Claremont McKenna College - Ayer Yearbook (Claremont, CA)

Text from Pages 1 - 394 of the 1946 volume:

5 V: RN. QQQMRWE ti Mn ., : , ma 'ml 1 W 4 5 WM CLAREMONT MCKENNA COLLEGE Commerce and Civilizatian CLAREMONT McKENNA COLLEGE The First Fifty Years I946H996 Kevin Starr The President and Trustees of Claremont McKenna College Copyright 9 1998 by the Trustees ofClaremont McKenna College. All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Conventions. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission of the Trustees ofClaremont McKenna College. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 98-65462 Endsheets: Group Plan, The Pomona Colleges, 1925. Opening: Campus of Claremont McKenna College, 1971. Frontisp'iece: Bauer Center, Claremont McKenna College, 1997. PRINTED IN ITALY For Donald C. McKenna 19074997 C ontents 41 I43 207 267 315 357 363 37I O N E . Formulating zmd Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 Two. Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 TI-I RE E. The Korean Wm; a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 F O U R . Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 FIVE. Conjiict and Renewal, 1970-1979 SIX. Room at the Top, 1980-1989 s EVE N . Half-Century and the Millennium, 1990-The Future Sources Index Credits CLAREMONT MCKENNA COLLEGE Ever since the 18803, men and women of higher education had been dreaming 0ftransf0rming C laremont into a new Oxford, a new Cambridge, basking in the sunshine of Southern California. Formulating and Founding. the Enterprise, 1926-1946 RE G I STRATI O N for the newly established Claremont College Undergraduate School for Men talso known as the Claremont Undergraduate School for Men, or, even more simply, the Claremont Menhs SchooD commenced on the morning of Mon- day, 23 September 1946, in the foyer 0f Bridges Auditorium on the campus of the Asso- ciated Colleges of Claremont thirty-Hve miles east of Los Angeles. Throughout the morning and afternoon, Dr. Gerald I. Jordan, assistant professor ofpohtical economy, recently released from the Navy, and Mrs. Bertha Ward, lecturer in Spanish, lately serving as a language instructor for the Army, enrolled eighty-six young men tmany of them in Eisenhower jackets or other examples of surplus military attiret in a hand- ful of courses being offered by a hastily assembled faculty of seven. Tuition, room, and board for the fall semester came to slightly more than $500. The majority of regis- trants, like millions of other young men similarly enrolling across the nation, were on the GI Bill. Morris Slack, for example, had flown 13-173 and 13-245 in the South Pacific, then taken charge of air intelligence in Kunming, China, before being discharged with the rank of lieutenant colonel, the same grade held by School Director Dr. George C. S. Benson, who had served in Africa, Italy, and Austria in civil affairs and military gov- ernment. Robert Eachus, also registering that morning, had won his commission in a tank destroyer battalion. Donald Phillips had won a spot promotion from the ranks to ensig11.James Wilcox had served in the South Pacific as a sergeant in airborne infantry and artillery units. William Cronin had spent part of the war in Brazil as an enlisted 2 technician in the Army Airways Communication Service. Even closer to home,Wa1- ter Wiley had spent two years as a member of the Navyis V-12 unit at UCLA. A month before he was scheduled to be commissioned in the Army Air Force, John Noll was hospitalized. Rather candidly, another new student, Robert Emett, later admitted to having first heard of the new school while serving a short stint in a naval brig. It was from the brig that Emett applied and received his letter of acceptance. Whether veterans of combat or stateside service, whether officers, NCOs, or en- listed men, the returning servicemen filling out their forms with the help of Dr. Jordan and Mrs. Ward were equally eager to make up for the war years that had taken a por tion of their youth, endangered their lives, and put their dreams on hold. That meant higher education: college, an impossible dream for so many before the war but now, thanks to the GI Bill, an imminent reality. True, they had come to a school not yet a college, a school hastily organized over the previous spring and summer, its director on the other side of the continent teaching at the Harvard Summer School. These young men in various assortments of civilian and military clothing were not waiting in line to start a college, although the college could not be founded without them. They were waiting in line to redeem dreams nurtured in Quonset huts in the South Pacific, in midnight watches on the Atlantic, on submarine patrol, or amidst the boredom of stateside duty in remote places: dreams of getting an education, of becoming some- one, something, somebody, a self not even glimpsed before the war. Now that they had survived the cataclysm, had become sergeants and ensigns and lieutenant colonels and privates First class with the Combat Infantrymanis Badge, it was all so very pos- sible. It was right in front of them, here in this improvised school whose campus remained as of yet an empty, rock-strewn desert wash spotted with sagebrush and scrub oak. Two weeks after registration, on 6 October 1946, the eighty-six students assembled with their director, professors, and staff in the Mabel Shaw Bridges Auditorium tthe larger of two Bridges auditoriums on the Associated Colleges campusi for the opening convocation of the Claremont College Undergraduate School for Men. Onstage were Harvey Mudd, Chairman of the Board of Fellows of Claremont College, who presided over the ceremony; Dr. James Blaisdell, president emeritus of Claremont College; Dr. Frederick Hard, president of Scripps College; Dr. E. Wilson Lyon, president of P0- Inona College and provost of Claremont College; Robert Bernard, managing director of Claremont College; and Dr. George C. S. Benson, director of the Claremont Col- lege Undergraduate School for Men. Also onstage with the other fellows ttrusteesi of Claremont College was Donald McKenna, a Pomona- and Harvard-educated busi- nessman with an abiding interest in higher education. It was a symbolic gathering. Each of these individuals represented in the most di- rect and compelling way the past, present, and future of the enterprise. Twenty years Claremont McKenna College earlier, James Blaisdell, then serving as president of Pomona College, had first envi- sioned and promoted the Group Plan calling for the development in the City of Clare- mont of an OxfordiCambridge-style cluster of independent colleges grouped around central facilities. In 1925 his executive assistant, Robert Bernard, had filed the incor- poration papers in Sacramento for such an institution. Most recently Bernard, in his capacity as managing director of Claremont College tas the central coordinating col- lege of the Group Plan was namedi, had borne the brunt of work and responsibility in organizing the School for Men, including the recruitment of George C. S. Benson, who would serve for the next twenty-three years as president of the School, soon to be upgraded into an autonomous college. As chairman of the Board of Fellows overseeing the development of the Group Plan, Harvey Mudd had authorized the School in its hectic, hurried first phase of organization. As provost of Claremont College, E. Wilson Lyon, concerned as to what impact the new School would have on Pomona College, had given his reluctant consent. Putting up the money for Bensons appointment, pledging himself to Jfurther funderaising, expressing confidence that it could be done, Donald McKenna had transformed the School from a dream and a plan to the living reality represented by the eighty-sixyoung men, the seven professors, the sparse staff, the trustees, and guests in attendance. N aturally, there were speeches following the organ prelude by William Blanchard, professor of music at Pomona College, and the invocation by Dr. Blaisdell, an or dained Congregationalist minister. Issued a few weeks later in pamphlet form, the brief and cogent speeches by Mudd, Hard, Lyon, and Benson stand up well under contemporary scrutiny. In their cumulative themes, in factethe history of the Group Plan, the appropriateness of the OxfordtCambridge tOxbridgei model to Southern California, the value of liberal learning as preparation for the active life, the art of management in both the public and private sector, the need in postwar America for vigorous men of ethics and liberal education to assume leadership roles in business and governmentethe speeches, like the men onstage, offered a prophetic reprise and paradigm of the energies and influences flowing into the School now gathered for its first convocation. Briefly, Chairman Mudd suggested the twenty years of planning and effort that had gone into this moment. President Hard of Scripps aligned the new School with both Scripps, founded in 1926, and the more venerable Pomona, which dated from 1887. Like these institutions, Hard noted, the new School would have its central identity as a liberal arts college poised midway between tradition and the fu- ture. In his remarks, Pomona President Lyon, 3 Rhodes scholar, put aside his ambivae lence toward what he feared might become a competitive enterprise and generously placed the new School in the context of the Group Plan. That dreameof the Citrus groves and stony helds of Claremont blossoming in clustered collegesecontained Lyonis own memories as a student at Oxford and his sense of that longing for federated Formulating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 3 community in American undergraduate education which in the 19205 and 19305 had energized the creation of the undergraduate house system at Harvard and the under- graduate college system at Yale. Flattering references indeed-Oxford, Cambridge, Harvard, Yale, Swarthmore, Pomona, and Scrippsefor a school lacking classrooms, dormitories, libraries, and endowment; a school that, if the truth be told, was wingng it, flyng by the seat of its pants, as some of the Army Air Force veterans in the audi- ence might put it; a school barely able to make its quota of students on registration day, and with those who did show being of varied academic preparation and ability. Yet this was 1946, and great dreams were in the air, a war having been won and all America-Southern California especiallyebeckoning a returning generation, faculty and students alike, with the promise of recovered time and new beginnings. Certainly George Charles Sumner Benson, the hnal speaker that October morning, had sensed this moment, this Southern California opportunity. The one-time senior tutor of Lowell House at Harvard, formerly of the faculties of Chicago, Michigan, and Northwestern, a Claremont man, Pomona Class of 1928, the thirty-eight-year-old Benson had but a few months earlier been seen at the Claremont Inn in his lieutenant colonells uniform, reestablishing his Claremont contacts, discussing prospects, mull- ing over what he wanted to do with the rest of his life. Now he had it in hand: the challenge of a lifetime, building a college that would bridge the world of learning, which he had chosen for his career, and the world of affairs, in which he had glimpsed an even more compelling identity. Those two worlds, Benson told the convocatione thought and action, liberal learning and administration, commerce and Civilizatione- would be brought into dynamic interaction at the Claremont College Undergraduate School for Men. Here management itself would become a liberal art; and business and economics would be linked to liberal studies. Here in a school that had no de- partments and few electives, but a carefully crafted program, students would be en- couraged to seek a new synthesis, to put aside that false sense of a necessary opposi- tion between business and government which seems to pervade much of American thought. Here would be put aside as well that false distinction between theory and practicen that had divided Americans into dreamers and doers. Our effort,N Benson concluded, His not to do away with theory but rather, Jfollowing scientific method, to secure better theory by lthel constant checking of our principles against the facts of the political and economic world.,, A mixture of sincere belief and boosterism, the notions emerging from the speeches delivered that opening day by Benson and the others were at best overly optimistic, even high-flown, and at the worst doomed for failure, given the practical and philoe sophical gulf yawning between theory and practice, whether in the United States or elsewhere. Bensonis assertion that the hastily recruited faculty of a hastily organized, 4 C laremont McKenna College underfunded school, teaching an academically uneven student body in spartan Cir- cumstances, might achieve an advance in the dialogue between theory and practice that would be the envy of more established, even venerable institutions, could be criti- cized as naive, even delusional. Yet this was Claremont, Southern California, in 1946; and otherwise cautious businessmen, ignoring all objections and reservations, had launched an enterprise whose primary selling point lalthough sales were as of yet sluggishl was the promise of a new kind of academic institution in a new part of the United States. Ever since the 18805, in fact, and certainly from the 19205 onward, men and women of higher education and others of uncertain academic lineageeYankees, New Englanders, Congregationalists, real estate salesmen, retired missionaries, cit- rus growers, college peopleehad been projecting onto the tabula rasa of Claremont the dreams and metaphors of heightened expectation. Like all of Southern California in comparison to Northern California, Claremont eindeed, the entire Pomona Valley-had not experienced signihcant development until the boom of the 18805. In pre-European times, a band of Serrano Indians, 3 Sho- shonean people belonging to the Uto-Aztecan linguistic family, pitched their circular domed structures, some two hundred strong, on a mesa watered by a nearby creek and artesian springs to the east. Later, in the Spanish and Mexican era, when the region became part of the vast and sprawling properties of Mission San Gabriel, its geograph- ical features acquired their enduring names. The creek was named San Antonio in honor of St. Anthony. The great mountain range to the northeast, dominated by the 10,064-foot Mount San Antonio, was named the Sierra Madre, the Mother Range, which the Americans would later designate the San Gabriel Mountains, just as they named the site of the Serrano village Indian Hill and nicknamed the stately Mount San Antonio Old Baldy. Geologically, the future city of Claremont would arise in the center of a serni-desert alluvial fan carved by the rush of ancient waters down from the SanGabriel Moun- tains. lThis ancient flow survived as the San Antonio Creek and upon occasion, as in 1938, it could regain its ancient fury and wash into oblivion the roads and streets of the cityj This alluvial fan extended from San Antonio Canyon into the Pomona Valley. To the south was another, smaller mountain range, later designated the hills of Chino and Puente. It was a dry semi-desert region riddled with stones and boulders washed ClOWn in ancient times, sparse in its coverage of sagebrush and intermittent oak, abun- dant in deer, jack rabbits, burrowing rodents, and other desert animals. After the establishment of the Pueblo of Los Angeles in 1781, the region became forever fixed to that settlement as an avenue of approach, a corridor of passage, whether across cattle, sheep, or wagon trails, or Via interurban electrics or freeways. In 1837 the Mexican government deeded the.region to the Rancho San Jose owned by Don Ricardo Vejar and anacio Palomares. Two generations of Mexican landowners Fommtlnt-ing and F ounding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 5 lived pastoral lives on this sprawling property, supporting themselves from cattle and subsistence agriculture. In the 18705 Americans began to arrive, spearheaded by Wil- liam Martin, who settled on some 156 acres centered 011 Eleventh Street and Indian Hill Boulevard, and Stephen Gale, who ran some 2,000 Angora goats from a home- stead near Pomello Avenue. It was the boom of the 18805 that Americanized the Pomona Valley and created the town of Claremont: a boom made possible by the overland arrival of the Atchison, Topeka, and the Santa Fe Railroad, which reached San Bernardino in 1883 and Los Angeles in 1885, thereby giving Southern California its own direct railroad connection to the East. From the beginning, Claremont had strong New England origins and con- tinuing orientation. Its first developer, the Pacific Land and Improvement Company, was based in Boston; and it was in Boston that the name Claremont was chosen, the town site organized, the Claremont Hotel financed, and settlers were recruited. By January 1888, however, as the boom of the eighties began to go bust, auction sales of town sites dwindled into negligibility, and the sprawling gingerbread gothic Hotel Claremont on Fourth Street stood Virtually empty, having failed to attract visi- tors from the East. The failure of the hotel was especially worrisome; in the develop- ment of Southern California during this era, a resort hotel tthe Del Coronado in San Diego, the Virginia in Long Beach, the Mission Inn in Riverside, the Maryland in Pas- adena, the Wentworth in Santa Barbara, and, later, the Beverly Hills and the Brent- woodi anchored a proposed development, gave it identity, and recruited prospective settlers as first-time tourists who might decide to stay. Abusy hotel was a city in minia- ture, utopian in its amenities and service, foreshadowing the city that might be, once lot sites were auctioned and construction begun. An empty hotel, conversely, more than any Other factor, bespoke the fear that a surveyed town site might forever remain a phantom city. What to do? How best to reenergize the stalled town? Astutely, the Pacific Land and Improvement Company substituted a college for the hotel. Already, in September 1888, the board of trustees of Pomona College, a Congregationalist institution, had been attempting to build a structure in the Piedmont district on Scanlon Mesa. The president of the board of trustees was Henry Palmer, a principal in the Pacific Land and Improvement Company and a prime promoter of both the Piedmont and the Claremont developments. In Los Angeles, in 1880, equally interested developers had donated property to the Methodist church for the establishment of the University of Southern California in an effort to boost land values south of the downtown. Palmer . had a similar scheme in mind, but he and his Pomona College trustees were having no luck whatsoever raising funds now that the boom had begun to wane. By the fall of 1888, then, the trustees of Pomona College were looking for a building, and the Pacific Land and Improvement Company was looking for someone to take the Claremont 6 Claremont McKemrm College Hotel off its hands in such a way as to preserve land value, and Henry Palmer was at the center of both the company and the college. The result: an agreement signed on 21 October 1888 transferring the Hotel Claremont t0 Pomona College, together with the block of land on which the hotel stood and 260 additional lots. Under the agreement, the College was authorized to sell these lots, returning half the proceeds to the four principals of the Pacific Land and Improvement Company. A New England Congregationalist college had now become the prime developer of Claremont, Cali- fornia, Fixing the identity of the proposed City for the century to come. With Pomona College as its founding institution, its DNA code, Claremont was destined to develop as and remain a college town. In January 1890 college-level and preparatory classes commenced in the erstwhile Hotel Claremont, now renamed Claremont Hall. Until the arrival that year of the Rev- erend Cyrus Grandison Baldwin, the first president, one of the founders of Pomona College, the Reverend Charles Sumner tGeorge C. S. Bensonis grandfather; hence the initials C. S. insistently inserted between his first and family namesi, served as chief Financial ofhcer, faculty dean, secretary to the board of trustees, and de facto president of the fledgling institution. In later years Reverend Sumner, white haired and white bearded, dignified in his vested suit and old-fashioned upright collar, sur- vived as the beloved patriarch of the Old Guard, as the founding faculty of Pomona eventually became known: the men and one woman tPhebe Estelle Spalding, the First female faculty member at Pomona Collegei who had brought New England values and the New England way of life to the city of Claremont. Over the next thirty years, Claremont Village, as the City was informally called, developed as an enclave of New England in Southern California. It centered on Pomona College, from which so many derived their income; the Webb School, the Norton School for Boys, and Girls Colle- giate, three private preparatory institutions; the Claremont Church, where the ma- jority of the city worshipped; the first-rate public grammar and high school, where children prepared for college; and the Village itself, its stores lining streets named Harvard and Yale, with no saloons allowed. College, prep schools, church: Claremont was an enclave of Anglo-Arnerican Protestant value paradigmatic of the demograph- ics of Southern California in the pre-World War II era, only more New England than Midwestern, like Pasadena and Whittier, in origins and orientation. Unified by college, school, religion, lifestyle, and ethnic identity, Claremont was a cohesive township. In the summertime, there were communal picnics and camp-outs in Bear Canyon. The Pomona College glee club gave public performances; and the College opened many of its circles and organizationsethe Rembrandt Club, for ex- ampleeto townspeople. There was a Claremont String Quartet, another town-ande gown enterprise. Even citrus, the primary local industry outside of education, sus- tained this tone of refinement and gentility. By the early 19005 the orange and lemon Formulating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 7 groves carpeting the Pomona Valley had brought into being one of the most beautiful, indeed Virgilian, agricultural landscapes in North America. The Pomona Valley, including Claremont, was at the very heart of this citrus culture. In 1892-93 eleven Claremont growers organized the Claremont Fruitgrowers Association, to which was added at a later date the El Camino Citrus Association, the College Heights Orange and Lemon Association, and the Indian Hill Citrus Association. By1915these cooper- atives were shipping more than $2.1 million of citrus a year in boxes adorned with the colorful labelseCollegiate, Valley View, Morning Gloryedepicting Claremont, Po- mona College, and vicinity. Naturally, this being Claremont, growers took a scholarly approach to citrus. In 1894 a circle of Claremont growers organized the Pomological Club, under the presidency of A. J. Cook, professor of horticulture at Pomona Col- lege. Charles Sumner was also a member. By the 19205, then, Claremont, California, a college town in the New England man- ner, had come into its own. It was a refined and seIf-respecting community of some 3,000 residents, its daily life reported by a full-size, four-page weekly, the Courier, founded in 1911; its population lived in charming Victorian, Edwardian, Craftsman, and Spanish Revival homes. Already, two generations of tree planting had taken ef- fect, and Claremont, a semi-arid desert in earlierphotographs, had verymuch become an arboreal garden suggestive of the best possibilities of horticulture and landscape architecture in Southern California. Also suggestive of the larger Southern California, this time in human terms, were two Mexican-American communities, one on the southeast and the other on the southwest edge of the town. Separated from Anglo Claremont by ethnicity and reli- gion, barrio Claremont showed the same tendencies toward propriety and communal life. The men and women of barrio Claremont, first of all, had jobSein citrus and construction tespecially stone crafti, as gardeners and other staff at Pomona and the secondary schools-and they equally prized family life and religion, centered on the Roman Catholic Church of the Sacred Heart tbuilt, in part, from donations from the congregation at the Claremont Churchi. The families of the barrio Enriquez, Hermosilla, Gutierrez, Serna, Rubio, Torres, Contreras, and Sevillaewere likewise proud of their ancestry, traced in their case back to Mexico and Spain. Like their A11- glo counterparts, they valued education, albeit their children were kept in segregated schools, up to the fourth grade, until the mid-194os. Barrio Claremont showed an equally characteristic taste for social organization and the arts. While Anglo Claremont supported the Claremont Community Players, which mounted productions in the indoor-outdoor Padua Hills Theater complex, bar- rio Claremont also produced programs there of traditional Mexican songs and dances linked by storytelling and spontaneous recitation. The parallel nature of these pre- sentations tperformed in tandem with English-language drama for a largely English 8 C laremont M cKemm College speaking audiencei, like the segregated Mexican K-4 grammar school, signaled a society whose Anglo and Latino elements were at once convergentethe middle- class elegance of the Mexican troupe players, the scrubbed and starched Mexican American Children in the barrio school, the seIf-respect so evident in photographs of Mexican-American families, the taste for good architecture and landscaping, the identification with education and citrus as sources of employmenteand yet regard- ing each other across barriers of religion and ethnicity. Given its predominantly Anglo-American Protestant tone and its DNA code as a cole Iege town, it is perhaps not too surprising that Claremont, California, operating in this instance in the person of Dr. James Arnold BIaisdeII, president of Pomona College from 1910 to 1928, would soon be envisioning its future on the model of Oxford and Cambridge. James Blaisdell was the very model of a Congregationalist college presi- dent. Born and raised in Beloit, Wisconsin, across the street from Beloit College where his father taught philosophy, Blaisdell graduated from Beloit in 1890, then went on to the Hartford Theological