formed and most of the nations of the world are now represented in it. America is one country which is not a member. There are many good reasons for and against the United States join- ing the League and whether or not we shall join remains to be seen. Since we are not members of the League it is impossible for us to be represented, as a nation, in the World Court because this court is a product of the League itself. Another important and interest- ing subject of today is the one of immigration. The prosperity of America has from a very early date attracted many immigrants. These came from all parts of the world and in such numbers that it was nec- essary to make laws prohibiting so many people of foreign countries to come into the United States. One of these laws was passed in 1924; it provided that 2 percent of the people of another country already here in 1890 might come into the United States. It also provided that after June 30, 1927 the total num- ber of immigrants coming into the United States in any fiscal year would be 150,000 based upon foreign born totals in the Unit- ed States in 1920. It prohibited immigration into this country to those people who could not 10



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time we are arpfuinp: whether or not we should mingle with the affairs of European countries. The problems before us are the settlement of war- debts and reparations, whether or not we should enter the Lea ue and the World Court, immigration, and the liberation of our possessions. That is our past and present but what does the future hold in store for us in foreign relations? No one definitely knows what the United States will do in the future. How- ever, one fact seems certain : she will do her utmost to establish world peace. Her policies in the past seem to indicate this. Amer- ica has become one of the leading powers of the world and it is her duty as such to do as much as she can to promote international peace. Whatever the foreis-n events that we enter into in the future, let us. as a nation, initiate a foreign policv bv which the world can secure and be certain of universal prosoeritv and well-being but above all let ns hfive international peace and good- will. AMERICAN PATRIOTIC POETRY Barbara Damon A learned man once said, “The peace of a nation is determined by its wars.’ ' That the United States has advanced steadily and consis- tently to the position of the great- est world power is due then, in a certain degree, to its wars. Every war in which the United States has fought or taken part has ended in her favor. She has contest with na- tions stronger than herself and more fully equipped. Why, then, should we always be the victor? The peo- ple of a country determine that country’s value, and it is the reso- lute, indomitable spirit of American patriots that has enabled us to win the respect of the world. But back of this patriotism is some force, vi- tally stronger than that of the mul- titude, which is ever pushing and urging the people to intenser feel- ing. This force is found in the great poets whom America has pro- duced. Because a poet’s feelings are more subtle, imaginative, and crea- tive than those of the majority, he is able to influence and sway pop- ular spirit. Yet the poet must have a strong, deep feeling that gives him his power over others. Patri- otism is as personal a feeling as love itself, and although we think of a poet as a rather imaginative and ro- mantic being, of little material val- ue, according to Mr. Leonard, a modern essayist, “the song that nerves a nation’s heart is in itself a deed.” One of the first of America’s great poets who influenced the fate of the nation is John Greenleaf Whittier. He was an ardent aboli- tionist and expressed his feelings in such vivid poetry that he drew many people to the cause. Hitherto his poems with their conventional smoothness had attracted attention by the gentle spirit that pervaded them; when he began to write in behalf of the cause of abolition, his loud cry, violent and tempestuous, broke upon the ear with a harsh- ness and yet an insistent fen or which compelled men to listen. Such intense feeling could not fail to draw others to his cause with very appreciable results. In Whittiers’ famous poem, “Bar- bara Frietchie, his patriotic spirit predominates. We all know the ringing lines: “Shoot if you must this old gray head. But spare your country’s flag, she said.” Another poet imbued with this same patriotic spirit came into prominence during the Mexican War. This was James Russell Low- ell, also a decided anti-slavery ad- vocate. His work called the “Big- low Papers” not only strengthened 12

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