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Page 30 text:
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demonstrations as abetting the enemy in Hanoi. aiding and 2 p.m.: One of the most widely publicized events of the Day was the discussion of the war with two members of the faculty in the LibraryAuditorium. Though the meeting was origin- ally set up to be a conversation among representatives from several departments, it turned out to be a debate between Dr. Michael D. Lawrence, assistant professor of political science, and Col. William Hendrickson of the ROTC depart- ment. Over 200 students gathered in the library auditorium, projection 28 room, and hallway. Soon after the debate started, students outside of the auditorium began chanting: uMove! Move! Move! Move! A proposal was then made to switch the meeting to Meharry Hall or outdoors, but was rejected by the participants as the debate was already underway and was beingtaped. Lawrence, advocating stepped-up withdrawal from Southeast Asia and Hendrickson, representing the military side of the conflict, con- fronted each other with inquiries and opposing views, later answer- ingquestions fromthecrowd. While the debate was taking place, about 50 students staged an un- planned sit-down protest and serenade at the ROTC building. This expression of anti-war senti- ment was entirely peaceful, and did not distract anyone else from his regular business. However. a few of the construction workers across the street, Hsuspended their usual business on the new science building, becoming curious onlookers. One of the Moratorium leaders at DePauw remarked that this incident was indicative of the en- thusiasm a'nd spontaneity displayed by many people, saying. HThe apathetic students of yesterday are the activists of today.
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Page 29 text:
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a table. and quickly assisted him. Without another word, they de- parted. President Kerstetter, on October 9. issued the following statement on the DePauw Moratorium after discussions with faculty members and administrators: t'The Viet Nam conflict certainly is among the most urgent ques- tions before our nation and the world today. It has been discussed frequently on our campus in the past and it should be discussed on our campus now and in the future, for a University is a very appropri- ate site for thorough discussion of all major issues which touch our lives. However, those students who choose to attend classes and those professors who desire to conduct their classes should not be deprived of their opportunities and rights to do so. ttlt is expected, therefore. that University and class schedules will be followed with individual mem- bers of the faculty determining howtheirciass time shall be spent!' Some professors felt that there was ttadequate discussion of the issue at handl' elsewhere. and that time would be ttforfeited in diverg- ing from the regular course lec- ture. Other facutty members held teach-ins during their class hours. Discussions centered around the moral and economic issues, his- torical perspectives, the draft. and the sociological effects of the war on the United States. For many, these Classroom conversations proved to be vital and stimulating. As one student put it; UThe class I went to was more than just an intellectual experiment . . . really a true learning experience. And that's an important part of what the Moratorium is all about. However. professors occasionally complained that most of the indi- viduals attending the teach-ins were against the war, and that not many were on hand to uphold the Nixon administrationls Viet Nam policy. One professor, after waiting at length for one of DePauwls mem- bers of the silent majority to speak out in pro-Nixon terms, final- ly asked the group: Are we all here just to pat each other on the back? Elsewhere, Ball State University had its largest anti-war demonstra- tion in the history of the school, with various teach-ins, lectures, marches, and readings of the Viet Namwardead. At Butler University in indianap- olis. an estimated 2500 students. faculty members. and citizens held what was described as Han extremely effective candlelight march through Holcolm Gardens, wearing black armbands and sing- ing repeatedly verses of Pete See- ger's Classic llWe Shall Overcome. Though most of the Day con- sisted of peaceful demonstrations on Indiana campuses, at least one isolated incident of violence did occur at Indiana University in Bloomington, where militant stu- dents broke windows in the ROTC building, and later fought with po- lice. However, the means of attain- ing peace through violence was a contradiction to the direct aims of the Moratorium, and such instances were few and far between in the October movement. Apathy reigned on some cam- puses during this momentous first day of evaluation and exchange. CBS tChannel 8t reported that Purdue University students were. as a whole uninterested in Wednes- dayls activities. Out of the students at the insti- tution at West Lafayette a group of less than 500, a mere 2 per cent of total enrollment. attended an open air discussion. The concensus was that most believed that the Mora- torium was not the right way of trying to end the war, and that the protest was detrimental to the nation. Many Purdue students, it was reported. wrote off the 27
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Page 31 text:
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4 p.m.: The highlight of the October Moratorium was, without a doubt, the Memorial Service held in front of the tibrary. The speaker for the evening failed to appear clue to confusion over transportation, but the service provided a fitting conclusion to the Day's happen- ings. After the ceremonies, involving a crowd of 200, an upperclassmen summed it up by exclaiming: HThis is one of the most meaningful things i've seen in a long time; llm glad to see DePauw students get together on somethingtoronce. Ed. Note-The following article is a partial reaction to a DePauw Viet Namw-View from the left junior's trip to the November march in Washington, DC. The Peace Movement is dead. It died in 1968 the night the Chicago Police charged demonstrators in Lincoln Park. The movement was buried in October 1969, when Judge Julius Hoffman sentenced Bobby Seale to tour years in prison for attemptingto defend himself. Amerika, under the Nixon-Agnew regime is supporting a dictatorship in Viet Nam. At home, with only a pturality of votes and in the name of freedom, our ruler denies us what was granted the Ku Ktux Klan thirty years ago: the right to peace fuily demonstrate past the White House. With its predictions of Viet- ence in Washington the government made a calculated effort to intimiv date our citizens. Vice-Ruler Agnew has made an open attack on free speech, and the news media is being threatened by the FCC. The 'tleaders of the itconspiracy are jailed. labeled communists, or both. The issue is no longer Peace, but Freedom. Power: it the Freedom movement con- tinues to use the tactics it is using now, it wili not succeed in ending the war. Peace marchers and col- iege students tto paraphrase Stewart Alsopi have pieced them- selves into the rote of villians in the Amertkan politicat scene. What they hate Nixon and his policiesl is automatically defended by the tlSilent Majority ; what they want tpeacey is automaticaily rejected as inherently evil. Nixon knows this and in tact plays on it. The Hposi- tive polarization! which Agnew seeks wiEl mean a right-wing reac- tionary destruction of the Hvocal minority. They would not seek po- larization if it was not to their advantage. Nixon's poiicy is Law and Order while Mark Rudd calls for violence to prevent violence; both sides make their appeais to the use of raw power. Thus, neither side can be trusted, for their end result would be either total suppression or total revolution. which negates the personal freedom upon which their arguments are based. The only way to combat these forces is to subvert their influence through appeals to Freedom. This has been part of the nature of the Freedom Movement. Group: Non-violent selteawareness is the strongest instrument available for 29
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