Seminary, from which he graduated in 1892, in prepa- ration for ordination as a Congregationalist minister and a call to his first pastorate in Waukesha, Wisconsin. In 1903 Blaisdell was recalled to his alma mater as university chaplain, librarian, and professor of biblical literature and ancient Oriental history. Again and again in reminiscences and other forms of testimony, those who knew BIaisdell, either in parishes in Wisconsin or Michigan, at Beloit or later in Pomona, testihed to his superb speaking voice and magnetic presence. Learned, eloquent, charismatic, committed to both the pulpit and the classroom, Blaisdell embodied the tone, the style, the value, and the organizational approach of American Congregationalism, a tradition that had been at the founding of Harvard and Yale as well as Amherst, Oberlin, Carleton, GrinneII, Beloit, Colorado College, and the College of California, forerunner of the state university. In matters of polity and organization, Congregationalism, by its very definition, favored the autonomy of the local unit, whether church or college. This social and psychological disposition in BIaisdeII, a preeminent Congregationalist pastor-educator, disposed him in the direc- tion of smaller or reasonably sized colleges, like his beloved Beloit, over the encom- passing mega-university that was implicit in the Germanic model brought to the United States with the founding ofJohns Hopkins in 1867. That model was even then, in the early 19005, propelling most of the Ivy League twith the exception of Dart- mouthi and the newly established Land Grant universities, including the University of California at Berkeley, in the direction of encompassing programs and expanding campuses. In 1910, at the age of forty-three, Blaisdell was called to the presidency of Pomona College, Claremont, the premier collegiate expression of Congregationalist value on Formulating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 9 10 the Pacific Coast. Pomona College, he would later write, offered him an opportunity to build and pioneer in a bold new settingeyet under the aegis of the venerable Con- gregationalist tradition. Blaisdell assumed the presidency of a debt-ridden institution of some goo students, more than half of them doing preparatory work, with a faculty of thirty-eight teaching in some twenty-one departments of instruction. By 1919 Blais- dell had all but eliminated the college preparatory program, increased the college enrollment to 685 05 students short of the 7oo-student body he considered ideal for Pomonal, brought the debt under control, and quadrupled the resources of the in- stitution. Like all of Southern California, Pomona College entered the 19205 experie encing unprecedented growth. More than a million Americans were in the process of moving into the region the college considered its own. A $3-million construction and endowment campaign was launched. With the trustees having decided in 1920 to limit Pomona to 750 men and women, however, in an effort to sustain quality, the College found itself turning away two out of every three students applying for admission. In nearby Los Angeles, the University of Southern California would respond to equal pressures through growth, and the Re- gents of the University of California would soon be setting in motion the process lead- ing to the establishment of UCLA. Blaisdell and his trustees, however, believed that something precious would be lost if Pomona were deprived of its collegial intimacy. Blaisdellls answer to this dilemma was the Group Plan. Claremont, he argued, should support the growth of an OxfordlCambridgeestyle academic culture in which a Cluster of autonomous colleges would share certain central programs and facilities -library, business offices, health services, chaplaincies, science laboratories, ath- letic programsewhile maintaining their distinctive governance and identities. In the summer of 1922, Blaisdell sent his executive assistant, Robert Bernard, Pomona Class of 1917, to visit the University of Toronto where an Oxbridgevstyle cluster program, the only one of its kind in North America, had been implemented. Bernard returned with a most enthusiastic report. He became, indeed, 3 Timothy to Blaisdellls Paul in the twenty-year effort to implement what from the first was called the Group Plan. With Pauline zeal, Blaisdell spread the faith, especially among possible patrons. Southern California, Blaisdell wrote newspaper magnate Ellen Browning Scripps in 1923, would soon be needing a great suburban institution of higher education on the order of Stanford University in Palo Alto. illVIy own very deep hopef, Blaisdell cau- tioned Miss Scripps, then living in La Jolla, is that instead of one great, undifferenti- ated university, we might have a group of institutions divided into small collegese somewhat on the Oxford typeearound a library and other utilities which they would use in common. In this way I should hope to preserve the inestimable personal values of the small college while securing the facilities of the great university. Such 3 develop- ment would be a new and wonderful contribution to American education. Claremont McKenml College What Blaisdell did not say was what only time and history would reveal: the power of the OxfordwCarnbridge metaphor. Beginning with the boom of the 18805 and con- tinuing with the second boom that began in 1919 and continued through the 19205, Anglo America was staking Southern California for its owneand not always subcon- sciously. Southern California Business, for example, the magazine of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, made frequent references to Los Angeles as the last great English-speaking metropolis to be founded. The downside of this AngloAmerican triumphalism, so evident everywhere in the decade, was the near-apartheid quality of social and cultural life in Southern California: the restricted covenants in its housing, its attitude of nolo tangere toward the Jewish community, its suspicion of Catholics, its rejection of other races and peoples. Yet Southern California cannot be cited as an exclusive instance of these attitudes. In many ways, the heart of Anglo America was hardening across the nation in the first decades of the twentieth century in the matter of exclusivity. The good news was the willingness of Southern Californians to re-create or to found brand-new cultural institutions-Whittier and Occidental Colleges, the Uni- versity of Southern California, the Huntington Library and Art Gallery, the Mount Wilson Observatory, the California Institute of Technologyevividly expressive of AngIo-American Civilization. It was to this impulse that Dr. Blaisdellis Group Plan addressed itself. If Anglo America was in the process of rapidly building up English- speaking Protestant civilization in Southern California, did not the Oxford or Came bridge model then offer in the language of academic polity a most comforting meta- phor for culture and institutional development in the Southland? Had not these insti- tutions, after all, been at the core of English-speaking civilization since the thirteenth century? And why should not a comparable presence be re-created through sheer force of will in this sunny southern clime? Born in England in 1837, educated at Knox College in Galesburg, Illinois, after her family emigrated to the United States, eighty-six-year-old Ellen Browning Scripps was the perfect person to comprehend Blaisdells dream and make an effective re- sponse. She was, First of all, a very wealthy woman who was approaching the end of her life with no direct heirs. Second, she prized education and had been generous to her alma mater, Knox College, which had awarded her an honorary doctorate in 1911. But of equal importance, Ellen Browning Scripps neither inherited nor married her wealth. She had made it the hard way. She had earned it. She and her brothers had built their fifty-plus newspaper chain on their own, paper by paper, and Miss Scripps twho never marriedi had been crucial to the enterprise as eopyeditor, columnist, re- porter, and, later, business manager. Her support of Knox College and her cofounding along with her brother of the Scripps Institute of Oceanography in Lajolla testified to her interest in education and research and to her generosity. As a self-made woman, Formulating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926e1946 11 moreover, Ellen Browning Scripps was not afraid to take a Chance. In early 1924 she made a gift to the trustees of Pomona College of funds sufficient for the purchase of 250 acres around the Indian Hill mesa in Claremont. This property, she decreed, together with other land purchases and exchanges in the immediate Vicinity, should be retained for future growth along the Group Plan model being so compellingly ad vanced by President Blaisdell. Already, in 1924, at Blaisdellls urging, the board of trustees of Pomona College had appointed a committee of two trustees, mining engineer Colonel Seeley Mudd and real estate developer Llewellyn Bixby, and two faculty members, Ernest Jaqua, dean of the faculty, and George Burgess, professor of government, to investigate iithe future expansion of Pomona College in relation to the possibility of developing other coordi- nated institutions? Blaisdell set the agenda for this committee by submitting to them on 15 March 1925 a document entitled iiPreliminary Statement Submitted for Conside eration by the Committee on Future Organization, which was in effect the founding manifesto of the Group Plan. In this document Blaisdell called for the eventual estab- lishment of multiple colleges enrolling between 150 and 300 students, each with its own board of trustees and faculty, together with the establishment of a central college for graduate work, summer schools, extension, library operations, and similar activie ties. Only two features of Blaisdellls proposal-namely, that, as in the case of Oxford and Cambridge, individual colleges would grant one common degree; and that the leader of the institution be named Head Fellow in lieu of the more corporate term Presidenteproved impractical in subsequent years. Meanwhile, thanks to Blaisdell's iPreliminary Statement and the ongoing deliber- ations of the Committee on Future Organization, the fundamental Vision behind the Group Plan began to take hold. In his Pomona commencement speech that year, for example, delivered in the Greek Theater on 15 June 1925, William Bennett Munro, Jonathan Trumbull Professor of American History and Government at Harvard, then serving as a visiting scholar at the California Institute of Technology, positioned the debate on the future currently under way at Pomona in the most flattering terms by associating discussion of the Group Plan to comparable transitions in the ancient world; to the rise of the university in the Middle Ages at Padua and Paris, then across the Channel at Oxford and Cambridge; to the migration of Oxford and Cambridge to the New World through the founders of Harvard and Yale and the other colleges of colonial America; and then, in the late nineteenth century, to the establishment of Pomona itself, which was now seeking to stimulate the founding of other institutions. KiIt is your task, Munro urged, iito determine, now that you have arrived at the parting of the ways, whether you will do just as all other colleges have done and are doing, or whether you will do something new, different and manifestly superior. That very same month, the Firm of Jamieson and Spearl of St. Louis, specialists in 12 Claremont MeKemw College college architecture, after a thorough study of the plans of Oxford and Cambridge, released a full-color rendering showing the three hundred acres extending from P0- mona College on the south to the Indian Hill mesa and surrounding property north of Foothill Boulevard gloriously arrayed in linked college clusters, elegantly landscaped and served by a library, a menis and a womenis athletic helds, a gymnasium, a univer- sity church, and other central facilities. The Group Plan now possessed its rationaliza- tion from Blaisdell and the Committee on Future Organization, its encouragement from Professor Munro and others, its illustrative imagery from Jamieson and Spearl, and its property from Ellen Browning Scripps. Most important, Pomona College enjoyed a board of trustees who were unafraid to act in a bold and decisive manner. Uniiied in Class, ethnic and cultural background, and, in most instances, graduation from Pomona or a similar institution, the trustees shared a common Vision and purpose. Successful in the worlds of investment, engi- neering, real estate development, law and government affairs, citrus growing, and reli- gion tthe Protestant Episcopal bishop of Southern California served as Vice chairman of the board, and four other trustees were Congregationalist ministers holding large pastoratesi, the Pomona trustees reflected and exercised the strength of the Southern California oligarchy then in the process of directing the economic development of an entire region and shaping its politics and culture. Trustee chairman George Marston of San Diego, for example, was the very model of the oligarch as progressive reformer. To this department store owner, the largest private-sector employer in San Diego, must be given the major credit for the preservation and development of Balboa Park and the commissioning of the Nolen Plan that guided San Diego into its unfolding urban identity. Other trusteeseCOIonel Seeley Mudd, William Honnold, Llewellyn Bixby, Frank Harwood, Marston himselfewere among the most wealthy and influ- ential oligarchs in Southern California. Accustomed to act, flattered by the grand associations of the Group Plan, their imaginations especially stimulated by the full-color rendering that was in its own dis- tinctive way a real estate development prospectus of great force, the trustees met on 17 September 1925 and, in rapid order, named President Blaisdell, Colonel Mudd, and Jacob Harper tthe attorney for Miss Scrippsi the nucleus of the board of trustees ofa new corporation, the Claremont Colleges. Nine trustees signed the articles of incor- poration. On 13 October 1925 Robert Bernard, the young executive assistant to Blais- dell, took the overnight train to Sacramento. The next day, on the thirty-eighth anni- versary of the founding of Pomona College, Bernard filed the Articles of Incorporation of Claremont Colleges with the secretary of state. The Board of Fellows met at Clare- mont on 9 December 1925, adopted by-laws, and elected President Blaisdell the head fellow, Colonel Seeley Mudd Chairman, and William Honnold vice chairman. Bere nard was elected secretary. The Board of Fellows took direct responsibility for a new Fornmlating and F ounding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 '3 14 C laremont McKenna College entity, Claremont University Center, which would coordinate graduate education and all centralized administrative functions. While remaining president of Pomona Col- lege until 1928, Blaisdell, ably assisted by Bernard, bore the primary responsibility for directing this fledgling entity. With incorporation and the founding organization ac- complished, Blaisdell embarked upon a yearlong sabbatical 0n the East Coast, the Continent, and England, which he spent Visiting Harvard, Yale, Princeton, and other East Coast institutions, a number of great universities of Europe, and Oxford and Cambridge, gathering associations and ideas relevant to his own Group Plan. The Hl'steand stunningleachievement 0f the newly established Board of Fellows of the Claremont Colleges was the founding of Scripps College for Women. Indeed, the rapidity of this event might very well have augured for an equally rapid founding ofanew menls college, had not the stock market crashed in October 1929. While Blais- dell was in the East and in Europe, Dr. Ernest Jaqua, acting head of Pomona College, continued preparation and plans for the new venture, which Miss Scripps had already energized with gifts of land and money. On 15 June 1926 Jaqua reported to the Board of Fellows that ten men and ten women had accepted appointment to the Scripps Board of Trustees and that Articles of Incorporation had been Hled in Sacramento three days earlier. Miss Scrippss attorney, Jacob Harper of La Jolla, agreed to serve as chairman of the board. The equal ratio of men and women trustees, very unusual for the time, eventually yielded to a preponderance of women trustees. Among these womenemainly college graduates, linked by birth or marriage to many of the leading families of the region-were Ellen Browning Scripps herself and Sarah Bixby Smith of Claremont. Sarah Bixby Smith was a Wellesley graduate, a member of the pioneer ranching family Bixby-Flint, and the recent author ofAdolae Days 0925i, an account of her girlhood on the San Justo, Los Cerritos, and Los Alamitos ranchos at Long Beach, destined to survive as one of the finest memoirs ofits kind in the literature of Califor- nia. Professor Munro of Harvard, soon to transfer his flag to Cal Tech, was also on the board, as was Ernest Jaqua, whom the board soon designated president of the new institution. In materializing Scripps College forWomen, the trustees of this second undergrad- uate college in the Group Plan spared no expense. The decade of the 19205 was in general characterized by distinguished architecture, especially in the public sphere. Nowhere was this more true than in Southern California. To design Scripps College for Women, its board of trustees selected two of the best talents of a most talented region and era. Architect Gordon Kaufmann of Los Angeles envisioned and designed the new institution as a Spanish Renaissance Cloister, with courtyards and connecting arcades, resplendent in creamy concrete surfaces, red tile roofs, decorated windows, doors, columns, tile porticos, and iron grills. Landscape architect Edward Huntsman Trout complemented Kaufmannls shimmering Spanish Cloisters with a central mall and attendant walks, lawns, trees, and shrubs perfectly harmonizing with Kaufmannls Mediterranean metaphor. On the sunny afternoon of14 October 1927, the fortieth anniversary of the founding of Pomona College, Ernest Jaqua was inaugurated as president of Scripps in the Greek Theater of Pomona College. The previous month, a freshman class of fifty stu- dents had arrived. Posing for the camera along one of Kaufmannis newly completed arcades, a number of them in riding attire, all of them in the bobbed hair of the period, these elegant young women, redolent of the regional privilege from which they came, signaled the almost-ovemight arrival of Scripps College for Women as an institution in dialogue with the Seven Sisters in the East and Mills College to the north. Not only did the Group Plan have its second college, Southern California now had a most suitable institution to which it could send its daughters: Daisy Buchanans who might mesmerize the Gatsbys of Southern California, the seIf-made men, or marry success- fully within their own class upon finishing the Scripps course in humanities and fine arts, and move to places like La Jolla, Rancho Santa Fe, Palos Verdes, Pasadena, Bel Air, Brentwood, or Santa Barbara. There they might start families, play tennis and golf, serve at the center of a thousand community efforts, or perhaps, the most innova- tive of them, acquire further credentials and enter business, the professions, higher education, and,afte11941, serve as commissioned officers in the WAVES, the WAGS, the WRENS, the SPARS, or the Red Cross. It now became time to plan and to found a third collegiate institution, a merfs college balancing Scripps. Blaisdell himself frequently remarked during this period, the late 19205, that the system of collegiate federalism embodied in the Group Plan would re- quire at least three colleges to prove itself. Further impetus to immediate expansion came from a million-dollar unrestricted bequest to the Claremont Colleges from the estate of Colonel Seeley Mudd following his death on 24 May 1926. Born in a sub- urb of St. Louis in 1861, Mudd had graduated in 1883 from the mining department of the School of Engineering of Washington University in St. Louis and had made his fortune as a mining engineer in Colorado and a Los Angeles-based mining consul- tant associated with Guggenheim interests. A member of the First Congregational Church of Los Angeles, Mudd attained the rank of colonel of engineers during the First World War and became active at Pomona College following his release from the service. In and of itself, the colonels backgroundeengineering in the Far West; e11- trepreneurial investment in gold, copper, and sulfur in Colorado, Utah, Arizona, and Texas; a lifelong love oflearning and education; a fierce loyalty to the Congregational- ist Churcheepitomizecl and reprised the types of trustees and the nature of the ener- gies flowing into the Claremont Colleges at the time of incorporation. Seeleyls unre- stricted gift of one million dollars was as munificent as Southern California itself. Formulating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 15 Encouraged by the Seeley gift and the successful opening of Scripps, the Board of Fellows of Claremont Colleges in early 1927 named a committee to look into the mat- ter of a third college. Professor William Munro; formerly of Harvard, now professor of government and history at Cal Tech and a Scripps trustee, chaired the committee. Filed on 8 April 1927, the seven-page typescript Report of the Special Committee on Aims and Purposes, also known as the Munro Report, represents the first formal call for a mens college at Claremont. In the nineteen years to follow, there would be a number of other reports on the prospective menls college: the Special Commission on Economics Report of November 1928; a curriculum proposal prepared by Professor Kenneth Duncan in January 1929; the Lyon Report of December 1929; the Lyman Committee Report of March 1930; the Blaisdell Report ofJanuary 1936; the Intercol- legiate Council Report of January 1937; the pamphlet series of mid-1938; the Arthur Coons Curriculum Report of November 1939; and the joint statements by Russell Story, Arthur Morgan, and T. V. Smith of April 1941. Yet each of these reports repre- sents the amplification and refinement of ideas set forth in the Munro Report of April 1927. Although plans for the third college would be worked and reworked for the next nineteen yearseespecially in the matter of curriculum, a near-obsessive topic among academicsethese refinements did not represent new identities. From April 1927 until the actual organization of the Claremont Undergraduate School for Men in the spring of 1946, the third college was envisioned by one and all as an institution oriented toward a business and public affairs program within a liberal arts frame- work. This orientation took its origin and was reinforced partly by a process of exclu- sion. If Pomona College set forth the paradigm of a broadly comprehensive coeduca- tional liberal arts college, and Scripps College for Women set forth the paradigm of a womenls college preparing young women for marriage, teaching, or limited opportuni- ties in business or the public sector, then the third college, quite logically, should be for men, Whom the third college would train for careers in the male-oriented public and private sectors. That is exactly what the Munro Report proposed: a residential college of two hun- dred students preparing young men for careers in business, public affairs, and the law. tThis pre-legal option was subsequently deemphasized in pre-1946 planning; yet it im- mediately surfaced as an ongoing ambition among the student body, once the college was foundedJ The 1927 Munro Report frankly stated that such an education would be expensive, some $1,200 a year; hence the college was intended mainly for the sons of the prosperous, with limited scholarships available for deserving students. It would cost $2 million to open such a college, the Munro Report concluded: $1 million for expenses and $1 million for endowment. President Blaisdell was delighted with the Munro Report. The next step, be con- cluded, was to Ene-tune the curriculum. Blaisdell proceeded to do so by appointing a 16 Claremont McKenml College three-rnan Special Commission on Economics, chaired by Professor Frank Fetter of Princeton, whom Blaisclell hoped to interest in the presidency of the proposed third college. In November 1928 the Commission released a report that translated into cure riculum recommendations the generalized proposals made by the Munro Report a year earlier. The memorandum of Professor Kenneth Duncan, dated 16 January 1929, most likely built upon this report. In any event, Duncan submitted a brief document outlining, course by course, a four-year program, followed by a graduate year. Blaisdell then retained the services of Dr. Leverett Lyon of the Brookings Institu- tion, an expert in undergraduate business education, who in December 1929 com- pleted a KiBrief Report on the Problem of Establishing a Third College at Claremontf, In this report Lyon made an effort to integrate the proposed business curriculum into a social and philosophical perspective. Such a school, Lyon wrote, iishould reflect in all of its courses the fact that business is an outstanding way in which modern activi- ties are organized. . . . It should keep its students constantly aware of the ethical ques- tions raised in economic organization, and the relation of the business to the eco- nomic order. The new college, Lyon recommended, should be an upper-division institution only, accepting students who had completed the first two years in either junior colleges or other institutions. It should also offer a postgraduate year leading to a masters degree in administration. iSixty-eight years later, Claremont McKenna College would authorize a flveeyear B.AJM.B.A. program in cooperation with the Drucker School of Management at the Claremont Graduate School, a program trace- able to this 1928 proposall Delighted by Lyonls report, Blaisdell appointed yet another committee, even more impressive than that chaired by Munro. It consisted of Blaisdell, President Charles Edmunds of Pomona, President Ernest Jaqua of Scripps, and board members Will Clary, John Treanor, and Edward Lyman, who served as chair. In its report, issued in March 1930, the Lyman Committee further amplified the Lyon Report, which had in turn amplified the Munro Report. While keeping Lyon's recommendation of a gradu- ate year leading to a masters degree, the