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Page 12 text:
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of November in 1918. Shortly af- terwards many of the belligerent nations signed a treaty of peace. President Wilson drew up the four- teen points in this treaty stating the conditions under which the Ger- mans should surrender. Germany promised to carry out these four- teen points but when the treaty was brought back to America for the ap- proval of the senate, it was not passed and was declared void. At a later date Germany signed a sep- arate treaty of peace with the Unit- ed States which was approved by the Senate of America. The war brought forth many in- tricate problems and affairs. One of these is the problem of the settle- ment of war debts and reparations. The United States, one of the rich- est of countries at the time of the beginning of the war, loaned great sums of money to the nations tak- ing part in the war. At the end of the struggle many of the nations in- debted to the United States were in very poor condition to repay be- cause many of their homes and lands had been devastated. For a period of about ten years after the war some countries developed them- selves to the extent that they paid their debts to the United States while others have made efforts to do the same. France alone however is dis- contented and hesitates to pay her debts to America. She is trying to convince us that what we did for her during the war was nothing but our duty as an ally. For this rea- son she is withholding her pay- ments. Germany is bound by her signing of the Treaty of Versailles to satis- fy the allied powers in regard to reparations. In 1924 Charles Dawes, representing the United States, drew up a plan by which Germany was to pay the allied pow- ers a certain amount yearly for rep- arations. Germany and the allies agreed at first to this plan. The Dawes Plan, however, did not set a date on which these payments were to be stopped and for this rea- son a body of experts, representing nations who have an interest in this affair, are holding meetings at the present time in Paris. Germany wants to know how much she is to pay and how long a period she has in which to pay this amount. While the Dawes Plan is indefinite in re- gard to these points, the present conference in Paris is aimed to fix them definitely. Article 1 of the Versailles Treaty provided that a League of Nations be formed as an international union to guarantee justice to all peoples and make future wars impossible. This league was formed and most of the nations of the world are now represented in it. America is one country which is not a member. There are many good reasons for and against the United States join- ing the League and whether or not we shall join remains to be seen. Since we are not members of the League it is impossible for us to be represented, as a nation, in the World Court because this court is a product of the League itself. Another important and interest- ing subject of today is the one of immigration. The prosperity of America has from a very early date attracted many immigrants. These came from all parts of the world and in such numbers that it was nec- essary to make laws prohibiting so many people of foreign countries to come into the United States. One of these laws was passed in 1924; it provided that 2 percent of the people of another country already here in 1890 might come into the United States. It also provided that after June 30, 1927 the total num- ber of immigrants coming into the United States in any fiscal year would be 150,000 based upon foreign born totals in the Unit- ed States in 1920. It prohibited immigration into this country to those people who could not 10
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Page 11 text:
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eign policy” and since the day that it was issued its content has been stretched far beyond its original declaration of protecting the terri- tories and governments of Central and South American republics. It has been even used to the extent of settling boundary disputes and financial problems between the na- tions of Europe and the smaller re- publics of South America. Our next foreign interest of im- portance was the Mexican War which was a result of the fact that Mexico refused to recognize our an- nexation of Texas. A treaty was drawn up with England which pro- vided that the United States and Great Britian should jointly guar- antee the neutrality of any canal built across the isthmus of Central America. During the latter part of the nineteenth century Pan-Ameri- canism, the affiliation of countries of North and South America, was a strong point of discussion. This discussion resulted in a Congress of nineteen Latin-American republics at Washington in 1889. At this congress subjects of mutual inter- est were discussed and a Bureau of American Republics was formed in Washington to keep us informed of the fortunes and doings of our neighbors in Central and South America. In 1898 Hawaii became a part of the United States by an- nexation and the century was closed by our participation in the Spanish- American War. And so, in spite of Washington’s and Monroe’s efforts to keep their country out of foreign questions, we find that the nineteenth century was filled with interests concerning the United States and other countries. By the year 1900, Americans came to realize that they no longer had the choice whether or not they should be a leading factor in the great events of the world. The for- eign events in which America took part up to 1900 proved this