Duxbury High School - Partridge Yearbook (Duxbury, MA)

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good relations with the ruling party, keep in touch with all opposition ,garties so that he wins no matter which party gets conrol of the government. hen a politician gets into office, he must make sure that his relatives get jobs through his new influence, because hostile relatives are no asset in Latin American politics. Another hindrance to better relations is the lack of communications. It is true that there are three rivers in South America that make magnifi- cent highways. But no one lives near two of them, the Amazon and the Orinoco. The other river, the Parana, running betw-een the Argentine Republic and Uruguay, is used principally by those two countries. The only other means of transportation are the raixroads and the airlines. Ex- cept for one or two lines, the Andes mountains quite effectively bar east-to- west travel with its 20,000 foot peaks. Probably, in a few years, when larger planes are developed, the airways will become the principal mode of travel. One of the main reasons for Latin America's distrusting us is the fear of Yankee imperialism. During the first part of this century, several dictators, actively hostile to us, gained contro-. of several of the republics, urging violence against American property. After some damage the American marines were sent down to protect American property. Immedi- ately the cry went up against the Yankee imp-erialistsf' Many of Latin lAmerica's most prominent figures screeched that the United Statis would soon take over South America. Until recently, any politician could rous 1 enthusiasm by urging measures against the Yankee imp-eiia isls. ' These people have good reason to protest against our imperialism. The Americans, along with the British have managed to wrigg.e into the economic system of these countries so that they own over one quarter of these nations' wealth. Foreign investments in Latin Am-erica total up to some twelve billion dollars. This is a tremendocs figure when we realize that the whole national income of all these countries is only twenty bil.ion dollars a year. The prospects for democracy in Latin America in the near future are quite gloomy. Only six of the twenty repubtics have anything that remotely approaches our type of government. In the first place, democracy is im- possible in Latin America until the people have been taught how to use democracy properly. The republics do not have the same aversion to gov- ernments and systems like those of Germany and Italy as we do. In fact, they rather admire their brutal efficiency. This helps to explain Latin America's hesitancy, until recently, to cooperate with us. Most of the republics have tried our form of undiluted democracy, but all have failed. Their congresses and their armies w-ere all well-figed with men who wanted to be president and none of whom had any qualms of con- scince about disposing of the president in power. As a result, the presi- dents would be either killed off, or retired under careful supervision. There are so many Ecuadorean ex-presidents living in Guayaquil and Quito that one wit suggested that they form a national association, and if they were a little younger, they could easily form two baseball teams. But Latin America's most important stumbling block is her economy. She has and will probably always have an agricultural economy and will have to make the best of it. The reason for this is that the countries are not suited for heavy industry. They have little coal and iron and few skilled workmen. Latin America's agriculture is even weaker in certain respects than her industries. Even in the United States, not very large sums of money pass through a farmer's hands during the course of a year, though he has several l24l