Lyman Committee recommended a standard four-year program. Although the insights of philosophy, history, sociology, and politi- cal and social science would have a strong place in the curriculum, the Lyman Report argued, they should have a distinctive cast, which is to say, they should be business oriented. The Lyman Committee, in short, explicitly showed the presence of three businessmen trustees in formulating curriculum: men who had made much of their wealth in the boom years of the 19205 when, as President Calvin Coolidge had put it, the business ofAmerica was business. Yet that world of business, so assured, so prosperous, came tumbling down in the stock market crash of October 1929. Even as the Lyman Committee made its optimis- tic report calling for the outlay of $2.1 million over a four-year period to establish the Fornmlating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926H1946 I7 third college, a $10-million campaign launched by Scripps, Pomona, and the Clare- mont Colleges in 1928 came to a grinding halt. It would take another sixteen years for the third college to open its doors. Not that planning for the third college ceased during the Great Depression. It did not. In early 1935, ten years after the incorporation of the Claremont Colleges, James Blaisdell, then approaching his sixty-eighth birthday, announced his retirement. Ac- cepting his resignation, the Board of Fellows asked Blaisdell to spend his final year in ofhce preparing a report on the Group Plan. Issued on 1 January 1936, Blaisdellys re port not only endorsed the concept of the third college but argued additionally that it was crucial to the survival of the Group Plan. Only by achieving a threeecollege syne ergy, Blaisdell stated, could the Group Plan demonstrate its true capacity for further federalization. Upon his retirement, Blaisdell was succeeded by an academic leader equally committed to the third college concept, William Ament, professor of English at Scripps, who served as acting president of Claremont Colleges for the next two years. A faculty member at Pomona who had transferred to Scripps, Ament possessed an intercollegiate outlook. During his tenure, an Intercollegiate Council was orga nized in June 1936. Consisting of three members of the Board of Fellows, the presie dents of Pomona, Scripps, and the Claremont University Center, together with a fac- ulty representative from each college, the Intercollegiate Council functioned, in effect, as the senate and guardian of the Group Plan. At Amentis urging, the Intercole legiate Council took up the question of a third college, dormant since 1930. With the assistance of Robert Bernard, acting president Ament wrote the Counlcilis Fifteen- page report, which was endorsed by the Board of Fellows in January 1937. For all its compactness, the Intercollegiate Council Report took the case for a third college to broader and more focused levels of explication and argument. Interestingly enough, it endorsed the three-year programejunior, senior, and graduate yearerec- ommended by Dr. Lyon but rejected by the Lyman Committee. It also located the site of the third college east of Pomona College, centered on the former home and estate of Sarah Bixby Smith. Most important, the Intercollegiate Council Report gave ex- panded treatment to the public service aspects of the curriculum, especially as they related to publiciprivate cooperation and the similarities between public and private organizational theory. Business, the report implied, only flourished when the public sector was in order; yet without a flourishing private sector, based in business, the public sector either withered away or grew tyrannical. Graduates of the third college might equally be expected to bring their managerial skills and their broad philosophi- cal and liberal arts outlook to careers in either the public or the private sector. Like the Munro Report and the Lyman Report before it, the report of the Intercollee giate Council seemed, momentarily, capable of provoking action. Accepting the re- 18 C laremont McKe'VLmi College port, the Board of Fellows, led by Harvey Mudd iwho had succeeded his father as chairi, established a committee-aeting president Ament, presidents Edmunds and Jaqua, board members Clary, Honnold, and Munro-and charged it to implement the third college venture. Once again, though, as in the case of the Lyman Committee Report of March 1930, no funds were forthcoming. The Depression had at least an- other three, possibly four, years to go. Fortunately, however, planning for the third college did not go into eclipse. It be- came, rather, the dreamethe near-obsession, even-of Blaisdell and Aments suce cessor, Russell Story, professor of political science at Pomona, who in 1937 began a two-year term as president, which was made permanent in January 1939. For the next five years, until his premature death of a heart attack at age Hfty-eight in March 1942, Russell Story kept faith with the Group Plan and the establishment of a third college. A Harvard PhD. in political science with a background in journalism, hence pos- sessed of a taste for public affairs, Story had come to Pomona in 1925 from Syracuse University and, before that, the University of Illinois. Throughout the Depression, Story had been witnessing what he considered dangerous bickering and competition for scarce resources among Pomona, Scripps, and the University Center. A third un- dergraduate college, Story believed, was necessary to stabilize the Group Plan. It was also necessary to establish sufficient faculty presence for a successful graduate school. During his presidency Story worked with trustees, faculty, outside consul- tants, and his executive assistant, Robert Bernard, to keep alive the Viability of the third college option. No sooner was Story in office than he raised $25,000 to recruit to the graduate fac- ulty of Claremont Colleges his friend Arthur Coons, professor of economics at Occi- dental. Story assigned Coons the portfolio of keeping alive the third college move ment and perhaps being available for the presidency once the institution was established. Story charged Bernard with the practical planning for the institution iBernard had already written a development proposal on the subjecti and directed him to travel in the East in search of foundation support. On one such trip, in the summer of 1939, Bernard had a working lunch in Ann Arbor with George C. 8. Ben- son, a former student of Storyis at Pomona, then teaching at the University of Michi- gan, whom Story had helped place in the PhD. program at Harvard. Story regarded Benson as one of the up-and-coming younger political scientists in the country inter- ested in public administration and in 1937 had arranged for him an appointment as professor of public administration in the graduate program at Claremont Colleges. Benson had declined the appointment because of his obligations to Michigan, where he was founding a program in public administration. Story still considered Benson a prospect for both the graduate school and the third undergraduate college program, which was why he sent Bernard to Ann Arbor to keep Benson informed of develop- F ormulating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 19 ments at Claremont and why Story himself visited Benson, now at Northwestern, in 1941, when, once again, the third college seemed on the verge of being founded. Between 1938 and 1941, in fact, President Russell Story and the Board of Fellows behind himeI-Iarvey Mudd, Edward Lyman, William Clary, William Munro, Garner Beckett, and board secretary Robert Bernard-seemed to be moving with success to- ward the founding of the college and the academic year 1941-42. Board Chairman Harvey Mudd, a man who knew how money worked, was convinced that it would not take a total, encompassing grant to get the college under way. It could, rather, be ii- nanced in yearly increments over a four-year period. As far as capital construction was concerned, Robert Bernard had already devised a strategy whereby classrooms and dormitories could be financed by borrowing against endowment, then paying off the principal through income from tuition and dormitory fees. Munro and Lyman had already proven themselves skilled planners of curricula. Garner Beckett, by contrast, who joined the Board of Fellows in 1939, found his eyes glazing over during discus- sions of curricula; yet Beckett brought considerable business acumen to the Financial planning side of the venture. On 1947 Beckett would chair the hrst board of trustees of the newly founded third collegeJ William Clary, another Pomona man, Class of 1909, hadjoined the Board of Fellows in 1928. A partner in the preeminent law firm of UMelveny and Myers, Clary was devoted to the Group Plan concept in a Vivid and personal manner, as testified to by the more than 4,000 books on Oxford University he was in the process of collecting for eventual donation to the central library of the Claremont Colleges. That the third college community had done its theoretical and planning homework became evident in mid-1938 with the publication of nine elegantly printed pamphlets jointly drafted by Russell Story and William Ament. Today, sixty years after its appear- ance, this pamphlet series still offers compelling evidence of one very important rea- son that Claremont McKenna College, as the institution would eventually be known, would be so successful. By 1938 the third college had been thoroughly conceptualized and psychologically actualized by more than a decade of planning and dreaming by academics and trustees who shared a similar View of the world and a similar commit- ment to the Group Plan at Claremont. Whenever its time of actual foundation might be tand Pearl Harbor would soon set back the schedule even furtheri, the third college stood revealed in the pamphlet series as a rationalized and imaginatively apprehended ideal, hovering, so it seemed, on the brink of actualization. Under the general title A Collegefor Men in C laremont, Story and Amenfs individ- ually titled pamphlets took the third college through its past, present, and hoped-for future. HWell Begun, the first title of the series, set forth the history of the Group Plan icalled the Claremont Plan in this pamphleti and inventoried the present campus. iiHow Soon? stated that the third college could commence operations as shortly as 20 C laremont McKenna College six months from the reception of its enabling gifts. iiWhy a College for Men? fails, by contemporary standards, to make a case for a men-only institution. tWilliam Munro, in fact, believed that the third college should be coeducationaU Yet by its extended reference to the social sciences graduate college for men, oriented toward public af- fairs, then being established at Oxford by the industrialist Lord Nufheld, this third pamphlet in the series offered a comforting comparison to Oxford to which advocates of the third college at Claremont would return again and again over the next three years. uDedication, the fourth pamphlet in the series, set the stage for the larger justi- fication advanced in pamphlets five, six, and seven: uThe Proper Study? uWhat IndUS' try Asks 0f the College? and What the Government Expects 0f the College. Pam- phlet eight, uWhy Not Be Your Own Executor? solicited the establishment of living trusts twhich, incidentally, would play an important role in the Financing of the third collegei; and pamphlet nine, Management, Enterprise and Government, recapitu- lated the entire argument. In 1939 President Story issued iiGreen Lights Ahead? which specifically solicited a founding gift. Already two gifts, totaling $25,000, were in hand, supporting the ap pointment of Arthur Coons, the probable president. The year the pamphlet series ap- peared, 1938, an anonymous but long-standing friend of the Claremont Colleges pledged $20 000 to $25, 000 at a future date, but made the interest immediately avail- able to the thild college project. This 1nc0me financed the pamphlet series. Arthur Coons, meanwhile was completing a twenty- -hve- -page curriculum plan- ning document, which he 1e1eased 111 the spring of1939. Coons returned the proposed college to a standard four-year curriculum, rigidly structured in the freshman and sophomore years, but organized around clusters of electives in the upper division. He also specified tutorial and laboratory courses, a nine-month internship between the junior and senior years, summer sessions, the mastery of a foreign language, account- ing, and statistics. In the summer of 1939 Coons Visited Nufheld College at Oxford; the second version of his curriculum plan, released in November, showed the effects of that Visitation, which was not surprising. After all, Lord Nufheld, the chairman of Morris Motors Ltd., and one of the noted industrial leaders of England, was founding Oxfords twenty-second college to serve the same goals of education 1fot public affairs structuring the Claremont third college proposal. Once again, the third college be- came a third- and fourthryear institution, with one year of graduate study. In his sec- ond Nuffield College-influenced draft, Coons gave increased emphasis to faculty- student contact, tutorial, directed research, library facilities, and residential life. Both the curriculum and the third college, in short, had become more Oxonian, or, more correctly, more Nufheld Collegeelike, including a surrender of full autonomy, since Nufheld did not enjoy the independence of the other Oxford colleges. The year 1939 was especially active, if not financially productive, on the fund- Formulating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 21 22 raising front. Upon his return from England, Coons received a number of letters from Story and Bernard guiding his travels and contacts in the East. Bernard also produced a working inventory of N ewYorkehased and other foundations, with specific attention paid to their special interests. Story, meanwhile, continued his solicitations by mail: to the Rosenberg Foundation in San Francisco, the Twentieth Century Fund in New York, the Edward A. Filene Good Will Fund in Boston, and the McGregor Fund in Detroit. Throughout 1940, Coonss second draft was debated and refined by trustees and faculty. lOf curriculum-making there is no end in academiaD President Story, mean- while, continued to search for the founding gift, which Robert Bernard was also seek- ing throughout Southern California and in the course of his foundation-besieging trips to the East. By the autumn of1941, everything seemed ready. That spring, Russell Story experienced his hrst positive connection with an eastern foundation in the form of a $1500 grant from the Rockefeller Foundation. The grant allowed Story to bring to Claremont two welleknown educators: Dr. T. V. Smith, professor ofphilosophy at the University of Chicago and a former congressman-at-large from Illinois; and Dr. Ar- thur Morgan, former chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority and president emer- itus of Antioch College. Following their Visits, Smith and Morgan were scheduled to make independent reports to the Rockefeller Foundation regarding the third college project. Here, at last, was an opportunity to connect Claremont directly to sources of funding in the Easteindeed, to interest the Eastern establishment in the third col- lege venture and hence make it more than regional in significance. Professor Smith, after all, had a national reputation from his Washington career and his frequent par- ticipation in the syndicated iiRound Table of the Air radio program sponsored by the University of Chicago tSmith had also appeared in a series of thirteen nationally broadcast debates with Senator Robert Taft of Ohiol, while Morgan had served, al- beit with mixed success, as Chairman of the single most ambitious cooperative pub- lic works program in the history of the United States. These were emissaries whose voices might be heard in the Rockefeller and other foundation boardrooms of New York. Morgan came to Claremont in late March and early April of1941, Smith in late May and early June. Smith and Morgan liked what they heard and saw, both at Claremont and among the oligarchs of Los Angeles. Not only did Smith and Morgan report favor- ably to the Rockefeller Foundation on the third Claremont college proposal, they also allowed their reports to be published as an elegantly printed brochure, with a pref. atory statement by President Story. Here, then, was the linest possible testimony: third-party endorsements of the business and public affairs program planned for the third college, freely given by educators with national reputations and connections who were willing to write on behalf of the venture literatej ustiiications rich in historic and philosophical reference, enlivened by details from their own experience. Claremont McKemza College No wonder, then, that President Story began in June 1941 to urge the Board of Fel- lows to action, and the Board of Fellows agreed. Story, in late October, traveled east in search of support for a program, he told prospective donors, that would open with a Class of twenty-iive students in the fall of 1942 and would move toward incorporation as an independent college in 1947. Storyls mendicant journey, it must be admitted, went nowhere. Eastern foundations seemed uninterested in founding colleges, how- ever novel and venturesome, in Southern California. Yet even as Story was failing to win support in the East, he was encouraging the Board of Fellows to go it on their own, albeit in 1943, not 1942. Fellows William Clary and Garner Beckett were already at work, refining the numbers and searching out pos- sible candidates for the third college board; and Arthur Coons was gearing up for a fund-raising expedition of his own to the East. Then came Sunday morning, 7 Decem- be1'1941. Coons still went east; but for the next fouryears Americans had other matters than founding colleges on their minds. Not that the idea died immediately. A poignant letter exists in the Claremont MC- Kenna College archives, dated 16 December 1941, in which President Story writes a memorandum to Arthur Coons, then in the East, setting forth a financial program for the third college from July 1941 to June 1948 and encouraging Coons to make calls on specific foundations. By 27 January 1942, however, Story was admitting defeat to Carl Swisher, professor of political science at the Johns Hopkins University. It seems rather tragic? Story lamented, that the venture which was so close to being estab- lished in 1929 is now the Victim of another set of Circumstances equally catastrophic, ifnot more so. Certainly the idea will find embodiment some place, somewhere, some time. At present we have more urgent problems on our hands? Shortly thereafter, President Russell Story began to go into sudden decline. His age sistant, Robert Bernard, tried to arrange from the comptroller of Claremont Colleges a nomscheduled thence nonubudgetedl sabbatical. The comptroller was skeptical. A week later, on 26 March 1942, Russell Story died of a heart attack. Two months later Arth L11 Coons reported that the third college project had been placed on the shelf for the duration? Placed on the shelf, perhaps, but not forgotten: not forgotten by James Blaisdell, fa- ther 0f the Group Plan; or by the Board of Fellows, Chairman Harvey Mudd espe- cially, and members Gamer Beckett, William Clary, and Edward Lyman; or by Robert Bernard, secretary to the board; or by the man whose name the college would one day bear, Donald McKenna. In 1944 the Claremont Colleges were reorganized to effect a more collegial governance. The Board of Fellows of the Claremont University Center remained the same, but instead of a president there would be a provost, a position held in rotation by one of the undergraduate college presidents. The name Claremont Colleges was dropped for the central coordinating unit in favor of the singular, Claren Fornmlating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 23 mont College. A Claremont Graduate School, with its own academic dean, was orga- nized as part of Claremont College. Most important for the survival of the third col- lege plan, Robert Bernard was appointed to the position of managing director of Claremont College, which is to say, chief administrative ofhcer of the coordinating entity. Thus Claremont College had at its administrative helm a man who had worked for Blaisdell, Ament, and Story and had become, like them, devoted to the prospect of a third college. It was Bernard, after all, who had borne the brunt of the fund-raising efforts of1939, 1940, and 1941; and, following the war, it would be Bernard, once again, who provided the main impetus for the realization of the long-postponed project. Lacking a graduate degree, Robert Bernard was nevertheless a college man to the core, in terms of both his administrative skills and his psychological and imaginative identification with college life. Born in Collinwood, Ohio, on 6 February 1894, Ber- nard grew up in Denver and studied briefly at Colorado College in Colorado Springs before transferring in 1915 to Pomona College as a sophomore. Elected to Phi Beta Kappa in his senior year, Bernard graduated in 1917 with a major in English. Two months after graduation, he went to work as assistant to President Blaisdell and in December of that year married his Pomona College sweetheart, Gladys Hoskins. For the rest of his life, until his death in 1981 at the age of eighty-seven, Robert Bernard ate, drank, worked, played, and slept in a Claremont environment. In one sense, Rob- ert Bernard belonged to a familiar type: the alumnus Who never leaves. Colleges and universities depend on such figures as fund-raisers, board and alumni secretaries, ad- missions officers, deans of students, and other administrative posts. Occasionally, as in the case of Bernard Iand, later, Jack Stark, third president of Claremont McKennal, such alumni figures can rise to top leadership. In 1942, after a busy career in adminis- tration and fund-raising, Bernard was made administrative director of the Claremont University Center and in 1944 managing director of Claremont College. From 1959 to 1963 he would serve as president of the newly reorganized Claremont University Cen- ter and Graduate School. During his career, Bernard would participate in the found- ing of four collegeseScripps, Claremont McKenna, Harvey Mudd, and Pitzer. In the annals of Claremont MCKenna, Robert Bernard belonged to the inner circle of founders. So, too, did his colleague Donald McKenna. Born in 1907 into a truly remarkable Scotch-Irish family the and Andrew Carnegie were second cousinsl, Donald Mc- Kenna was raised in an environment of education, creativity, affluence, and family solidarity. Across three generations, the McKennas stuck together. In the mid-18505 McKennals grandfather Thomas McKenna joined his two brothers, Alexander and l John, in the founding of a brass and copper works in Pittsburgh. Thomas McKenna ' had seven sons and a daughter, who stuck together in the family business, reorganized 24 C laremont McKemm College as McKenna Brothers Brass Company after the death of their father in 1899. McKen- nais father, Alexander McKenna, left the family business in 1887 to attend the Massa- chusetts Institute of Technology. While working as chief chemist t0 the Firth Sterling Steel Company, Alexander McKenna developed a superior alloy tool steel containing 18 percent tungsten, to which McKenna later added 1 percent vanadium, which dou- bled its cutting ability. When Firth Sterling declined to market the new product, McKenna rejoined his brothers to form Vanadium Alloys Steel Company iVASCOi in Latrobe, Pennsylvania. Remaining on staff at Firth Sterling, Alexander McKenna served as the metallurgical brainseand largest stockholdereof the family company. VASCO prospered. During World War I, under the presidency of Donald McKennas Uncle Roy, VASCO produced most of the ferro-tungsten needed for the war effort. Alexander McKenna, meanwhile, along with his interests in VASCO, was success- fully investing in Colorado mines. Alexander and Eliza McKenna had three sons: Philip, born in 1897; George, born in 1900 or 1901 iaccounts varyi; and Donald, born in 1907. Donald McKennais older brother Philip was a genius of sorts. By his eighteenth birthday he had taken out patents on a process for separating cobalt from nickel and a process for extracting tungsten from slimy ores. The next year, 1916, Philip patented a method of producing ferro-tungsten, which was taken over by the family-owned VASCO. During the war, Philip managed a family company in Washington, DC ., and began taking night courses at George Washington University, from which he gradua- ted in 1921. Suffering from trifacial neuralgia, Alexander McKenna moved with his family to Claremont in 1918, seeking a healthier climate. Philip stayed behind in Washington, managing parts of the company, pursuing his education at George Washington, and, in his spare time, reading the Encyclopedia Britannica. For the First five years of their stay, the McKennas lived in the Claremont Inn. Those years exercised a profound ef- fect on young Donald. Bookish and sociable, Donaldis father and mother began a se- ries of Wednesday evening soirees for faculty members of Pomona College, where their son George was studying. Hearing from Georges roommate Lynn Weaver that contact with faculty was at a minimum at Pomona, and becoming convinced of that fact through Georges own experience, the McKennas decided to inaugurate a series of discussion groups at their apartment, to which they invited faculty and students. Smoking was not allowed at Pomona College gatherings at the time, and after 1919 alcohol was banned by the Volsted Act. Since the McKennas were known to allow smoking at their soirees, they became doubly popular with Pomona faculty, who soon got into the habit each Wednesday of dining together at the Claremont Inn, then going to the McKennas, apartment for discussions, which ended around ten with Mrs. Mc- Kenna serving hot chocolate. Attended by faculty, visiting lecturers, college administrators, local businessmen Formulating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 25 of an intellectual bent, club women with a streak of the blue stocking, and undergrad- uates, these Wednesday evenings during term were crowded, noisy, and socially suc- cessful in the almost innocent manner of another era. Best of all, grammar and high school student Donald McKenna was allowed to attend. Frequently the conversations