conclu- sively. Although the nineteenth century was an age of much importance to the United States in foreign affairs, the period from 1900 to 1929 is of more importance to us because of the questions confronting us today which must be settled by the pres- ent generation. In 1900 an association of men in China called “Boxers,” resenting the growth of foreign influence in their country, gained control of the ter- ritory around Peking and began a reign of terror. America, who had military troops stationed in the Philippines, was able to furnish 5000 men to help put down this re- bellion and rescue the foreign le- gations which were besieged in Pe- king. Our secretary of state, then John Hay, took the initiative in dealing with the question of the punishment of the Chinese and of the adjustment of the outrage. By taking this attitude in the treatment of China, America gained the sym- pathy and confidence of the world. From then on she was considered by all other countries as a nation to be reckoned with in all events con- cerning the world in general. Ever since the days that America was founded as an independent na- tion, the outstanding cries of her people that rang in the ears of all other people, were “liberty, justice, and peace.” On April 6, 1917 the United States declared war on Ger- many. She was forced to this ac- tion because, as Wilson said, “the world must be made safe for dem- ocracy.” Before this date German submarines had sunk many neutral ships, among which were a great number of American vessels. To insure our liberty and to stop this great plunder of American lives and property on the sea we entered this “great war of the nations.” No one can say we were wrong in so doing. Seeing that she was unable to hold back the allied forces any longer, Germany was forced to de- clare an armistice on the eleventh 9
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Page 13 text:
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become citizens of the United States under our naturalization laws. This excluded the Japanese coolies who were coming into California in large numbers, working for very little pay and consequently putting many Americans out of work. This law was passed to protect our prosper- ity and welfare and to prohibit from coming into our country those people who would lower our stand- ards of living. Another topic on the lips of American politicians and statesmen today is that regarding our island possessions. The United States has shown no desire to put its posses- sions under absolute control of its government, and the natives living in the possessions are contented with practically entire self-rule. Al- though a governor is sent into each possession from the United States, the legislative branches are chosen by the natives themselves. All laws passed by legislatures in the posses- sions must be approved by the Con- gress and president of the United States. On the other hand Ameri- ca has done much to improve edu- cation and sanitation in the Philip- pines, Hawaii, and Porto Rico. At one time the Filipinos expressed a desire for complete independence and Congress voted that it be given them at the time when we were con- vinced that they would be able to govern themselves. When the Por- to Ricans saw that they had little hope of securing independence, they petitioned the United States Gov- ernment to give them the right to become American citizens. This privilege was granted to all natives of that island. Our relations with our possessions stand in this condi- tion at the present time. Like a band of hungry wolves searching for helpless prey, the na- tions of the world today are seek- ing plans by which they will be able to secure the future peace and prosperity of their people. This condition has been brought about as a result of the Great War; the more statesmen think of the events that led up to and took place dur- ing the war, the more they are con- vinced that there should be peace in the future. Much has been done to make future wars impossible. Be- sides the work of the League of Na- tions, international peace confer- ences take place at intervals at the Hague. The work accomplished by these conferences is much the same as that done by the League of Na- tions and the World Court. Another step which was taken to lessen the possiblities of war was the attempt at the limitation of arm- aments on land and water. A na- val conference was held in Wash- ington in 1921 - 1922 which put England, America, and Japan on the 5:5:3 ratio. The next naval conference aiming at disarmament was held recently at Geneva. This conference was a failure because the great naval powers could not come to terms. What are the results of these na- val conferences? The Congress of the United States and the English Parliament have both included in their budgets for the coming year a great sum of money for the build- ing of war ships. These confer- ences have done nothing to insure disarmament and it is the strong be- lief of noted statesmen today that disarmament can come only from the voluntary action of each na- tion ; — the desire to limit arma- ments on a purely mathematical ba- sis has failed. Thus we see the fo reign affairs of our country pass before our eyes. In the earlier part of the nineteenth century, America, as a young nation paid as little attention as possible to foreign relations. Having estab- lished herself as a nation in the lat- ter part of that century America, through the Monroe Doctrine, took upon herself the protection of Lat- in-American republics and continues to do so today. At the present 11
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