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The mental makeup of these Spaniard was all the same. They were all passionate. They hated organized and constant labor, such as working in the rieldsg they loved the ceremonial, they were fanatically loyal to their churchg they were not steady, but were given to sudden bursts of energy and violence. Above all, they were intensely individualistic. As Spain declined, her empire over here broke up. It could not keep up with changing conditions. The French Revolution had set afire in the hearts of many patriots like Simon Bolivar and Jose San Martin the desire for independence. Accordingly, they organized armies and commenced hos- tilitles against the Spanish armies in 1817. After skillful fighting and many hardships, they finally destroyed the last Spanish forces in 1826. After the war, new leaders, not realizing that the people were not ready for democracy. adopted constitutions similar to ours, which were not suited to these countries' needs. The countries really needed some form of progressive d-ctatorship. No wonder that Venezuela has had fifteen con- stitutions in the last century. As a result, Latin America was ruled by mllitary dictators of the worst sort who manag-ed to seize power because of the clumsy constitutions. These dictators were changed as often as they could be killed off. For example, there have been 52 revolutions in Venezuela dui-.ng the last century. One dictator, Francisco Lopez of Paraguay thought himself to be a second Napoleon. He declared war on the Argentine Repub- lic in 1864 with the intention of conquering South America. Brazil and Uraguay promptly joined against him and all but ruined Paraguay. In the six years of war that followed, Paraguays original population of 1,337,000 decreased to 221,000, which represents a decrease of eighty-three percent. However, freedom for the Latin Americans had its better aspects. Other Europeans became interested, and -explored and charted a considerable por- tion of the countries' natural resources. Immigrants poured in. People dis- covered new occupations. Cattle and sheep raising were now taken up ex- tensively in the Argentine. 'lhe discovery of nitrates in northern Chili changed that part of the country from a desert to a thriving district. During the prosperous decade of the 1920's American business men were looking for places to invest money. They started to invest in South America. Hundreds of millions of dollars were poured down the South American dralnpipe. ln fact, the money was crammed down the South Am-erlcan throats. The 1929 crash came and business collapsed. South American business men could no longer pay interest. They resented our trying to get our interest. It was really the fault of Americans, because we lent more money than could be payed off. Then the high pressure Nazi salesmen came down and persuaded the business men to barter their goods. This would soon have led to complete dependence of South America upon Germany, but the war interrupted that. One of the most important impediments to progress and cooperation between the republics is the intense nationalism and jealousy of each country. For instance, even a customs union between the five Central American republics of Guatemala, Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica would benefit each country. But if any of the presidents sug- gested the idea, he wouldn't last very long. Several unions were attempted in the past. but they were eventually broken up. In the 1921 union, Guate- mala walked out, raising the usual cry: Will the strongest people in Central America submit to be ruled by the bloody Salvadorenos, the savage Hon- durans, and the wily Nicaraguans? This brings up the subject of the political customs. In Latin America, a man is not considered so much by his accomplishments as by the nu-mber of influential friends he has. One of the first things a Latin American politician learns to do is to sit on the fence. He must, besides keeping up l23l

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Tzeens of tr: nsporting his produce to centers of population. But in Latin America there are no roads. Consequently, many farmers do not send their crops out ind therefore they see very little cash during the year. With no lcash tltis means that there are no markets for business to be established becrrs A :Here is no cash to support these industries. Even if there is a railroad within fifty miles, the chances are that the farmer dcesn't know that it ev-en exists. And who is going to cart produce over muddy mires of mountain roads to something of whose existence he is ignorant? The coffee industry has its troubles too. Each year, thousands of tons of Brazilian coffee are burned up because there is so much grown. And it doesn't -:ven burn very well either. The rest of the crop is a glut on the market and ruins the economies of the other coffee-growing countries. South America's low-grade cotton cannot compete with the high-grade cotton grown in the United States. Nor can it compete with the low-grade African cotton because that is grown with still cheaper black labor. These .coffee and cotton plantations have to continue to grow these crops because they neither know how nor have the money to change crops and methods. Consequently, a big majority of Latin Americans do not earn over a hundred dollars a year. And a hundred dollars per capita isn't going to buy many refrigerators. automobiles, or washing machines. Thus I have pointed out some of Latin America's problems and how they were brought cn, in part, by her history and the geography peculiar to the countries. Here is whrft the United States is doing to solve these prob- lems: She is lending crop experts to the various governments who are teaching Latin Americans better crop planning and different techniques: industrial technicians, who are helping them to improve their industrial machine, experts on government organization, on sanitation, on labor rela- tions, and especially experts on public education. Also through the Export- Import Bank, she is lending money to stabilize their currencies which are shaky as a result of the present war. Perhaps when the present war is over and when her economic system has been str-engthened and modernized, Latin America will in the future be able to stand on her own two fe-et and form a united bloc of nations rather than a group of twenty republics all struggling in competition with each other, as they now are. FREDERICK HARRINGTON FX E251