would be above his head; but no matter: he was absorbing, in the powerful manner of adolescents, his parents, love of learning, the excitement of ideas, the special dialogue that can come from focused sociability, and, of great importance, a sense of Pomona College as an intellectual force and Claremont as a town where ideas were taken seri- ously. These evenings also gave Donald MeKenna a lifelong regard for the spoken word. He would later remember one special evening where a conversationalist Chal- lenged the group to name a better poet than Walt Whitman and read from the poets work to prove it. Whether Visitors brought their own books that evening or merely used the McKennas, library, Donald McKenna could not recall; but for the rest of his life, he remembered numerous adults reading from their favorite poets, then being chale lenged in return by a reading from Walt Whitman. Graduating Phi Beta Kappa in English literature from Pomona in 1929, Donald Mc- Kenna took an MA. in English from Claremont College under the direction of Wil- liam Ament, then went on to Harvard for his PhD. At the Harvard English depart- ment, it was the golden age of a kind ofliterary scholarship, philological and linguistic in orientation, as practiced by such then resident luminaries as George Lyman Kit- tredge, John Livingston Lowes, Francis Magoun, and F. N. Robinson. Drilled in phie lology and linguistics by these scholars of language, Donald McKenna would have a lifelong fascination with words. Yet, by the time he reached the thesis stage, he was experiencing a growing disenchantment with the notion of Finishing his PhD. and becoming a professor of English. His thesis director, the eminent eighteenth-century specialist Chester Greenough, master of Dunster House, was, McKenna believed, aloof and unsupportive, or at best disengaged. McKennals dissertation topic7 a study of the hero in eighteenth-century literature, was vague and ill conceived; and Profes- sor Greenough seemed too preoccupied to help McKenna bring it into focus. iMo- Kenna later claimed that he had more personal guidance and learned more in his one year in the MA. program at Claremont College than he did in his three years at Har- vardj He was, in any event, foundering, and in 1934 he withdrew from Harvard and returned to Claremont. Later lore would Claim that McKenna left Harvard to take over the family business upon the death ofhis father; but Alexander McKenna did not die until August 1937, three years after Donald McKenna withdrew from the Harvard English department, and Donald McKenna went into another business altogether, becoming the western representative of a turbine pump company. Not until 1940 would he rejoin a reorganized family firm, Kennametal, in partnership with his brother Philip and other members of the McKenna clan. Donald McKenna withdrew 26 C laremont McKemw College um . um t Among thefounders of the new school was Donald McKenml, at Pomona- and Harvard-educated businessman with an abiding interest in higher education. Over the next half-centum McKenna would guide and support the institution that eventually bore his name. from Harvard because he had found another path to pursue; and Harvard, if only by indirection, had helped him End that path. He would become a businessman, an entrepreneur, in the McKenna family modeeyet a businessman possessed of a high regard for learning and college life, especially as they converged in Claremont, Cal- ifornia. Initially, McKenna began to contribute to his alma mater Pomona-yet he resisted making the big gift Pomona was asking of him as late as 1943, the building ofa dormi- tory in honor of his father. If the truth be told, the Pomona faculty seemed too liberal, too oriented toward the New Deal for Donald McKenna. He, along with his brother Philip, had begun to grow progressively suspicious of big government in the late 19305 when the reorganization of their business enterprises involved increasing tax liabili- ties. In one year, Donald McKenna later claimed, a liability totaled 100 percent, an obligation that lif enforcedl would have put the company out of business. Donald and Philip were becoming increasingly distrustful of what they considered the pro- spending, pro-debt, and pro-inflation philosophy ofjohn Maynard Keynes animating most governmental policy. Philip, in fact, became a zealous advocate of the gold stan- dard, and Donald was not that far behind. The more Donald McKenna heard from Robert Bernard of the pro-business philosophy of the proposed third college, the more his interest shifted to it from Pomona. McKenna's growing interest in the third college program throughout 1944 could not have come at a better time; while the third college proposal had managed to survive as a generalized goal through 1942 and 1943, it was losing momentum by 1944. That year, for example, certain Pomona and Scripps faculty were arguing that the Sarah Bixby Smith estate east of Amherst Avenue and north of Sixth Street, still being held for the third college, should be subdivided instead for faculty housing. Hearing this sug- gestion at a meeting of faculty and administrators in the boardroom of Harper Hall, the administrative center of Claremont College, Robert Bernard was appalledenot merely by the image of garbage pails and wash lines fronting Scripps College, but, more shockingly, by the proposed confiscation of the third college property. Bernard protested and was answered by DeanJ. Edward Sanders of Pomona College: Oh, isnt it about time that we wrote that off? The remark galvanized Bernard's determination to reanimate the third college proposal. It was that remarkfl he later told Ladell Payne, land the revival of the uncertainty as to when the college could be founded that certainly put me on the alert and made me more anxious than ever to move before it was too late. Years later, at a dinner following a board meeting at the University Club in Los Angeles, Benson lthen in his last year as president of Claremont Menls Col- legel, Donald McKenna, and Robert Bernard-three founders in all-toasted Dean Sanders as one of the founders of the college, so provocative had been his rather off- handed remark. 28 C laremont McKenna College But what to do in the dark year of 1944? The first thing was to save the site by squelching the faculty housing proposal. Second, it was necessary to begin once again to discuss the college, which became an easier thing to do in late June 1944 when Con- gress passed the Servicemens Readjustment Act, more commonly known as the GI Bill of Rights. This revolutionary program, it was quickly determined, would send mil- lions of returningveterans back to college on a nearvcomplete subsidy. Millions of fed- eral dollars would soon be pouring into higher education: a river of support upon which the fragile bark of the third college might be launched downstream. Absent from discussion in 194 3 and 1944, the third college proposal reappeared as a priority of the Board of Fellows of Claremont College in early 1945. While it was one thing to envision millions of dollars of federal support at some time in the future, it was another thing entirely to come up with sufficient cash to open the doors. Modestly at first, then with growing commitment, Donald McKenna took responsibility for establishing the founding budget. His early gifts, together with the money he helped raise throughout 1944 and 1945, helped make the college a reality. In 1945, McKenna twho had earlier made a smaller gifti donated $5800 toward the fund- ing of a professorship of political science at Claremont College for a scholar who would serve as the first director of the college in its organizational phase as a school and as president after the school became a college. Throughout late 1945 and early 1946, the team of Robert Bernard and Donald Mcv Kennaereprising the campaign mounted by Story, Coons, and Bernard in 1939, 1940, and 1941epushed the college idea to all who would listen and raise funds. Without this campaign by Bernard and McKenna, the third college might have been delayed indefinitely or, worse, might have had its program hijacked by Pomona College, which almost became the case. Neither Bernard nor McKenna was an academic in the for- mal sense of the term. They were something less and something more: college men, entrepreneurs of an idea, founders. To Bernardis way of thinking, the professorship in political science that would bring the founding director-president to Claremont con- stituted the first priority. It was the wedge into the future, the platform upon which the college could be founded. The appointment had to go to a distinguished scholar, and that meant money. McKenna agreed. In early March 1946, he told Bernard: Ifyou can get the mens school under way, I will make a Firm commitment of $5,000 per year for five years. Six months later, the Claremont College Undergraduate School for Men opened its doors. It was a very busy six months, and it witnessed a feat of fund-raising, organiza- tion, and sheer bravado, energized by the optimism of the postwar era and by twenty years of plans and dreams. Galvanized by McKennaE gift, Bernard organized a luncheon meeting in Los Ange- Formulating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 29 3O les of the standing committee on the mens college of the Board of Fellows: Edward Lyman, William Honnold, Garner Beckett, and William Clary, each of them thor- oughly familiar and personally involved in the third college project. If Bernard and McKenna could raise $25,000 to match McKennas $25,000 pledge, the trustees tentaa tively agreed, they would raise another $50,000; and the menis school could open, pos- sibly as early as the falleprovided that a suitable appointment in political science could be made to direct the school, and provided that board Chairman Harvey Mudd, then in Europe, gave his approval. Driving back to Claremont that afternoon, Bernard and McKenna had two pressa ing priorities in mind: $50,000 and a founding director. To whom should they turn? Significantly, given Bernardis futile prewar canvassing of the East, this time they looked locallye-indeed, as locally as possibleeto Russell Pitzer, a Pomona Valley Cit- rus grower, very soon to emerge as another founder of the college. It would be difficult to End a figure more representative than Russell Pitzer of the forces shaping Pomona Valley and Claremont in its emergent era. Born in Iowa, Pitzer had grown up in the Pomona Valley, where his father was a pioneer citrus grower. Graduating from Pomona College in 1900, Pitzer took a law degree at Hastings Cola lege of the Law in San Francisco, returned to Claremont, and married his college sweetheart, Pomona graduate Flora Sanborn. Admitted to the bar, Pitzer practiced law and later served as city attorney of Claremont. He also involved himself in bank- ing and other investments. Citrus growing, however, remained Pitzers central and lifelong interest, and by the 19403 he was among the leading citrus growers in the state. Donald McKenna knew Russell Pitzer from serving with him on the board of the P0- mona Valley Community Hospital, and Pitzeris name was already on McKennas list of potential donors. Robert Bernard had gotten to know Pitzer during Bernardis sera vice as secretary to the alumni association of Pomona College. During the war, Bera nardis wife had volunteered as a nurses aide at the Pomona Valley Community Hospi- tal, where she had become friendly with Russell and Flora Pitzer. On the other hand, McKenna and Bernard agreed on their drive back to Claremont, they should not approach Pitzer too abruptly. They should sound him out via McKen- na,s business associate Raymond Smith, president of the First National Bank of Poe mona, where Pitzer served as Chairman. Interviewed at the bank on 15 March 1946, Smith told McKenna and Bernard that he thought Pitzer might be interested. Smith arranged to bring Pitzer, Bernard, and McKenna together the following Friday, 22 March, after a meeting of the bank board. The meeting went well. At the meeting and in later correspondence, McKenna and Bernard stressed the proposed school as a service to returning veterans, many of them from the Pomona Valley. Should the school open, Bernard and McKenna argued, these veterans, so many of them 10- cal, would receive a first-rate personalized education, preparing them for business ca- C laremont McKenna College reers. True, facilities would be austere, but men who had been on the beaches in N01- mandy or Guadalcanal might be expected not to mind. Bernard and McKenna also stressed the cautious, frugal nature of the school in its founding phase. It would begin modestly with eighty-Hve students and husband its resources. Russell Pitzer liked what he heard and carefully read the letter quickly drafted by Bernard and McKenna summarizing the proposal. Three 01' four days later, banker Raymond Smith invited McKenna and Bernard to a Rotary Club luncheon. Just be- fore lunch, Smith told the intrepid fund-raisers that Russell Pitzer would match Don- ald McKennals pledge. Fifty thousand dollars clown, fifty thousand dollarseand a di- rector, and Harvey Mudd's approvaleleft to go! Mudcl, in fact, was more than a mere Fellow, as important as that office might be. In the fall of 1944, after the dissolution of the Campus Corporation in the reorganization plan, Mudd had personally acquired the fourteen-acre Sarah Bixby Smith site intended for the third college so as to prevent its development. Mudd, in short, had used his own funds to ensure the future of the third college. Such generosity obviously indicated that lVlucld was favorable to the en- terprise-incleed, he also deserves to be called a founderebut Mudd was a cautious businessman and might not be expected to be willing to move at the pace being set by Bernard and McKenna. Upon his return from Europe, Mudd was lobbied by his fel- low board member Edward Lyman to think long and hard before he turned down the $25,000 pledge from McKenna and the probable gift from Pitzer. On 21 March 1946 Robert Bernard lunched with recently returned Mudd, updating him on the cam- paign. The following week, Pitzer announced his gift and Mudd, in Bernards words, llmoved from hesitation to full advocacy? McKenna, Bernard, Lyman, Pitzer lwhojoined the Board of Fellows on 4 June I946l, Clary, Beckett, ancl Honnold: the key players in the venture, now poised 0n the brink of actualization, all agreed on the next priority. The proposed school needed a director, pronto, to give it credibility. Such a director should be younger, Vigorous, academically qualihed, and committed to the Claremont way of doing things. By now it was early April 1946. George C. S. Benson, still wearing his lieutenant colonells uniform, having beenjust separated from the Army in Newjersey, was spotted by Bernard at the Claree mont lnn. Suddenly, t0 Bernard at least, it all made sense. Benson was a natural for appointment as director. He had been, after all, in Russell Storys mind the baCk-up candidate for Coons, now serving as president of Occidental College. Like practically everyone else connected to the founding of Claremont McKenna College, George Charles Sumner Benson was at Pomona man, Class 0f1928. His par ents, the Reverend Eugene Huntington Benson, an Episcopal priest, and Helen Thais, had been members of the first graduating class of Pomona, the Class of1894, and had each won election to Phi Beta Kappa. Helens brother, George Stedman Sum- Fornmlath-zg aml Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 31 ner, was a member of the same class. Both the Reverend Benson and his wife de- scended from seventeenth-century New England English stock, generally Congrega- tionalist in orientation, despite the anomaly of Eugene Bensonis attendance at the Episcopal theological school in San Mateo twhich is now in Berkeleyi and his ordina- tion in the Protestant Episcopal Church. Shortly after graduation, Eugene Benson had married Elizabeth MasseyJackson and lived with her in a small cottage in Palmer Canyon. Helen Thais was a friend of the couple and brought them gifts of food after Elizabeth came down with tuberculosis. Elizabeth died in 1898. Eugene Huntington Benson and Helen Thais were married around Thanksgiving 1899 at the Sumner home at Sumner Avenue near Foothill in Claremont. The couple went on to Berkeley, where both did their graduate work. Between Apri11903 and September1913 the Bensons had seven children, three girls and four boys. In the words of her husband, Helen Benson developed a passion for maternity, believing that America had too few educated people and those who were educated had the obligation to multiply. George Sumner Benson was the third sibling, born on 16 January 1908 in New York City, where Reverend Benson was making do with a struggling parish in Harlem. Reverend Bensonis second parish, in the working- Class South of Market district in San Francisco, was equally embattled. In the brief biography of his parents that George C. S. Benson wrote in conjunction with his brother Dirck, there is a cryptic mention of Reverend Benson suffering some kind of nervous breakdown twhich is the way that Helen Benson described it to her son George 3 number of years lateri while in San Francisco. In any event, Reverend Ben- son left his San Francisco parish in 1916 and took up ranching outside Ukiah in Men- docino County north of San Francisco. It was at best a hardscrabble life. But even at this point, as struggling farmers in a remote part of the state, the Bensons kept to their standards, supervising their Chil- dren,s lessons, reading aloud from the novels of Sir Walter Scott during dinner. Rever- end Benson, however, could at times be irascible and erratic. At one point, for exam- ple, he wanted to kill a perfectly good milk cow that had broken into a vegetable patch and was prevented from doing so only by his nine-year-old son George, who drove the cow away from his father for more than a half-mile until the Reverend Benson re- gained his temper. When George had trouble in school, his father called him a dis- grace to the family. George and his brothers performed most of the heavy work on the farm: plowed and harrowed the fields, mowed the hay, picked the pears and grapes, cut the wood, or hired themselves out to pick grapes, hops, plums, and pears on other ranches at the rate of a dollar a day. Reverend Benson, meanwhile, supervised his wife and sons efforts in a detached sort of way. The children wore hand-me-down clothes. When the family could not afford meat, one of the boys shot a deer. In later years, George Benson never referred to the Ukiah grammar school, where 32 Claremont MCKemm College he confessed to doing poorly, or to Ukiah High School, from which he graduated in 1924. The few references he made to his boyhood on the Ukiah ranch were structured by accepted piety. This was his Tom Sawyer era, he suggested. Yet one can surmise a more complex legacy: the poverty, the hard work, the ineffectual father, the sense of failure pervading the enterprise. Donald McKenna later remembered George C. S. Benson at Pomona College iwhere he matriculated in 19240 as a tall, raw, gangly, slightly inept country boy, uncertain of himself in the comparatively privileged Po- mona environment. Accounting professor and dean of students Stuart Briggs, a long- time colleague of Benson's, would later describe Benson as a strange combination of ego and inferiority complex. Such shadowing of Bensons character and personality, however, does not detract from the depth, complexity, and achievement of the man. On the contrary, the de- liberately iconic image of Benson from later yearsea Sphinx in profile, an updated version of a nineteenth-century college president, all-wise, all-knowingeobscures the fundamental tension in Bensonls personality that drove him, again and again, toe ward achievement. George C. S. Benson came from that most productive, if anxiety- ridden, of American backgrounds: people of long family descent, possessed of a heritage-heightened image of themselves, who have fallen upon hard times. From the tension, from the sense of displacement and the need to make it back into onels des- tined caste, comes the energy, the commitment, and imost important for Bensonls years as founding president of the collegel the willingness to take big risks because one has stared failure in the faceeif only a fathers failureeand vowed never to be intimidated. Getting out of poverty, which meant getting out of Ukiah and getting into Pomona College, took the very thing the Benson family had very little of:money. Enter George Stedman Sumner, Bensons Uncle George, Pomona College 1894, PhD. Yale 1897, pillar of the Pomona faculty, college controller, and, later, chief Financial ofEcer of the Claremont Colleges. For years, George Sumner supplemented the income of the Benson family. He helped Enance all seven Benson siblings through Pomona, paid for two of the brothers iHuntington and Kenelml through medical school, and F1- nanced George through two years of graduate work, until George became a teaching fellow at Harvard and senior tutor of Lowell House. It would be to Uncle Georges home at 105 College Avenue that Mabel Benson would bring her two sons to live while George was serving overseas in the Army, and it was there that the Bensons were living when George was offered the directorship of the new school. In later years George C. S. Benson would pay his uncle, who died in 1927, the most sincere form of affection and Hatteryeimitation. Despite his hardscrabble boyhood, George C. S. Benson would never be motivated by money. He would be as generous to Claremont McKenna College as his uncle had been to Pomona, returning to the col- Formulating cmd Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 33 lege all honoraria for speeches, donating generously from his own income, and at one point in the first year going so far as to make his own resources available to help the school through a difficult period. When Benson stepped down from the presidency in 1969, it was speculated that he had come near to donating the equivalency of his cumulative salary to the college. But that was in the future. In the meanwhile, the years 1924 to 1928, George Benson was doing well at what was in one sense a Benson family school, Pomona College, where he quickly came under the influence of Pomona political science professor Russell Story, who later as president of Claremont Colleges would do so much to keep alive the faith in the Group Plan. A Harvard man, Story would help Benson gain ad- mission to his alma mater. Benson also played second or third-string guard on the Pomona football team. tDonald McKenna later compared Bensonls football career at Pomona to that of Richard Nixonis at Whittier. Neither man was very good, yet each had an incredible ability to absorb punishmentJ Graduating from Pomona in 1928, Benson, with the help of Uncle George, spent a mere three years in pursuit of his doctorate, taking an MA. from the University of Illinois in 1929, a second MA. at Harvard in 1930, and a PhD. in government and political science from Harvard in 1931, followed by a term appointment as instructor in government and senior tutor in Lowell House. It was a brilliant graduate career. In a few short years, the gangly, uncertain country boy encountered by Donald McKenna at Pomona was reencountered at Harvard by McKenna lthen pursuing his PhD. in Englishl as ajunior faculty member and senior tutor of one of the most socially presti- gious undergraduate houses. Occasionally, McKenna wouldjoin Benson for sherry in the Senior Common Room, followed by dinner at the High Table in the grand Lowell House dining room, or for late-night sessions with students in the senior tutors lodg- ings, where Benson kept a large supply of refrigerated beer on hand for lateenight dis- cussions. Harvard polished Benson, although he would never become a Harvard dandy. Throughout his entire life, in fact, as his good friend Richard Armour later re- called, Bensonis tie had a tendency to shift askew, and his shoes frequently remained unbuffed. Yet no matter: Benson had regained his sense oflineage at Harvard. He had restabilized his identity. The raw Ukiah boy was now the senior tutor of Lowell l-louse. Benson pursued his academic career at research universities of the first rank: Chi- cago, where he taught for two years as lecturer; the University of Michigan, where he joined the faculty in 1936 as associate professor and established a program in public administration; and Northwestern, where he held an appointment as professor of po- litical science From 1941 to 1945. During this time he published four well-received monographseFimancial Control and Integration tigggi, Civil Service in Massachu- setts 0934i, The State Administrative Board in Michigan 6938i, and The New Central- z'zation l1941leedited the journal State Government for two years, and served a term 34 Claremont McKeima College on the State of Michigan Planning Commission. No wonder Russell Story considered him one of the up-and-coming younger political scientists in the country with an in terest in public administration. Benson honed his personal administrative skills in 1940-41 at the OfFlCC of Price Administration in Washington, where he served as director ofpersonnel and was later promoted to director of the administrative division. Receiving a direct commission as a captain, Benson entered the Army in early 1942. He spent a period of time as a management analyst in the Pentagon, then transferred to G-s, military aiTairs, and civil government. His wartime service, organizing and supervising civilian govern- ments in occupied areas, took him to North Africa, Italy, and Austria. He left the Army in March 1946 with the rank of lieutenant colonel. By his late thirties, George C. S. Benson had distinguished himself as a publishing scholar, an administrator, and a military officer. He had also married Wisely: Mabel Gibberd, a PhD. in literature from Chicago, whom Benson wed in 1935. The couple had two sonseSumner, born in 1939, and Brian, born in 1943. Given George Bensonis later prominence as a conservative Republican, it is interesting to note that he and Mabel were in the late 19303 political liberals, along with most of their academic gen eration. In December 1939, the couple coauthored an essay on world federalism, a decidedly suspicious topic by the late 19405. Mabel wrote a second essay on this theme the following year. Dreams of world peace through federalism faded after Pearl Harbor, of course, and in 1942 Mabel Benson found hersehC traveling by train with her two sons to Claremont, where they would spend the war in the home of George Sumner. During the war years, Mabel Benson taught English at Pomona College. Soon, she would be teaching two Classes of freshman English in the newly established Claremont Menls School. Practically everyone connected with the founding of the third college, George C. S. Benson included, was a graduate of Pomona College. From this perspective, Pomona was the nursery 0f the Group Plan and the midwife t0 Scripps, the Claremont Gradu- ate School, and the proposed third college. At this point, however, D1: E. Wilson Lyon, president of Pomona College, and a number of his faculty began to get cold feet. P0- mona, after all, had its own postwar anxieties. Would there be, for example, enough qualified veterans wishing to attend Pomona College on the GI Bill to create a surplus that could go to the new school, 01' would the new school deplete the pool of applicants to Pomona? Pockets of resistance began to develop in the Pomona faculty; and Lyon, who was serving simultaneously as president of Pomona and provost of the Claremont College, began to have his doubts. Matters came to a head at a meeting ofthe Intercol- legiate Council on 12 April 1946 when the question of whether to found the third col- lege, and at what time, came before this mixed body of Fellows, presidents, and fac- F ormulating and Founding the Enterprise, 19264946 3 5 ulty that exercised an authority second only to the Board of Fellows. In terms of its legitimacy, the third college proposal was in good shape. The Intercollegiate Council had approved it in 1936, and it had been affirmed and reaffirmed in the 1942 Operating Agreement and the 1944 Reorganization of Claremont College. Such legitimacy, howe ever, was only the hrst step. The discussion had now become a matter of pragmatic choice and action. At the meeting of the Intercollegiate Council on 12 April, the Po- mona faculty and administration expressed their doubts. The situation seemed ironic to former Congressman T. V. Smith, professor of philosophy at the University of Chi- cago, then on a return Visit to Claremont as a special lecturer. Ordinarily? Smith ob- served, members of the faculty are eager to go forward on an undertaking and the trustees often are reluctant. But here you have trustees ready to move and members of the faculty hesitatingfi The Scripps faculty, especially William Ament, formerly acting president of Clare- mont Colleges, and Millard Sheets, a noted artist in his own right, favored the third college proposal. The new school, first of all, would be all male in its student body and immediately adjacent to the all-female Scripps, thereby creatinga balance to Pomona, which was coeducational. Scripps College itself, moreover, had been successfully founded under the aegis of the Group Plan, and why should not the men's college prove equally successful? Thanks in part to Ament and Sheets, the 12 April meeting of the Intercollegiate Council gave its approval to the project and appointed a faculty committee to develop an academic program and a Board of Fellows committee to con- tinue the task of seeking financing. Still, President Lyon of Pomona continued to nurture certain ambivalences. As soon as Benson was offered the position of director of the proposed school, Lyon made a counteroffer of a professorship at Pomona, where Benson could develop a similar business and public affairs program. Benson discussed Lyonls offer with Bernard, MC- Kenna, and other members of the Board of Fellows. There is no evidence that Benson used Lyons offer to negotiate a higher salary. He did, however, use the occasion to explore with the Fellows the question of how serious they truly were about the new institution. Meanwhile, Benson's uncle, Dr. George Sumner, the retired controller of Pomona, also alerted Bernard around this time that George C. S. Benson was receiv- ing offers from other institutions outside Claremont. In less than a month, Benson had ceased to be the ex-lieutenant colonel wondering about his future. He was now a courted candidate for higher academic office. Once again, Robert Bernard came to the rescue. Why not appoint Benson to a live- year term in the Claremont Graduate School? he asked Lyon. That way, if the menls college failed, Benson could continue his teaching career at the Graduate School and at Pomona College. Putting on his provost hat, Lyon saw the logic of Bernardls pro posal and arranged the appointment. On 7 May 1946 the trustees of the Graduate School voted Benson 3 Hve-year appointment as professor of public administration. 36 Claremont McKemm College Benson could now devote himself to the founding of the merfs college with the psy- chological security of the graduate school appointment. At this point, George C. S. Benson emerged to the fore, alongside Bernard, Mc- Kenna, and the other trustees, as a founding ngre. Charged with the responsibility of directing the school en route to becoming a college, Benson communicated a posi- tive, can-do attitude toward the venture, although inwardly he had his doubts. Above all else, Benson pushed for an autumn opening. He could recruit a faculty, Benson argued, from men, and a woman or two, leaving the military or government service. Immediately, Benson began to draw upon his network of Harvard, Chicago, Michi- gan, Northwestern, Southern California, military, and federal government COHHCCe tions, searching for possible faculty appointments. Cutting through nearly two decades of curriculum planning, much of it repetitive 0r hopelessly unfundable, Benson argued for a streamlined program of required courses with no electives, n0 segmented majors, and hence no academic depart- ments. To characterize and market this Jfast-tracked curriculum, Benson revived the old-fashioned term political economy, by which he meant an Oxbridge amalga- mation of economics, political science, social science, and administrative theory and practice, conceptualized and taught as one Field. Board member Edward Lyman, meanwhile, chaired the organizing committee es- tablished by the Board of Fellows that was intended to develop into the board of trust- ees of the new college. He spearheaded the drive to raise the second $50,000 toward the $100,000 that Harvey Mudd and the mens college committee of the Board of Fel- lows said must be in hand by its 4 June 1946 annual meeting if there were to be an autumn opening. Only $88,000, however, had been raised by the time the organiz- ing committee reported to the Board of Fellows at its annual meeting at the Clare- mont Inn. As Chairman of the organizing committee, Lyman led the discussion. The $12,000 shortfall, he argued, should not intimidate the Board of Fellows. It could be easily recovered. More important: $88,000 had been pledged, a director recruited, and a curriculum Chosen. The Board agreed and took three votes. First, it appointed Benson director of the School, under the general supervision of the provost. Second, it authorized Benson to recruit faculty. Third, it accepted the budget of the School for Men as presented by the organizing committee. By the Close of this meeting, a new entityevariously called the Claremont College Undergraduate School for Men, the Claremont Undergraduate School for Men, or the Claremont Menis Schoolehad come into being. The Board of Fellows intended it as a transitional entity. After its first successful year of operation, the operating com- mittee of the School could petition the Board for permission to incorporate itself as a college with its own board of trustees. Less than four months remained before the School for Men was scheduled to open Formulating and Founding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 37 its doors. Even more challenging, Benson had previously accepted an appointment to teach at the Harvard Summer School and did not wish to renege on his contract. It was, to say the least, a busy four months. Over the summer, working from Claremont and from Cambridge, by letter and by telephone, Benson recruited the founding faculty. The initial faculty members exhibited a pioneering spirit, and many of them took on additional roles to their teaching responsibilities. Stuart Briggs was a local busi- nessman and part-time Pomona College instructor. Along with his teaching of ac- counting, Briggs became the dean of students. Gerald Jordan, just released from the Navy, began as assistant professor of political economy and assisted in registration. Bertha Ward began as a lecturer in Spanish. Recently released from the armed sere vices were Everett Carter, instructor in English, and Albert Clodius, instructor in his- tory, both graduate students finishing their dissertations. Daniel Vandermeulen, assistant professor of economics, had just Finished his PhD. at Harvard. Alice Van- dermeulen, who held a doctorate in economics from Radcliffe, would laterjoin the faculty. Now came the busy task of organizing a school whose director would be in the East until early September. Mabel Gibberd Benson wrote a brief catalogue, which she handed to her husband for revision as he entrained for the East. Available by the fourth week of June, the catalogue ran to a mere twelve pages. Robert Bernard took charge of physical arrangements. The three-story Sarah Bixby Smith mansion consti- tuted the Schools only permanent building. Constructed in the early part of the cen- tury, this rambling Craftsman structure had been the home of Sarah Bixby Smith and her husband, Paul Jordan-Smith, literary editor of the L05 Angeles Times, in the 19205 and 19305. The Smithsl residence had then served as a faculty club, and, more re- cently, had been leased to the Girls Collegiate School. Already, in the spring of 1946, Bernard had given notice to the Girls Collegiate School, which vacated the mansion in June. Working with Claremont College staff, Bernard transformed the mansion into a dormitory for nonveterans with kitchen and dining facilities for the entire stu- dent body. Veterans enrolling in the School would be housed in shipyard dormitory units obtained from the federal housing authority, which were scheduled to arrive in August. Simultaneous with these efforts was the recruitment drive and admissions process. Bernard spearheaded this operation, working with Gerald Jordan, who had been named assistant director of the School beginning July 15, and Mabel Benson and Lu- ther Lee, a professor ofpolitical science at Pomona. Distributed to Veteransl Adminis- tration officials, armed forces separation centers, high school andjunior college coun- selors throughout Southern California, and, in at least one instance, a naval brig, the twelve-page catalogue did yeomanls work in announcing the new school. Bernard and 38 C lm'emom M cKen-na C allege Jordan took to the road, developing contacts. Each time a student was admitted, Ber- nard sent a press release to the students hometown newspaper, announcing the ad- mission and describing the School and its program. The Los Angeles Times ran a story on the conversion of the Sarah Bixby Smith mansion into a college dormitory and din- ing commons, soon to be called Story House in honor of the late president of the Claremont Colleges, Russell Story iwho can almost be said to have given his life on behalf of the third collegei. The Bulletin of the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce ran a story, and Benson used his connections to get a brief notice in the New York Times. By late August, fifty students had been admitted, and ten more were on the verge of accepting admission, which left only fifteen students to go before the School reached its break-even enrollment of seventy-hve. The veterans, housing units arrived on schedule in late August, but could not be electrically wired or hooked up to plumb- ing on schedule. Imperturbably, Bernard and Jordan obtained temporary housing for the veterans in barracks-like arrangements in two large rooms and the basement of Bridges Auditorium, where classes would also be held. In the basement, under the stage, Bernard fitted out a recreation area with card tables and chairs and directed the head groundsman to decorate it with potted plants. Very shortly, students would be calling the area the Coconut Grove. Returning the second week in September, Benson assumed direction of the effort. On 19 September 1946, L03 Angeles Times columnist Ed Ainsworth wrote a column praising the new school. Ainsworth was especially delighted by its practical focus and lack of distracting electives. Here was a school for no-nonsense veterans anxious to acquire the tools for a productive life. Ainsworthis column might have brought in a student or two, for by 22 September, the day before registration, the student body stood at eighty-six, eleven beyond the break-even point. That night, the Bensons were entertaining faculty and staff at dinner at their home at 105 College Avenue. Just before dinner, word came that the trucks had arrived with furniture for the dormitory in the Bridges basement and had to be unloaded immedi- ately. Benson led the men down to the auditorium, and they spent the next few hours unloading and arranging beds, mattresses, nightstands, and desks. The next morning, Monday, 23 September 1946, Gerald Jordan and Bertha Ward seated themselves at the registration desk in the Bridges Auditorium foyer, and a file of young men and noteSOeyoung men, many of them in the odds and ends of military attire, stood in line to fill out their forms. After twenty years, dreams and plans had become a reality. The third college was being launched, irretrievably, into history. Formulating and F ozmding the Enterprise, 1926-1946 39 Named in honorofRussell Story, president0fP01'n01'La College and cm ardent advocate 0fthe Group Plan, Story House gave shelter to the newly established Claremont College Undergraduate Schoolfor Men. Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 I N IT S F1 R S T S E M E S T E R of operation, the Claremont College Undergraduate School for Men was a provisional institution. Even as its doors opened, an atmosphere of uncertainty attached itself to the enterprise. If things went well, the School might develop into an independently incorporated college according to plan. On the other hand, the School might represent, at best, a Hve-year experiment and eventually lose its identity altogether. Two philanthropists, Marie Rankin Clarke and Russell Pitzer, working with a by-nOW-familiar cast of trustees and administrators-Robert Bernard, Donald McKenna, George Benson, Harvey Mudd, Edward Lyman, Garner Beckett, and George Martineachieved the near-impossible Within the first seven months of the Schools existence: its endowment and incorporation as an autonomous college. For incorporation as a college with an enrollment of 150 students to happen, how- ever, the School needed an endowment of $1 million. This posed a special challenge, given the fact that the School had opened its doors $175,000 short of the level of fi- nancial resources regarded as an absolute necessity for the first five years of operation. Thanks to the fund-raising efforts of Claremont Fellow Edward Lyman, $116,000 in gifts and pledges had been received by December 1946. Yet the $1 million still stood as a barrier to incorporation. In this first phase of organization and development, Robert Bernard, managing director of Claremont College, as usual made the breakthrough. For some time, Bernard had been in contact With one of the wealthiest and most generous philanthropists in the region, Marie Rankin Clarke of Los Angeles and Santa Fe Springs, widow of Chauncey Clarke, a pioneer miner and oil man in Arizona 42 and California. Through her Close friend and banker, George Martin, the second pres- ident 0f the Friends of Claremont Colleges tMartin was active with Mrs. Clarke in the Hollywood Bowl, and his wife had once accompanied her on a tour of Europei, Marie Rankin Clarke was introduced to Bernard at a private dinner party in Los Ange- les in early1944. Interested in the Far East, Mrs. Clarke quizzed Bernard at the dinner regarding Claremont programs in that area. At two subsequent meetings-a weekend on her eighty-acre date ranch near La Quinta in the Coachella Valley and a second meeting at her apartment at the Biltmore Hotel on Pershing Square in downtown Los AngeleseMrs. Clarke questioned Bernard even more Closely. By then she was explor- ing the possibility of making an annuity gift of $100,000, which she did in February 1945, increasing the gift to $150,000 within a few months. Even more gratifyingly for Bernard, longtime Board member William Honnold that April pledged $1 million toward a central library. It was the first million-dollar gift in the history of the Associated Colleges. Gordon Kaufmann, architect of the quadran- gle at Scripps College and Harper Hall, the administrative headquarters of Claremont College, was commissioned to develop designs. By midsummer 1946, Kaufmann had submitted his preliminary renderings. Aware of Mrs Clarkeis interest in Claremont College and the Group Plan, Bernard asked Honnolds permission to show the plans to Mrs. Clarke in her apartment at the Los Angeles Biltmore. George Martin had cautioned Bernard not to ask Mrs. Clarke directly for money for the new School for Men. Cunningly, however, Bernard asked Kaufmann to sketch in the campus of the Men's School on one of his library illustra- tions, which Kaufmann agreed to do. Thus, in the course of discussing the library project with Mrs. Clarke at the Biltmore in June 1946, Bernard had the opportunity to point to the adjoining area, sketched in with Kaufmanns renderings. When Mrs. Clarke showed interest in the new school, Bernard followed up by sending her a copy of the program of the opening convocation, together with photos of students living in the basement of Bridges Auditorium. At the most, Bernard was hoping for a $10,000 gift. There the matter rested for the next six months. On Friday, I November 1946, George Martin telephoned Bernard with the news that Mrs. Clarke was in the hospital and had decided to make a large gift to Claremont College in memory of her husband. Martin asked Bernard to meet him and Mrs. Ciarkes secretary, Estella Siemon, the following morning at the Secu- rity First National Bank in Los Angeles to draw up a gift agreement. After a prelimie nary discussion with Miss Siemon, Martin and Bernard worked the rest of the day drafting the document. Of total importance to the third college was a provision that Martin and Bernard at this point wrote into the agreement: income from the gift could be used either for Claremont College as sponsor of the Graduate School or for Clare- C laremont McKemza College mont College as sponsor of the MenTs Schooleor the MenTs School, separately incor- porated. The following morning, Miss Siemon reviewed the document on behalf of Mrs. Clarke. At some point in these discussions tBernard does not tell precisely whem, the magnitude of Mrs. Clarkes intended bequest, half a million dollars, became appar- ent. That Sunday afternoon, at a meeting of the executive committee of the Board of Fellows held at Harvey Mudds home in Beverly Hills, further details were discussed regarding the gift, now formally known as the Chauncey Clarke Fellowship Trust Fund. It was made clear at this meeting that income from the fund was to he used for educational programs only and not for the construction of buildings 01 the acquisi- tion of land. Also discussed was the possibility of naming the MenTs School Clarke College, a provision Bernard and Martin had written into the agreement. At Harvey Mudde suggestion, Bernard made a motion that the gift be accepted. The motion was made and unanimously passed. Bernard drove home to Claremont late that Sun- day afternoon with the signed contract, together with a check from Mrs. Clarke for $500,000. Coming so early, before the Erst semester of the School was completed, the Clarke gift demonstrated that the concept of the MenTs College could attract major funding. At the same time, however, a new Eguree$3 millionesurfaced in discussions at a joint meeting of the boards of trustees of the Associated Colleges in early December. While $1 million represented a minimum endowment to incorporate the School as an independent college with an enrollment of 150, $3 million in capital assets and en- dowment wohld be necessary, the trustees agreed, to support a college serving 300 students, as was now being discussed. And besides, the Clarke gift was not formally committed to the Mens College. The deed of gift only stated that it might be used for those purposes. Still, the Clarke gift had a psychological effect. At their 17 December 1946 meeting, the Board of Fellows accepted a report drafted by Will Clary recommending that the School be incorporated as a separate college. To that end, the Board of Fellows estab- lished an advisory council for the School consisting half of Board members and half of members from the outside. This advisory council was intended to become the board of trustees of the new college when it was incorporated. The Fellows also speci- fied the property that would be transferred to this new corporationathe former Sarah Bixby Smith property, including Story House, lying between Sixth and Ninth Streets and Amherst and Mills Avenueseifand when incorporation was achieved. That was the good news. The bad news was twofold. While the Board of Fellows agreed to the concept of incorporation, it did not formally incorporate the new college at its December meeting. Board Chairman Harvey Mudd believed that the finances of Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 43 T0 lead the new school, the trustees turned to George C . S. Benson, 0 recently demobilized Army lieutenant colonel with an 'LL11de11glzzduate degree from Pomona and a PhD. from Harvard. the new institution were still inadequate. At Muddis insistence, income from the Clarke gift would remain unassigned, pending further developments. All budgets, building programs lsuch as the new dormitory, which the Board endorsed at the same meetingl, and faculty appointments for the School would continue to be cleared through the Board of Fellows. Like the Clarke gift, the formally established Advisory Council for the School for Men represented, if not incorporation, then at least a significant step in that direction. Here was a college board of trustees in the making. From the Board of Fellows came Garner Beckett, who was elected chairman, Clarence Crawford, Edward Lyman, Russell Pitzer, and Donald McKenna. From outside the Board came Herman Erkes, John Marble, Ford Twaits, P. G. Winnett, Burnett Wohlford, and Henry Mudd, the son of Harvey Mudd tappointed in part to keep his father, the somewhat skeptical chairman of the Board of Fellows, favorably disposed toward the Schooli. As provisional as it might have been, the Advisory Council early on began acting like a board. Among other things, it initiated steps to acquire from Scripps College land that Scripps held between Amherst and Columbia Avenues and Eighth and Ninth Streets, a property later designated the Pitzer Hall block. It also notified the board of trustees of Pomona College that it was planning to construct on this property a classroom building for the Menls School. The Advisory Council also recommended that $10,000 a year be granted from the Clarke F und for the next five years to hire two professors in the fields of business andlor public administration to teach in the Menls School and the Claremont Graduate School. At a later meeting, the Advisory Council approved the additional faculty appointments that George Benson was proposing for the coming academic year. At this point, the most representatively Southern Californian of the Advisory Council members, Russell PitzerePomona Valley citrus rancher, former city attor- ney of Claremont, bank director, the man who had matched Donald McKennais $25,000 gift, thus enabling the School to get started in the First placeeonce again swung into action. In early March, as articles of incorporation were being drafted to be used when the necessary funding was achieved, Mrs. Clarke declined naming the college in her honor. She was interested, she said, in the overall Claremont enterprise and feared that naming the college would discourage other major donations. Russell Pitzer, however, had no such reservations. If the new college would be named Pitzer College, he announced, he would donate $500,000 for capital expenditures. With the Clarke bequest ishould the Board of Fellows assign it to the Menis Collegel, his gift would bring the campaign to its targeted goal of $1 million. The Board of Fellows re- jected Pitzerls offer. I-lalfa million dollars, many Fellows believed, was too small a sum to have a donors name permanently attached to the institution. Mrs. Clarke, more over, had rejected the idea of any individuals name being attached to the college, and the Board felt a moral obligation to accede to her wishes. Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 45 Unfazed by what some might consider a rejection, Russell Pitzer made a counter- offer. He would give $250,000 toward an academic building for the third collegeeon two conditions. First, the Board of Fellows must assign the Clarke bequest exclusively to the School for Men. Second, the Advisory Council would have to match Pitzerls gift with another $250,000. With a mixture of generosity and acuity, Pitzer was using the possibility of a $250,000 gift to leverage the $500,000 Clarke gift and $250,000 from the Advisory Council which, together with his own pledge, would reach the required $1 million mark. Russell Pitzer, in short, was making the Board and the Advisory Council an offer they could not refuse. The maneuver succeeded brilliantly. One by one, the donations fell into place. Chairman Harvey Mudd, the key point of skepti- cism on the Board, fell in line almost immediately and agreed to the assignment of the Clarke Fund to the School for Men. At this point, the Board of Fellows dropped all opposition to incorporation and re- tained Edward Lymanls law firm to handle legal arrangements. The first requirement was a name for the new institution. Mrs. Clarke was strongly committed to the name Claremont as suggestive of the amalgamated collegiate entity embodied in the Group Plan. Robert Bernard and George Benson recommended the name Claremont Menis College, which the Advisory Council accepted. An inquiry to the California Secre- tary of State revealed that the name Claremont Menls College remained available as a corporate title. The signed articles of incorporation were sent to Sacramento on 26 March 1947 by air mail special delivery. On Friday, 28 March 1947, the secretary of state certifled Claremont Mens College as a nonproHt corporation in the State of California. Over the next six weeks, the newly incorporated Claremont Menls College was fur- ther organized. At its meeting of 4 April 1947, the Board of Fellows formally approved the articles of incorporation and transferred all designated funds, pledges, and prop- erty to the new entity. At this meeting as well, Garner Beckett, now chairman of the newly constituted board of trustees of Claremont Menls College, made a dramatic announcement. Marie Clarke, provided that her gift be matched, would make a fur- ther gift of $125,000; this would cut in half the $250,000 yet to be raised before the endowment reached the $1-rnillion mark. Shortly thereafter, when only $40,000 was left to be raised, trustees Beckett, Lyman, Winnett, and Henry Mudd personally guar- anteed $10,000 each, which Marie Clarke and Russell Pitzer each agreed to accept in lieu of actual pledges to meet their terms. The trustees, however, were not obligated to make good on these pledges. Other gifts soon flowed in, taking the endowment past the $I-million mark. On 15 May 1947, at 11:00 A.M. in Bridges Auditorium, the newly incorporated Clare- mont Menis College held its first convocation. E. Wilson Lyon, president of Pomona College and provost of Claremont College, presided over a full program. Musically, 46 C laremont McKenna College the ceremony was impressive, beginning with the processional hymn uGod of Our Fa- thers? which became a standard opening for Claremont Menis College ceremonies. Later in the ceremony, the Scripps College Choral Club sang Palestrinais iiMagnifiv cati'; and the Pomona College Choir sang iiLook Up, Look On, Press Outward, whose rousing lyrics Lift up your hearts, forge ahead Thefaith ofyouth om'goal robustly caught the collegial mood of the occasion. Students from each of the colleges welcomed Claremont Men,s College into the fold. Dr. James Blaisdell, president i emeritus of Claremont College, and T. V. Smith, professor of philosophy at the Uni- i versity of Chicago, gave longer addresses. For Blaisdell, father of the Group Plan, this was an especially gratifying occasion; the founding of the third college moved the Group Plan from a shadowy reality toward a more convincing presence. Blaisdellis moral exhortation was followed by T. V. Smiths praise of the new Colleges curricu- lum. Like President George C. S. Benson, T. V. Smith, who had tried to help the Col- lege get started in 1941, had served as an Army ofhcer in military government during the war. His experience had reinforced his earlier conviction that a new kind of educa- tional philosophy, preparing young men for careers in business and government within a matrix of liberal arts and social sciences, was becoming increasingly neces- sary. The New Deal and World War H, Smith noted, had each shown the possibilities and limitations of mass mobilization. Claremont Meifs College was prepared to edu- cate a new generation of leaders capable of handling the complexities of a perma- nently mobilized mass culture. In his address at the opening convocation, Blaisdell had noted that while it was one thing to dehne a program, the real identity of Claremont Mens College would be cre- ated over time by its faculty and students. While many individuals had come together to found Claremont Menis College, faculty recruitment in these early years remained the near-exclusive prerogative of George Benson. Benson accomplished, in fact, a tour a college, Benson drew upon his many contacts in academia and government in search of promising candidates. Then, with an almost Wizard of OZ-like ability, he convinced them that a distinguished institution was arising in far Southern Califor- nia amidst the rocks and the sagebrush and that they, if they so chose, could become part of this grand adventure. Fifty years and more after this First recruitment drive, i de force of recru1tment. Dlrector of a st111-prov151onal school, not yet incorporated as i i i i it remains astonishing to contemplate how Bensonedirecting a school that was t underfunded, provisional, and had only one building tStory Housei and uncertain prospectserecruited so many distinguished candidates in the first four years of the College. Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 47 AB OVE: From the Federal Public Housing Authority, Benson acquired six prefabricated steel buildings, 20 by 48feet, jivefor classroom use and the sixthfor 0135mm RI G I-lT: Enrolling in the SchoolforMen was Morris Slack, who hadjloum 3-175 and B-245 in the South Pacijic. Like Benson, Slack had left the service as a lieutenant colonel. Now he was an undergraduate 0n the GI Bill. From the Harvard Graduate School of Business, Benson recruited the erudite Dutch-American Jacob Anton de Haas, professor in international economics. It was a stunning recruitment, and an appointment that represented a win-win situation for both the college and de Haas: he came trailing clouds of Harvard glory to the fledgling institution; and he had been growing increasingly weary of the cruel Cambridge win- ters as he was approaching his retirement years. De Haas had previously contacted President Lyon 0f Pomona regarding an appointment; unable to create a vacancy, Lyon referred him to Benson, and Benson made an offer. De Haasenot wanting lito sit through the Harvard snow and slush for the next Eve years,u as Benson later put iteaccepted. As a tenured Harvard professor, Jacob Anton de Haas brought prestige, flair, and a growing commitment to the College; indeed, shortly after his arrival cle Haas was sec- ond only to Benson as a public representative of the CIVIC ideal. Born in Holland, de Haas had emigrated to the United States as a young man and graduated from Stan- ford. After taking an MA. from Harvard, de Haas returned to his alma mater for his Ph.D., and after a distinguished career at a number of universities-Ohio State, Stan- ford, New York Universityewas appointed to an endowed chair at the Harvard Busi- ness School. Amiable, gregarious, a gifted teacher, de Haas brought to CMC the am- bience of the Ivy League and international connections. For his war work on behalfof the Netherlands, he had been named Commander of the Order OFOrange Nassau and had also been honored by the government of Colombia. While de Haasls decision to come to CMC may have turned upon something as uninspiring as his reluctance to spend his early sixties in the Cambridge sludge and snow, once arrived at CIVIC, de Haas was no slacker. An entertaining lecturer and an indulgent grader, de Haas took a highly personalized mentoring relationship with his students. They, in turn, admired his connections with the great world and his flamboyance. On 8 October 1947, for example, the student newspaper The Analyst admiringly reported that de Haas had just spent ten days at San Quentin writing a series of articles for the San Francisco Call Bulletin on prison life, prison economics, and social organization and had wit- nessed nine hangings. But it was as a promoter and p ublicist that de Haas equally proved his value, at least in Bensons eyes. De Haas's address at the Parents, Day Convocation on 2.3 November 1947, Education for the World of Today, was so popular that it was published as an extra issue of the Claremont Mews College Bulletin. In this address cle Haas made the case that CMC was bringing a new note of realism into American higher education by emphasizing to the students how social and industrial organizations truly worked. To you students in the Menls College, de Haas concluded, I say you are to be con- gratulated to have chosen to study in this College. You may not realize it now, but you are in a sense intellectual pioneers. You will be the advance guard of men who have Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 49 50 received the kind of training the modern world requires? Thanks to his connections and reputation, de Haas was able to place an article in the 27 November 1948 Chris- tian Science Monitor profiling CMC and extolling its program. iiClaremont can bear watching? de Haas concluded. Something new, something signihcant is being done there. From the University of Chicago, Benson recruited Orme Wheelock Phelps, an as- sistant professor of business administration and dean of students in the School of Business. Wishing to pursue a more scholarly career, Phelps was discontented with hisjoint appointment. He was, moreover, overage in grade, having not taken his PhD. until nearly forty. At Chicago, Phelps faced the prospect of remaining a long-term as- sistant professor-administrator. tHis promotion to associate professor was being de- layed 0n the basis of his being married to the niece of the dean, who feared charges of nepotism.i Given his situation, Phelps had no trouble accepting Bensons offer to come to Claremont as professor of industrial relations. Like Jacob Anton de Haas, Orme Wheelock Phelps soon emerged as a faculty star, albeit in a more subdued manner. Handsome, assured, given to pipes, tweed jackets, button-down shirts, and rep ties, Phelps was a college professor from central casting for mid-twentieth-century America. He brought to CMC the style and demeanor of the WASP professorate in its ascendancy. Students appreciated Phelps not only be- cause he taught well, kept generous ofhce hours, and published frequently, but also because he seemed the Real McCoy-Ronald Coleman in The Halls of Ivy, a man fully capable of posing for a recruiting poster for the Ivy League. No sooner had Phelps arrived at CMC, he produced an essay on the Taft-Hartley Act, which the Col- lege published. Within the decade, Phelpsis textbook Introduction to Labor Econom- ics, published by McGraw-Hill, had been adopted by more than eighty colleges and universities. Phelps produced a steady stream ofpublications in scholarly j ournals and also published in his avocational held, the life and writings of Ulysses S. Grant, whose manuscript letters he collected. From the State Department, Benson made yet another dramatic appointment: Gott- fried Thomas Mann, a PhD. in European history from Heidelberg University and the son of Thomas Mann, the preeminent German novelist. tMann had spent the war in an Army psychological warfare unit stationed in England and, later, Luxembourg. Working as a commentary writer for the Voice of America, Mann had written rapid rebuttals to Nazi propaganda broadcastsJ With G010 Mann, as he was known, Benson acquired some of the cachet of the emigre presence that was even then transforming American academic life. While the appointment of Mann as assistant professor of history might seem at first glance discordante-the somewhat shy and self-doubting scion of the leading German literary family, lecturing in military surplus classrooms to recently released veterans of mixed academic background-Mann took to the C01- C laremont McKemna College lege, and the College took to him. Students soon realized that this learned, aristocratic German, passionately committed Hike his fatherl to the finest humanistic traditions of Europe, was a skilled and approachable professor. In time, by the early 19505, Mann became desirous of rejoining European intellectual life, and Benson arranged a part- time appointment; and so Mann spent the winter semester in Claremont, far from the German snows, hiking on weekends in the San Gabriel Mountains in the company of his faithful canine companion, a St. BernardiI-Iungarian shepherd mixed breed. A specialist in the Napoleonic era, Mann had already published a monograph in his field by the time of his arrival at CIVIC and was making regular appearances in The Nation. Gifted in brainpower, caste, and academic pedigree, Mann would have been at home in any of the more socially developed colleges of the East; yet the upheavals of the 19305 had brought him, along with his distinguished father and uncle, to Southern California. Despite his European identity, Mann was also an avid Southern Califor- nian in the emigre style, relishing the weather, the beauty, the chance for weekend rambles in the outdoors. Golo lVlann was loved, if you will, later remembered Charles Butterfield 0f the Class of 1951, Hand respected for his fidelity to fact and deep desire to teach history meaningfully. He used to have informal evening gatherings at his home for the ex- change of ideas. I recall an evening when someone was expounding that man was sim- ply an animal, and G010 said, lBeethovens Fifth was not written by an animalf One year, after his last lecture, the class stood and applauded resoundingly and presented him with several bottles of wine, in the European style. He was quite taken, as we all were. G010 drove about in a tiny nondescript foreign convertible, with the top down. Jacob Anton de Haas was not the only full professor with tenure to be recruited by Benson. From the University of Chicago, Benson recruited a former president of that institution, Max Mason, to teach physics. From the University of Wisconsin, he re- cruited W. Bayard Taylor, professor of Finance. While Masonis health forced an early resignation, Taylor proved himself a skilled administrator as well as an engaging pro- fessor ofbusiness economics. From Pomona College, to teach mathematics, came re- tired professor ChesterJaeger. To teach psychology, Benson recruited Lucien Warner, associate director of research at Time, Inc. Nor did Benson ignore the recruitment of younger scholars. To strengthen the hu- manities, Benson recruited two promising men: John Dunbar of Miami University in Ohio, a Harvard PhD. in English and American literature; and John Atherton, who was Finishing his doctorate in English at the University of Chicago. From the Univer- sity of California at Berkeley, Benson recruited George Gibbs, Who had been a highly successful, well-connected accountant in Claremont before going on to Berkeley for his PhD. Bensods second wave of recruitment, in factein its combination of distin- guished full professors, young men of promise, and a maverick 0r twoebrought to Bold Beginnings, 1946e195o 51 52. Claremont Menis College the range and depth he could not achieve in the hasty re- cruitments 0f the spring and summer of 1946. While Max Mason suffered health problems, and Lucien Warner grew increasingly eccentric, Dunbar, Atherton, and Gibbs brought youthful promise and energy to the Claremont faculty and in time be- came Virtual institutions, figures from the founding era. Other earlyjunior faculty in- cluded Alan Andrew, a boyish assistant professor of physics; Everett Carter, assistant professor of English; Karl Darlington, lecturer in accounting; Michael Fertall, assis- tant professor of drama and speech; Robert Trevor, instructor in English; and Ralph Vernon, instructor in mathematics. Given the decidedly male nature of the venture, it is somewhat surprising to note the important role played by women faculty and staff in these early years. To her posi- tion as lecturer in Spanish, Bertha Wardea Mount Holyoke graduate, her dignihed demeanor ever suggestive of the Seven Sisters at a time when those colleges produced an outstanding array of women scholarsebrought a wealth of experience in teaching abroad tParis, Barcelona and a mastery of Spanish perfected over a long residence in Latin America, where her husband worked as an engineer. Diminutive, dignified, yet energetic, Mrs. Ward had no trouble controlling her classrooms of veterans. During the war, after all, she had taught for the Army; and she was-with her wire-rimmed glasses, tailored suits, and sensible shoes, her graying hair artfully arrangedethe kind of older woman whom young men instinctively regard with respect. A graduate of Bryn Mawr, with a PhD. from Radcliffe College, Alice Vandermeu- len came to CIVIC after one year at Scripps, with teaching experience at Simmons and Wellesley and research experience with the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Like her husband, she was an extremely tough grader. The Vanderrneulens, in fact, were ferociously dedicated to upholding standards in the new institution through tough grading. As registrar, Vivian Howes was the senior ranking woman on the administrative staff. Mary Simpson Pratt served as librarian, and Grace Montgomery was secretary to Benson. To run food service, Benson hired Mrs. Angelyn Sampson, a graduate in home economics from Louisiana State University, with a masters degree in institu- tion management from ColumbiaAs director of dormitories, Mrs. Sampson also su- pervised the maintenance staff. All things considered, Mrs. Sampson did an excellent job providing some 300 students with meal service. When sophomore Curtis Holler dared to criticize food service in the student newspaper, The Analyst, 011 26 October 1949, the editorsjurnped to Mrs. Sampsons defense, pointing out that Holler, a non- resident student, was not a regular at Story House. Despite his tendency to run a one-man show, Benson did appoint an inner circle of administrators. Gerald Jordan was rapidly promoted to associate professor with ten- ure in February 1947. At the time, Jordan was also serving as secretary of the faculty, C laremom McKemm College AB OVE: Resigning his tenure at the Harvard Graduate School of Business to come to C laremom, the erudite Dutchv Americanfacob Anton ole Haash-who had grown weary of the cruel Cambridge wintershhrought academic credibility to the fledgling institution. LE FT: So also did Gottfried hGolw Thomas Mann, a Ph.D. in European history from Heidelberg University and the son of the preeminent German novelist. With Golo Mama, the College acquired some of the cachet 0fthe himigre' presence then transforming American academic life. 54 Claremont McKenna College in effect the faculty dean. In April 1949 the position of dean of the faculty was formally created and W. Bayard Taylor, professor of business economics, was appointed the following month. As a gentleman 0f the old school tso Stuart Briggs would later re- member himi, Taylor brought a soothing, mature presence to the position. To serve as personnel director, director of admissions, and lecturer in business policy, Benson appointed John Henninger, a graduate of Hamilton College, with an MBA. from the Harvard School of Business. Henninger had been recently released from the Army, where he had served as a captain in medical administration. A survey of TheAnalyst and later reminiscences reveal a relative consensus of eval- uation of staff and faculty in these first years. Anton de Haas was popular because he lectured well, with frequent reference to his own participation in events, and graded easily. Gerald Jordan was even more friendly with students, lectured well, and graded as lenientiy as de Haas. Orme Phelps, G010 Mann, William Bayard Taylor, and John Dunbar were also skilled lecturers, hence popular, but graded more severely, espe- cially Phelps. Dan and Alice Vandermeulen lectured above most students, heads, al- though Alice Vandermeulen, a woman of great personal presence, won respect for bringing a muCh-needed note of female intellectualism and authority to an otherwise all-male environment. On 1949 Mrs. Vandermeulen won a $2,500 grant from the Haynes Foundation of Los Angeles for research into measurement standards for governmental expendituresj Bertha Ward was universally respected as a teacher of Spanish, as was Rehecca Trevino Marti. Ward, Marti, and Alice Vandermeulen, in fact, together with staffers Howes, Pratt, and Sampson, represented a rather signifi- cant female presence in what might otherwise have been an oppressively masculine environment. The growing sophistication of the faculty drove a comparably sophisticated develop ment in the hastily assembled curriculum of 1946-47. As early as the second year of operation, faculty were demanding more humanities courses. A faculty committee designed a four-year humanities sequence integrating literature, history, philosophy, and religion. Inaugurated in the fall of 1948, the first two years of the sequence covered Western civilization to 1900. The third year shifted its focus to the development of American civilization through 1900. The fourth year surveyed the twentieth century to the beginning of World War II. The diversification of the faculty also encouraged the offering of electives. By the academic year 1949-50, seven elective courses were allowed in the total of forty courses required for graduation. The upper-division curriculum, however, retained its emphasis upon political economy-applied economics, business economics, public and business administrationeculminating in a senior seminar devoted to economic problems and public policy. In May 1949 the Department of the Army, after much resistance, waived its one-college-one-unit rule lBenson had appealed to local Con- gressman Richard Nixon for helpi and approved a joint CMCePomona ROTC unit. In establishing its curriculum, the CMC faculty showed what some considered an overfondness for testing. By early 1950 each senior was expected to pass a comprehen- sive six-hour written exam in political economy, given in two sessions Hour hours in January, two hours in Mayl, recapitulating the four-year curriculum. Students were also required to sit for two other two-hour written examinations in May, one requiring an analysis of and a solution to a stated contemporary problem, the other testing com- petence in the humanities. There was also an oral examination and a senior thesis for those taking the honors seminar. After 1950, a senior thesis was required of everyone. Ten hours of written comprehensives in the senior year, together with orals and a senior thesis, and all this following rigid testing and written workin the forty required courses in which recitation was required: an argument can be made that Claremont Melts College was overtesting in these early years. Few institutions, in any event, re- quired the equivalent of an Oxford or Cambridge school comprehensive exam, testing an entire undergraduate program, in addition to the fulhllment ofrigid course require- ments across forty courses. Was this not a little too much of a stretch in the direction of an OxfordTCambridge model? These early Classes, after all, were not composed of the most academically competent students, but of returning veterans and nonveter- ans for whom Clarelnont Men's College was not their First Choice. Uncertain of the ultimate respectability of the College they were founding, hence overattached to the standards of the distinguished institutions from which they came and were emulat- ing, Benson and his faculty were perhaps pushing their students a little too hard. On 23 November 1949, for example, twenty-four students signed a letter published in The Analyst protesting the system of senior comprehensive exams. The time would be bet- ter spent, they argued, making the transition to the real world rather than reviewing four years of work. More ominously, cheating on examinations emerged as a widespread problem throughout 1948 and 1949. The Analyst ran editorials against cheating, and a commit- tee of students, concerned that their grades would be devalued if Claremont Menls College attained a reputation as a haven for cheating, wrote a detailed student report on how cheating might be countered at CMC. The faculty received the report, stud- ied it with interest, and spent a number of sessions devising more rigid requirements for proctoring exams and for the footnoting and documenting of written work. A sec- ond offense, the faculty decreed, would lead to dismissal from the College. On a prao tical level, a student report on cheating recommended alternate seating during exami- nations and that all sections have their examinations at the same time. Proctors, moreover, should stay in the classroom throughout the entire test. The cheating crisis, such as it was, underscored a dichotomy between some faculty Bold Beginnings, 1946e1950 55 and many students endemic to the nature of the CIVIC experiment. Claremont Menis College, on the one hand, was promising preparation for real work in the real world. This suggested the practica1-and was thoroughly appreciated by young men anxious to prepare themselves for careers. The vast majority of undergraduates in this period, in fact7 most likely harbored such practical ambitions. Yet Claremont Menis College was also promising more, which is to say, education for a practical career within the framework of a rigid academic curriculum. Many of the faculty, moreover, were anx- ious to establish high academic standards leading to a good reputation for the College. In time, as better and better students enrolled in CMC, this dichotomy would be les- sened; but in the early years, from the founding through the Korean War, many young men with ordinary ambitions and ordinary abilities were finding themselves extraor- dinarily tested so as to help establish the reputation of their college, or they were being asked to pass the hypertheoretical economics courses of Daniel and Alice Vander- meulen, who lectured abstrusely and demanded a HarvardtRadcliffe level of perfor- mance from students more suited to ordinary work. For some, the temptation to cheat proved irresistible. The dichotomy between CIVIC as a demanding liberal arts institution and CIVIC as an academy for entrepreneurs and public servants also surfaced in Benson's un- successful efforts to have CIVIC admitted into the American Association of Colle- giate Schools of Business. Benson wanted such an association because it reinforced the notion of CMC offering preparation for real work in the real world. Other fac- ulty, howeverethe Vandermeulens, Orme Phelps, and Bayard Taylor especiallyebe- Iieved that membership in the American Association of Collegiate Schools of Busi- ness would devalue CMC as a liberal arts and social sciences institution. Interestingly enough, the Association turned down CMC for membership precisely on the basis that its curriculum was too theoretical. Although the curriculum bore the designation ofpolitical economy, what Benson was really building was an economics department. All his senior appointmentseVandermeuien, de Haas, Phelps, Taylor, Smith, and, later, Arthur Kempewere economists. This was the first and enduring academic strength of the institution. From the starteas a matter of the trustees, and Bensorfs articulated philosophy, the developing curriculum, and its public relations presence-C1aremont Menis College was earning in these years a reputation as a conservative institution. The College en- joyed a Strong board of trustees: wealthy and educated business and professional men from Los Angeles, Santa Monica, Beverly Hills, San Marino, Pasadena, South Pasa- dena, Pomona, Claremont, Escondido, and San Diego. Like Donald McKenna, they were prudent, cautious men, college educated, veterans of one of the world wars, Re- publicans, and willing to back the new enterprise with their time, their counsel, and 56 C laremont McKe1ma College their money. Trustees Donald McKenna and Russell Pitzer, of course, had literally started the enterprise with their enabling gifts. P. G. Winnett, president of Bullock's, made a gift of 3,000 shares of Bullocks Inc. common stock, worth approximately $100,000, in the very First year of operation. In short order major gifts came from trust- ees Edmund Stone and Burnett Wohlford. Trustee Edward Lyman provided needed legal counsel at critical intervals. A Stanford graduate and a partner in OMelveny and Meyers, Lyman spoke eloquently-and with a wide range of literary, philosophical, and historical references-at a convocation honoring the second anniversary of the founding of the College, held on 29 March 1949. tLyman also took the opportunity to thwack CIO leaderJohn L. Lewis on the hip and thigh, calling him Ia labor dictator? One of the first things the board of trustees did was to raise Robert Bernard to the dignity of doctor, conferring on him an honorary LL.D., granted in the commence- ment ofjune 1948. Gt would be another tenyears before any more honorary doctorates would be awarded. In 1958 Garner Beckett and Russell Pitzer were made honorary doctors of lawi As a member of the board of trustees, Bernard, along with George C. S. Benson, linked the trustees to the actual administration of the College. It was, in other words, a hands-on board. Its chairman, Garner Beckett, president of the Riv- erside Cement Company, worked closely with Benson 0n day-to-day issues in a way that did not crowd Benson or give him the feeling that he was being micro-managed. MayI add my personal feelingsf Benson wrote Beckett on 19 December 1947, thanl - ing Beckett for a gift of Soundview Pulp Company stock for the acquisition ofproperty belonging to Scripps, that I have never before had a boss for whom I have so much affection and respect? And yet, Benson could, and did, now and then express a slight ambiguity concerning what he considered Beckettis impulsiveness. iiHe had a little tendency to overdecidef Benson later remembered, uor to decide too quickly. On the other hand, Beckett was not above Changing his mind if alternatives or dissenting opinions were presented to him a week or so after a hasty decision. He was modestfi remembered Bernard of Beckett, ubut he was a very effective leader. There was not the slightest bit of grandstand about this man. In contrast to many of the other trust- ees, Garner Beckett was not an exceptionally wealthy man. His first pledge, dated 17 April 1947, was for $4,000. Beckett's most important contribution was the backing he gave George Benson. Beckett considered Benson, Bernard, and himselfsomething of a troika, or, at the least, a team within the trustees at once connected to them and to the day-to-day life of the College. KIThe greatest stroke of fortune they had? Beckett later remembered, Kiwas George Benson. This thing never would have gone without George. Garner Beckett remained chairman of the board of trustees for eighteen years, not stepping down until 1965: further proof, perhaps, of his importance as a broker and moderator in these formative years. From the beginning, Claremont Mens College had a point of view and an image. Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 57 AB OVE: A graduate ofBryn Mawr, with a PhD. in economicsf-rom Radclijfe College, Alice Vandermeulen came to Claremom Men's College CMC after teaching assignments at VVellesley cmd Scripps and a stint as a researcher at the Bureau ofLabor Statistics. R I G HT: Her husband, Daniel Vandermeulen, was a H award PhD. in economics. Together, the Vandermeulens were ferociously dedicated to upholding high academic standards in the new institution. In contrast to the orientation of the usual liberal arts collegeeNew Deal liberal in politics, Keynesian in economics, skeptical in matters of emotional patriotism: Claremont Mens College acquired, indeed sought, an opposing identity: free market in economics, anti-New Deal Republican in politics, unabashedly patriotic. The sources and driving forces of this orientation were matters of time, place, and twenty years of prior ideology. It was not, however, a matter of faculty. Many of the early fac- ulty, for example, were mildly liberal Democrats in the traditional academic mold and found themselves elated by Harry Trumans unexpected Victory in 1948. Such a mod- erate liberalism was typical of Pomona and Scripps as well, and in fact typical of most colleges outside the Bible Belt. Why was Claremont Merfs College different? It had been founded, first of all, as a business-oriented institution. This business identity was supposed to be balanced equally with public affairs, and to a certain extent it was; but the very dialogue at the center of the promotional program and curriculum of the institution gave private en- terprise equal weight with public enterprise, and this itself provided a conservative spin. The ideology of Claremont Menis College had been formulated by academics tT. V. Smith of the University of Chicago comes especially to mincD who were philo- sophical and economic conservatives. Southern California of 1946-50, furthermore, was ground zero of a conservative revival that would reenergize the Republican party, locally and nationally, for the next forty years. In and ofhimself, the very congressman who represented the area, Richard Milhous Nixon, offered a paradigm of Southern California as a resurgently conservative region. The trustees who created CIVIC were the very same oligarchs who detected in the local and national mood an opportunity to crack the Democratic hegemony that had governed the country since 1933. Claremont Menis College, then, offered an exhilarating opportunity for an academic orientation toward a free-market, anti-big government philosophy dynamically connected to the political, social, and economic realities of Southern California. This opportunity, af- ter all, is what had First attracted Donald McKenna to the third college project. With the encouragement of his trustees, George C. S. Benson openly advocated a conservative philosophy and sought-through his speeches, through the creation of endowed chairs, and through faculty recruitment-t0 establish it permanently at the core of the new College. Like so many in the movement tRonald Reagan comes most vividly to mincD, Benson was an ex-New Dealerea Harvard man, a policy analyst, a high-ranking administrator in a major federal agency, a proponent of world federal- ism-who found himself profoundly transformed by the shattering experiences of World War II. Benson was not by any means, however, a man of the red-baiting Far Right. With the exception of an individual or two, McCarthyism would never take hold at CIVIC. Even in his most controversial speech, iiHow Pink Are Our Colleges? delivered to Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 59 60 Town Hall in Los Angeles on 27 December 1948 and later published by the College in pamphlet form, Benson steered a moderate conservative course. By pinkness, Benson argued, I do not mean whole-hearted devotion to Marxist philosophy and Stalinist policy; I also do not mean a conviction that in certain aspects our American life could be improved, perhaps even in some cases by government action. I do mean by ipink- mess, the state of mind which perhaps unconsciously tends to minimize the traditional values and the actual achievements of the loose politicoeeconomic scheme which has until recently characterized America. . . . Most colleges, Benson continued, were not dominated by radicals. They were, however, dominated by faculty who down- played individualism, decentralization, and free enterprise; who valued science over religion, Classical moral philosophy, and the Judeo-Christian tradition. Such a faculty preferred theory, especially Keynesian economics and other big-government solu- tions, over proven practical insights, derived from experience. iiln summary,w Benson noted, iithe bulk of professors are not red. Few of them are consciously pink. But many-even a great many-ehave unconsciously permitted student pinkness by fail- ing to stress a number of the more significant values of the American tradition. Some have specifically encouraged unwise moves towards collectivism because lack of practical experience made them unaware of the consequences ofsuch actions.n While parents and donors should never interfere with the academic freedom of an individual professor, Benson concluded, they should be aware that colleges, like other institu- tions, had political and economic orientations and that such orientations should be evaluated in making the decision where to send their Children or which college to support. Endowed chairs with a specific orientation and the selection of Rightthinking fac- ulty seemed quite naturally to the trustees and to Benson the best means for consoli- dating and perpetuating this conservative free-market orientation. Again and again, in drawing up prospectuses for specific professorships, Benson made explicit link- ages. A professorship in American institutions, for example, proposed in late 1947 should be held, Benson wrote, by a man with wide governmental experience and a Firm belief in the American system of constitutional government, grounded in the great Classics of free-enterprise individualism tthe Federalist, De Tocquevilleis De- mocracy in America, Lord Bryceis American Commonwealtm and a free-market orien- tation. When this proposal evolved into a chair in American economic institutions, funded by Colonel James Boswell, Benson linked it with equal Vigor to a conservative free-market philosophy. Academically trained7 Benson was capable of couching these expectations in an even- -handed manner. Board Chairman Garner Beckett, by contrast, was more explic- itly p01itical.A proposed Chair in money and banking, Garner Beckett promised a pro- spective donor, James Beebe ta partner in the law firm of O Melveny and Meyersi, Claremont McKenna College AB OVE: To teach accounting and serve as dean of students, Benson turned to an amiable, energetic local businessman, Stuart Briggs, a graduate ofBrown U miversity, a onetime prep-school teacher, and an avid amateur actor. It was an inspired choice. L E FT: Briggs, in turn, depended upon the calming infiuence of Frank hSm'gd VVadswm-th, the munipresent night watchman, locally deputized t0 11minmi1z good order among mmlmncti ous veterans returned to the classroom. would not be held by a Keynesian or Marxist. The money was coming from conserva- tive Republicans, not New Deal or Truman Democrats, and it would be the donors who would set the conditions for employment. Frankly, Jim, Beckett concluded, llthere is so much to be done to tear out the roots of New Deal philosophy that it is almost frightening. We can, however, do our small part in our section of the country on a grassroots level: Donald McKenna wanted this same professorship explicitly attached to the reestablishment of the gold standard. Eventually such requirements, if not accompanied by impressive academic skills, could cause a problem, especially after the Claremont Menls College faculty devele oped in size and reputation. Early on, Benson brought conservative economist V. Or- val Watts to CIVIC on a Visiting basis from his position as economic advisor to the Los Angeles County Chamber of Commerce. A Harvard PhD. in economics, Watts had been moving progressively over the years to the fringes of the Far Right as an econo- mist. He profoundly distrusted money and credit, preferring instead the revival of the barter system. Distrustful as well of the public sector, Watts went so far as to advocate the private ownership ofpublic streets. Brought to CMC as a visiting professor for two years, Watts and his younger wife found themselves socially ostracized by colleagues anxious to disassoeiate themselves from his eccentricity of thought. Despite such signs of conflict, however, Benson made the unwise decision to attempt a unilateral appointment of Watts to tenure by merely dropping the visiting, from his designation in the new catalogue. When this information reached the faculty via John I-lenninger, assistant to the president, the economists went into revolt. Despite the strong support of Watts among the trustees, Benson relented. The actual appointee t0 the Boswell chair, Walter Buckingham Smith, a professor at Williams College, was at the same time a highly published scholar and a moderate liberal in the traditional academic mold. In the struggle over the Watts appointment, Orme Phelps led the resistance. While Benson prized Phelps as scholar, colleague, and teacher, Phelps himself resisted Ben- sons efforts to push CIVIC in the direction of a practically oriented school of business, as symbolized by Bensonls lrejectedl application for membership in the American As- sociation of Collegiate Schools of Business. Although a University of Chicago Ph.D., Phelps was equally resistant 0f Bensons conservatism, which Phelps interpreted as an overemphasis 0n Straussian and monetarist points of view. If there was any leader of the faculty in these years, it was Orme Phelps, who exercised his leadership from the moderate center. In performing this function, Phelps helped prevent CMC from marginalizing itself academically in these early years by an overenthusiastic embrac- ing of the Right. More than any Other faculty member, it was Phelps who thwarted Bensonls plans to appointV. Orval Watts to a tenured professorship. The Watts defeat did not imply that Benson abandoned or even toned down his 62 Cla-remont M cKenmz College free-market campaign, however. In 1950, for example, Benson issued a brochure enti- tled A College Declaresfo-r Free Enterprise. Many of the faculty have worked in busi- ness, others in governmentf, stated the pamphlet. TTAnd today, they are serving on vari- ous boardseprofessional, government, social. They are not working in an academic vacuum. They believe in, and practice, the free-enterprise system. Benson himself was described in this pamphlet as Ta Vigorous and courageous young man and a sin- t cere and well-qualified supporter both of free enterprise and of constitutional gov- i ernment. Claremont Menis College is a private institution? stated the pamphlet under the heading of Aims, dedicated to training men who will help carry on our American free-enterprise way of life. . . . The College unequivocally declares itself for free ene terprise and for constitutional government. The young men the College sends forth will understand how these things work and why. And Clear understanding is our best guarantee of enthusiastic support. These men will know the weak spots in our sys- tem and will know how to strengthen them. They will know how to present these things and how to fight for them? Another funderaising brochure from the same pe- riod was ambitiously entitled Gifts Vth'ch Help Maintain America. Donors to Clare- mont Mens College, in short, were protecting the American way oflife. An Army man himself, Benson vigorously backed the Reserve thcers Training Corps tROTCT program. Between 1946 and 1948, CIVIC students wishing to enroll in ROTC joined the Pomona unit. After much resistance, the Department of the Army first authorized ajoint CMC-Pomona program in the fall of 1948. By the fall of 1949, seventy-one CMC undergraduates were enrolled in the ROTC program commanded by Colonel T heodore Bogart, a West Point infantryman. Reporting this large enroll- ment, nearly a Fifth of the student body, The Analyst speculated that it was perhaps due to the recent announcement that Russia most likely had the atomic bomb. Cer- tain CMC undergraduates used ROTC as a way of resuming their military careers on commissioned status. ROTC cadet Arch Kammerer, for example, had won the Combat Infantrymans Badge, the Bronze Star, and a Purple Heart as a sergeant in the 406th Infantry in Europe. In November 1948 Kammerer was designated Distine guished Military Student, which qualified him for a regular commission upon gradua- tion. Colonel Bogart also administered a program whereby veterans with at least one year of commissioned service during the war could be eligible for regular Army com- missions upon graduation. The increased enrollment in ROTC made the annual Mili- tary Ball an important social event. N 0 less than Phil Harris and his orchestra played for the cadets and their dates in April 1949, with George C. S. Benson twearing his lieutenant colonels uniformT and President Lyon of Pomona as guests ofhonor. Longtime Pomona political science professor John Albert Vieg later stated that Benson had a reputation for being much more conservative than he really was. On the Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 63 Clm'emont McKemm College other hand, contrary to normal academic protocol, Benson was not above playing the role of a committed Republican activist. In 1950, for example, Benson chaired a ban- quet in Pomona at which Richard Nixon announced his candidacy for the Senate. Benson also belonged to the Republican Associates, a fund-raising organization. By August 1946 Robert Bernard was facing a crisis. The prefabricated Army barracks that were to be reassembled near the northeast corner of Sixth and Amherst would not be ready until the second semester. The surplus government buildings scheduled to be used for classrooms, moreover, were also late in arriving; so Bernard, improvising yet again, as he had in creating a dorm in the basement of Bridges Auditorium, used curtains to create temporary classrooms in the upper floors of Bridges Auditorium as well. It was all rather makeshift, even gypsy-likeeyet no big deal for veterans who had spent years under equally makeshift conditions. By Christmas, the veterans units were ready. Yet Bridges Auditorium was once again pressed into service the following fall when the first scheduled dormitory, then under construction, was unavailable for occupancy until early N ovember. Life in the veterans units, whether wooden units at the corner of Sixth and Am- herst or steel Hpackage barracks at the corner of Sixth and Mills, was at best spartan: cold in the winter, hot in spring and fall, mucl-besieged in the rainy season, inhltrated with dust in the hot spring and summer. The steel barracks were noisy, and the wooden units were vulnerable to fire. Reacting t0 the barracks discipline of military life, veteran undergraduates tended, if the truth be told, to revel in disorderliness as a symbol of their newfound freedom. In a mimeographed memo dated 10 December 1947 Dean of Students Stuart Briggs deplored the appalling conditions in the vetere ans, units. As the only permanent building on campus for the first year and a half of the Col- legels existence, Story House served as a dormitory, commons, and central point of identity and reference. Photographs from the period show undergraduates crowded into the rock-walled dining hall, with faculty tending to create a quasi-high table off to one corner. As a distinguished home in the Craftsman style, Story House possessed an intrinsic dignity of wood and stone that it lent to the dining commons of the new College. If CMC had to get by, temporarily, with one permanent building, it was fortu- nate that this building should be Story House. Quite correctly, poet and essayist Sarah Bixby Smith and her husband, the noted critic and bibliophile Paul Jordan-Smith, had previously experienced this home as the perfect emblem of the good life, Claremont style. Between 1946 and 1950 the campus of CMC assumed its basic plan and architec- tural style. Twenty years earlier, the campus of Scripps College had been built with equal rapidity. Yet that was the 19205, when there was plenty of money, and the luxuri- ance of Gordon Kaufmanrfs elegant Spanish Romanesque Cloister and quadrangles exuded the charm and assurance of a weII-planned, weII-endowed venture at a time of flourishing architectural taste. The 19203, in fact, represented a high-water mark of Mediterranean Revival throughout Southern California. It was a decade in which it seemed almost impossible to erect a bad public building. The 19403, by contrast, prized efficiency and cost-effectiveness over solidity and historical reference. The very years in which the architecture of CIVIC was selected and its buildings con- structed were years of a housing crisis in Southern California and the rest of the United States. Arising in such circumstances, the architecture of CIVIC was charac- terized by a certain restrainteausterity, evenedestined to remain a defining charac- teristic for the next fifty years. In its architectural tradition CIVIC would ever bear wit- ness to the values of thrift, efficiency, and functionalism characteristic of both the College and a society eager to get on with the task of housing and servicing exuberant growth. In an almost representative sCenario, in which architecture directly expressed his- tory and social process, CMC began its existence anchored in the romantic Crafts- man past represented by Story House, so expressive of Clareinont in the Progressive era, When the Group Plan was first envisioned. The wood and steel prefabricated units that followed embodied the dislocations and transformations of the wartime era. By the end of the decade, the serviceable presence of Appleby, Green, Boswell, and Wohlford Halls bore witness to the overnight actualization 0f CIVIC. In the colon- nades of Pitzer Hall, the last building of the 19405, Claremont Mens College gestured toward an assured and prosperous future touched by the metaphor of Southern Cal- ifornia. Like the odds and ends of military attire favored by undergraduates in the first two years, surpIus housing units of either wood or steel, 50 by 100 feet, vividly evoked the transitions of the postwar era. At CIVIC, recently discharged veterans settled into reIae tiver familiar surroundings and got to work. Even the First two institutional structures were surplus: two wings of a mess hall, 30 by 120 feet, trucked in Jfrom the Santa Ana Army Air Force base and set up as separate units in the summer and autumn of 1947. One served as a library and the other as a recreation center, soon to be dubbed the Hub. From the Federal Public Housing Au thority Benson acquired another six pre- fabricated surplus steel buildings, 20 by 48 feet, five for classroom use and the sixth for offices. Thus faculty and students alike shared the wartime ambience throughout the rest of the decade. Classes in economics had a way of blending with Spanish lan- guage drill through the thin walls, just as they did in the foyer and balcony of Bridges Auditorium; and in the office unit, as Orme Phelps later recalled, he and Stuart Briggs, sitting in adjoining cubbyholes separated by a mere wallboard, could almost hear one another think. Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 65 unmu . T0 house students, the Los Angeles architecturaljirm ofAllison and Bible provided a simple, straightforward design that was at once I94osf1mctional and in dialogue with the Monterey colonial style ofold California. Ironically, big governmentein this case, the agencies responsible for surplus prop- ertiesewas housing a college that contained a rather persistent suspicion, as far as public statement was concerned, of big government. On the other hand, Benson no doubt had his anti-big government suspicions confirmed when Los Angeles County public housing officials haggled over funding arrangements tBenson had secured the intervention of local state assemblyman Ernest Geddes to achieve a funding ratio of 90 percent from the state, 10 percent from the Collegel and demanded that he paint all units gray tBenson preferred a buff color for the walls and aluminum paint on the roofs to control interior temperaturesl. Even worse, the units came under rent control, which meant that the College could not raise housing fees so as to improve the erst- while barracks. Clearly, permanent dormitories were a pressing priority. By the winter of the first year, Benson, Bernard, and Jordan were in discussion with the architectural firm of Allison and Bible of Los Angeles regarding designs for the Erst dormitory, which be- came a prototype for three subsequent structures. Allison and Bible came up with a simple, straightforward solution that was at once 19405 Jfunctional and in dialogue with the Monterey Colonial style of the 18305 and 18405. Instead of constructing a typical dormitory with rooms entered from a central corridor, Allison and Bible de- vised a two-story scheme with access to thirty-two bedrooms ttwo students to a rooml from either a ground-level gallery or a second-story covered balcony. Each student, in other words, had direct access to his room. Interestingly enough, given the ahistorical functionalism of the time, this style recapitulated in steel and concrete the two-story framed adobe construction devised by Counsel General Thomas Oliver Larkin in Monterey in the early 1830s; Larkin House in turn became the prototype for the Mon- terey Colonial style characteristic of California in the last decade of Mexican rule. Benson was especially proud of this solution, seeing in the open-air access to each room not only costeeffective efficiency but also an architectural feature engaged with the sunny outdoors of Southern California. Stepping out onto balcony or gallery, stu- dents enjoyed a vivid and immediate View of Mount San Antonio and the San Ga- briel Mountains. As correspondence in the archives indicates, Benson and his trustee building com- mittee worked Closely with Allison and Bible on every detail of what rapidly turned into a four-dormitory quadrangle. At one point in the planning process, Benson stip- ulated the necessity for a janitorls closet, a small room for meters and transformers, and another space for the hot-water heater. As well as these important details, Benson also understood the promotional value of this first dormitory as a prototype for cam- pus development. On the day before Christmas, 1947, Benson was busily arranging a sketch of the entire projected campus to be used for fund-raising. The rendering in- cluded a forthcoming dining hall and a quadrangle of dormitories housing up to three Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 hundred men. By the following year, December 1948, Allison and Bible had com- pleted such a master plan. Benson also took an active interest in the landscaping of the campus. Under his guidance, the campus ta semiedeserti was planted in sturdy, self-sufhcient native shrubs. iiMany a time I walked across the campus with him, later remembered a COI- Ieague from these years, uand had him point out, with a kind of pardonable pride, the name of every shrub and every treef, How to finance such an ambitious building program remained an open question. In early 1947 Russell Pitzer agreed that portions of his $250,000 gift could be temporarily invested in dormitories as construction loans to be paid back from income. Already, however, Pitzer Funds had been borrowed against to remodel Story House and to ac- quire, transport, and install the surplus military units. All in all, the renovations of Story House, the installation of the surplus buildings, and the construction of the first dormitory required a total of $290,000e01' $12,700 more than what was available. Bridge financing in this instance came from a most unusual source: a $75,000 endow- ment fund given by Mrs. Jerene Appleby Hamish of Ontario in honor of her late hus- band, Frank Bell Appleby, editor and publisher of the Ontario Daily Report and the San Bernardino County Record. Rather quirkily, Mrs. Hamish specified that the fund be used exclusively to support scholarship students from Thailand, a country in which she and her husband had taken a lively interest. Scholarships for Thai students, how- ever deserving, was the last thing on Bensonis mind, and it was with great relief that he and the board of trustees worked out an agreement with Mrs. Hamish to borrow against these funds for dormitory construction. Named Appleby Hall in honor of its inadvertent donor and furbished with mat- tresses donated by two fathers of undergraduates who were in the mattress manufac- turing business, this first dormitory, so crucial for creating an image of future devel- opment, was dedicated on 5 June 1948. Like the financing of the building itself, the dedication ceremony was an improvisation. When the scheduled speaker Jfailed t0 ar- rive due to an auto accident, Mrs. Hamish suggested an Irish-American foreman who happened to be in the audience. A longtime employee of her late husband, the fore- man was quickly introduced, and with Irish eloquence gave a vqubIe and Charming account of the character and virtues of the late Frank Bell Appleby. As George Benson later recalled, iithe dormitory was properly blessed. At a later and more formal convo- cation for parents, Anton de Haas spoke in a more polished style regarding the impop tance of the building, and a reception followed. In rapid order, to take advantage of construction equipment already on the site and to use existing designs, the trustees approved a second dormitory even as Appleby Hall was being Finished. The funding of this second dormitory, Green Hall, named in 68 Claremont McKemm College honor of CMC patrons Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence Green, was even more complicated. As in the case of Appleby Hall, money was borrowed from the Thai student scholar- ship fund. Trustee P. G. Winnett, president of Bullockis department store, made a ma- jor gift, as did Colonel James Boswell and the Greens. Winnett, however, did not wish his name on the dorm, and the honor fell to the second-largest donors, the Greens. Borrowing against endowment, however, was delayed by the Internal Revenue Ser- vice, and for a while, in November 1947, the trustees were even contemplating a bonded debt to cover construction costs. Briefly, a development proposal surfaced to create the second dormitory as Fellowship House, oriented toward international stu- dents. Unitially supported by members of the Los Angeles Jewish community, led by Rabbi Edgar Magnin of Wilshire Temple, the Fellowship House proposal disappeared without a trace after issuing a single solicitation leaflet on 12 January 1948i Even as the second dormitory was let out to contract, the trustees and Benson were $34,000 short of the required $184,000. Boswell and Wohlford Halls were similarly let out to contract with gaps in their Financing. It was, after all, the founding time, exhilarating in its possibilities, and the trustees and Benson, confident in the future OECMC, were showing nerves of steel. By 1950 a four-dormitory quadrangle, with accommodations for some 250 students, stood complete. The construction of the fourth dormitory, Wohlford Hall, had necessitated tearing down the temporary units along Sixth Street. The pioneer era was ending. That same year, Pitzer Hall, the first academic building on the newly developing campus, was dedicated. As early as the spring of 1947, in the first year of operation, the trustees had cast their eyes on the long block running west from Amherst to Columbia Avenue between Eighth and Ninth Streets. This was the site under consideration for faculty housing since 1941, a prospect that had stimulated Bernard and McKenna to reinvigorate plans for the third college in 1944. Some of the lots contained private housing; other lots stood vacant. Later, CMC board Chairman Beckett would, with some exaggeration, describe the area as the most depressing imaginable collection of dilapidated old houses, garages, sheds, chicken houses, dog kennels, and incinera- tors? In the Hrst year Of operation, during the winter and spring of 1946-47, the Board of Fellows of Claremont College, representatives of Pomona and Scripps Colleges, and the advisory committee of the Claremont College Undergraduate School for Men, soon to be incorporated as the Claremont MCITS College, made an important planning decision. The block under questionealready designated as the Pitzer Hall block in recognition of the major CMC academic building planned for the siteemust be preserved in toto for academic development or, as George Benson wouiti later put it, the campus of Pomona College and the campuses of Claremont MenTs College and Scripps would be iiseparated by families hanging out their clothing on wash lines? The entire block, moreover, should be allocated to the Menis College. Once this deci- Bold Begimzings, 1946-1950 69 7O sion was taken, the trustees of Pomona and Seiipps agleecl to sell to CMC the prope1- ties they owned 0n the site, afte1 appiopriate notice was given to employees living there in college owned buildings. Acquiring the private holdings on the site, especially a property owned by Clare- mont College nurseryman Herman Seyfarth, proved more dichult. While he had not yet built a home on the property, Seyfarth had already planted there, under olive and eucalyptus trees, his collection of azaleas, camellias, orchids, and other shade-loving plants, and installed an irrigation system. Seyfarth had a choice property, and he knew it. As a nurseryman, moreover, he knew how difficult it would be to find a comparable property in an in-town location convenient to his employment. Offered a comparable property by the trustees, plus an added $1,500 for shade trees, Seyfarth countered with an offer of selling his land for $9,500, twice the market rate in Claremont for a comparable lot With a house on it! Affronted by Seyfartlfs counteroffer, trustee Ed Lyman directed attorney Wayne Knight of his law firm to prepare a memorandum on the possibilities ofusing eminent domain to acquire Seyfarthls property. The CIVIC Archives contain a sheaf of corre- spondence between Seyfarthls attorney, James Whyte of Claremont, and the high- powered firm of Overton, Lyman, Plumb, Prince 8: Vermille in the Roosevelt Building in Los Angeles regarding the contested lot. Unintimidated by the big guns in Los An- geles, Seyfartlfs Claremont attorney, a solo practitioner, showed himself a plucky and astute advocate. At one point it looked as if the Seyfarth property had every prospect of remaining intact in the center of the CMC campus. Finally, in early 1948, Seyfarth settled for a comparable lot in another part of Claremontewith a house on itl-pay- ment for all expenses to remove his plants, and money for acquiring shade trees for the new property, for a total cost of $7,000. The nurseryman had gone eye to eye with the trustees of CMC, and the trustees of CMC had blinked. All in all, it would cost the trustees some $100,000 to clear the Pitzer Hall block. Even as these negotiations dragged on, employees were moving from college-owned houses on nearby lots. The Claremont College director of shops and stores bought two of these homes and moved them to Colorado Avenue. CMC would eventually have to buy them back again when acquiring new sites for dormitory construction. For days on end, as Mabel Benson later remembered in her ten-year history of the College, Ninth Street was blocked with a succession of large, small, and medium- sized homes being moved to other locations. In an era of postwar shortage, with a housing crisis gripping California, even the most embattled shelter represented an asset. In one instance, an apartment built over a garage was detached from the garage and moved to another site as a free-standing house. Sadly, a number of elderly retired Congregationalist missionaries were required to decamp from what they thought would be their final earthly abode. Miss Ruth George, 21 retired professor of English at C la remont M cKemza C allege AB OVE: In early years, CMC varsity athletes played 011 Pomona teams. Stanton Wad VVblsh, who had recently completed a three-year tom ofduty as a B-zgflz'ght engineer, lettered infootlaall, basketball, tennis, and. track. L E FT: In February1948, PeterMan F00 U, a transfer from the University ofHong Kong, became the 19m graduate of CM C . A11 admit poker and bridge playerwho also excelled in tennis and horseback riding, PeterMan F00 U returned to Hong Kong tojoin hisfathe-r's merchant bank. Scripps, lost her little house that stood directly in front of the site of the proposed Pitzer Hall. Fortunately, the large eucalyptus tree in her back garden, the subject and inspiration of her poem Eucalyptus, was saved and became part of the stately en- trance to the new structure. An inventory of all trees on the property, moreover, was taken and a map created in an effort to preserve as many trees as possible in the siting of the new building. 1 One structure not removed was the stately retirement home at the corner of Ninth l and Columbia of Dr. Charles Edmunds, former president of Pomona. Built in 1941, just before the war, the house possessed an elegance and a solidity uncharacteristic of the Other structures on the block. Edmunds agreed to a selling price of $40,000, an impressive amount of money for a house of this size in 1948, and accepted an annuity agreement to cove1'$12,000 0f the purchase price. The trustees took out first and sec- ond mortgages to cover another $18,000. This left a $ 10,000 gap. Gaps of this sort were by now a familiar situation to George C. S. Benson. He and Mabel Benson lent the College the required sum and agreed to forgive the loan over a ten-year period in re- turn for rent-free accommodations in the house, an agreement at once typical of the bridge financing of the physical plant in the 19405 and the highly personal involvement of the Bensons in the entire enterprise. When the trustees found themselves by the end of the year in a position to repay the Bensons' loan, Benson countered with an offer to take a corresponding reduction in salary in exchange for accommodations in what now served as the presidents house for CIVIC until 1970. All this took time, and Mrs. Pitzer was worried. You knowfl she told CIVIC board chairman Garner Beckett in early 1948, er. Pitzer is not as young as he used to be. I hope that the building of Pitzer Hall will not be too long delayed and that he may have the satisfaction of enjoying it during his lifetime. The CIVIC trustee Finance committee, chaired by Ed Lyman, now faced yet another challenge. Russell Pitzerls own gift was in the process of being encumbered in the building of the dormitories, which meant that no new monies could be borrowed against that source. The final installments 0n Pitzer's 1947 pledge, moreover, would not be due until 1950. When CMC trustee Henry Mudcl approached his father, Har- vey Mudd, Chairman of the Claremont College Board of Fellows, about the possibili- ties ofa loan, Harvey Mudcl rejected his sons suggestion on the basis that there would be no assets from which to collect in case ofa default. The CIVIC trustees were forced to eke out a construction fund from gifts ranging from $100 to $1,000 and a number of stringently negotiated loans from local banks, made possible only because of the reputations and assets ofindividual trustees. Benson, Beckett, and Ford Twaits of the trustees building committee, meanwhile, pored over the designs ofAllison and Bible, looking for opportunities to cut costs. A proposed 21,600 square feet was reduced to 19,000 square feet. Faculty offices were cut from twentyeone to eighteen. Benson him- 72 C lairemont M cKenmz College selfruled out hot water in the bathrooms. Classrooms were spartan, and there was no air conditioning. Russell Pitzer worked with Benson, Beckett, and Twait in locating and approving these cost-cutting strategies. More than any other trustee, with the exception of Don- ald McKenna, it had been Russell Pitzer whose interest and financial backing had made the College possible in the first place; now the Erst classroom and ofEce facility of the fledgling institution was to hear his name. When the trustees had wanted to site the building at the east end of the block, just west of Amherst Avenue, so as not to have to acquire more lots, Pitzer demanded a more prominent position on an east- west axis set well back from Columbia, which entailed the acquisition of additional property. Almost single-handedly, Pitzer vetoed plans to locate an auditorium west of Pitzer Hall. Rather, he wanted the building named for him to stand in solitary gran- deur. Pitzer also worked closely with architect George Allison in evolving the final design scheme. It was, as George Allison described it, a somewhat conservative build- ing, straightforward and simple, its wings and colonnades consonant with the other buildings of the Associated Colleges at Claremont. In the last week of December 1948, the board signed a construction contract with the William C. Crowell Company of Pasadena. Throughout the spring of 1949, at the same time as Boswell Hall, the third dormitory, was rising on the east end of the campus, Pitzer Hall, the first aca- demic building, was rising on the west. There were, as usual, a few lasteminute glitches. Cost-cutting had eliminated acoustical tiling in the classrooms, and so each room sounded like an echo chamber. With George Benson in Germany in the summer of 1949 tserving as a consultant with the United States Army, developing Civilian education programs in democratic proce- durel, Garner Beckett stepped in and authorized the installation of acoustical tile. tBeckett also hired a replacement that summer for the ailing science professor Max lVlason.l Air conditioning would have to wait until 1960. The Annual Report issued in the summer of1949 described Pitzer Hall not only as a building worthy in and ofitself, but also as an architectural link with Pomona and Scripps Colleges. Dedicated on 14 May 1950, the two-story winged and colonnaclecl structure asserted itself against the skyline. There could be no doubt. Claremont lVIens College had arrived. The size of the student body of Claremont Mens College emerged as a critical CIUCS' tion by 1949. Lacking endowment, CIVIC derived its income-for daily operations and maintenance, for the servicing of construction debt, for faculty and staff sala- riesefrom tuition. Such pressing needs had a tendency to push the College toward growth. By the academic year 1948-49, student enrollment: was averaging 325. It rose to 345 the following yearethis in a college which, some four years earlier, was never intended to go beyond gool Maintaining academic quality, moreover, became a prob- Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 73 lem as the ratio of qualified applicants for every opening fell from approximately 1.5:1 to 1.1:1 by 1949450; and the faculty, itselfimproved throughjudicious recruitment, was noting an academic decline in the student body. Pomona College, meanwhile, had grown to 1,150 students by the beginning of the 1948-49 year, despite an earlier agreement, signed in 1942, that its enrollment would not exceed 800. Pomonas enrollment for the academic year 1949-50 was projected at justover1,000. Pomona insisted that this level was necessary for financial reasons, and that its faculty and staff could handle such a population. The CMC board of trustees, however, had deep reservations regarding the Viability ofa Group Plan in which one college, Pomona, was three times the size of either Scripps or CIVIC. Benson was par- ticularly outspoken on this matter. The Group Plan, he argued, would be difhcult to maintain if the animal kingdom of colleges is made up of one elephant and a number of foxes? CIVIC, he believed, should ultimately be two-thirds the size of Pomona, with Scripps Filling out the final third to make for an equal Pomona and CMC-Scripps bal- ance. President Lyon 0f Pomona disagreed. Pomona College, he argued, had a com- prehensive academic mission, while Scripps and CMC were specialized; Pomona College should therefore be some three and a half to four times the size of the other institutions. On the contrary, Benson countered, Pomona had violated the spirit of the Group Plan by strengthening its economics and business offerings in direct competi- tion with CMC and, worse, had recruited students interested in CMC by disparaging the new college in favor ofits own economics and business program. A collegial summit, followed by a detente, was Clearly necessary, lest such competi- tion undermine the trust and cooperation necessary for the continuance of the Group Plan. Garner Beckett convened such a summit at Warner Hot Springs on the weekend of 23-25 June 1950, to which he invited the president and board chairmen of each of the colleges. At the end of the weekend session, an agreement was reached. Pomona would cap its enrollment at 1,000 and would cut back to 900 when finances permitted. CIVIC would cut back to 325 when it could afford to do so. Since the enrollment of Scripps was well below its allotment of 325, no cutbacks would be necessary. Later board actions raised the CIVIC cap to 350 and softened the requirement that Pomona reduce its student body to 900 to a promise that it would consider such a move. In effect, the status quo was ratified by the establishment of an enrollment ratio of 1,000:3502325 for Pomona, CIVIC, and Scripps, as stipulated in the document pre sented and signed, with some amendments, at a Hve-hourjoint session of the execue tive committees of the four colleges held at the California Club in Los Angeles on 28 September 1950. CIVIC was saved the financial disaster ofcutting its enrollment back to 300. Throughout the Warner Hot Springs negotiations, however, Claremont College Fellow William Claryethe constitutional conscience of the Group Planeargued 74 C laremont McKenna College wag, jkgwr V fl Named in honor of one 0fthef0unclers OfCMC and dedicated in 1950, Pitzer Hall brought to conclusion fouryears Ofconstant construction. With the opening 0fthis OfJch cmd classroomfacility, thefounding era ended with aflomish. that if Pomona were permanently allowed to exceed the 800 limit agreed to in 1942, the Group Plan, as envisioned byJames Blaisdell and others, would come into danger. Blaisclell, Clary recalled, envisioned a Cluster of small, Oxford-type colleges. What was now being proposed was more in the nature of a federation of larger, American- style institutions. ill do not mean to imply that a different type of development would have been either better or worse, Clary concluded in his history of the Claremont Colleges. lllVly objective is only to describe events as I saw and participated in themfl Who were the First students of CIVIC? Were one to do a condensed profile of those 101 registering for the First year, those 247 enrolled in 1947-48, those 325 enrolled in 1948- 49, and those 345 enrolled in 1949-50, one would say that the average student ofClare- mont Men's College was a white Anglo-Saxon Protestant from Southern California, slightly older than the undergraduate norm tthe median age was twenty, with the old- est thirtyeeight and the youngest sixteem, who had attended public school and, most important, had served in the recent war and was paying his way through college with the GI Bill. Further development of the prohle would note that most of the students were either Episcopalian or Presbyterian in religion, were Republican in politics, smoked Lucky Strikes or Camels, drank beer, and had a lively interest in the opposite sex. tGiven their older age and their war experience, it is surprising that only Fifteen of the first Class were marriedj Stanton tPetel Welsh, in fact, who had recently com- pleted a three-year tour of duty as a flight engineer on a 13-29, had specifically enrolled in CMC that September to be near a Pomona coed he had met the previous month. Interestingly enough, the first and third student body presidents, Dan Vadala and Ed Aguirre, were Hispanics, and the first graduate to take his degree from CMC was Peter Man Foo U, a transfer from the University of Hong Kong who completed his work in February 1948. During the war, Man Foo U, who had escaped the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong, served with the Allies. At Claremont, he accomplished two years of work in three semesters. An aclroit poker and bridge player, Man Foo U also excelled in tennis and horseback riding. Upon receiving his degree, Man Foo U re- turned to China, where he rejoined his wife and two children and went into his l'ae therls merchant banking business. Said Man Foo U of his graduation: uFm twenty nine and its about time? It cannot be said of any of these early students that they had grown up with the desire to attend a college that had only just begun to exist. Some students had first heard of the College from Veterans Administration counselors, who had in turn been alerted by Robert Bernard in the spring and summer of 1946. The admissions staff at Pomona College, moreover, directed its overflow to the new institution. While speak- ers at convocations might tell these life-seasoned undergraduates that they were pio- neers, founders of a new institution, Ted Hinckley twho had served in naval aviation 76 C lm'emont McKenml College during the wari later remembered student ambition as something much more practi- cal. They were there to get an education: to put the war behind them and position themselves to participate in the good years that lay ahead. Surprisinglyethis according to Hinckley and other alumnieveterans and nonvet- erans did not Form separate cliques. The young men who had experienced combat were in no mood to talk about it or to lord it over nonveterans or those who had served in the rear echelons. The most fundamental fact about the war was that it was over. Certain veterans on the faculty, however tsuch as Gerald Jordan, a N avy lieutenant during the wari, found it easy, Hinekley later remembered, to bend an elbow late into the evening with undergraduates of their near-same age and same experience. Faculty and students frequently socialized with one another, in fact, with Gerald Jordan, Jacob Anton de Haas, and Jack Dunbar sponsoring frequent undergraduate parties. Even Dean Stuart Briggs, a devout Baptist, acquired a measure of fame with his sing- ing ofiiThe Tattooed Lady, while accompanying himself on the ukelele. President Benson, however, was another matter. On the one hand, Benson was gen- uinely interested in students. He knew hundreds of them by name and background, and after graduation he fostered their careers, just as his career had been fostered by Russell Story. Benson taught an 8200 A.M. Class in government and lunched With stu- dents in Story House whenever possible, a holdover from his Lowell House years at Harvard. He and Mabel Benson entertained at their home. Yet Benson was the presi- dent, the commanding officer, if you will, at a time when military rank was still re- membered. According to some recollections, as Benson approached Forty, he grew more austere and remote, even sphinxlike, under the pressure of developing a college by its bootstraps. Yet Benson did keep Close to undergraduates in the professorial style he had absorbed at Harvard, a style based on the belief that the undergraduates one taught would one day run the world. From Harvard Benson had absorbed the tutorial relationship to undergraduates, which was Harvards own connection to the Oxford and Cambridge system: one educated undergraduates best when one mentored them as individuals through personal contact. Even the occasional cheekiness of an under- graduate could seem to Benson a hopeful sign for the College if it were couched in wit. iiAhaf, said Benson to student Thornton Hamlin, who sat sleepily sipping coffee in the Hub, the student center, well after Bensorfs early-morning government Class had Finished. iiYou missed my Class this morning, didnt you, Mr. Hamlin? Replied Hamlin, No, sir, not in the least? Faculty-student contact was dose, not only at social events but in the classroom as well. Despite the rambunctious virility of the students, horseplay 0r rudeness in class was a rarity. Orme Phelps was perhaps the most popular and respected teacher; yet even the Vandermeulens, who tended to lecture above most students heads, were ac- corded an attentive listening. One activity that brought faculty and students together Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 77 78 C luremont MCKemm College was Clearing the campus, a project that continued over live years. Working together, faculty and students tore down the old carriage house of Story House. Orme Phelps swung a mean Sledgehammer, and Robert Bernard removed shingles with a hammer and crowbar. The rest picked up rocks. Operation Rockpile, as it was called, saw an ongoing effort throughout 1948 to clear the campus of stones. On a March morning in 1948, for example, students and faculty gathered to clear Parentsi Field, scheduled to be graded and an irrigation system installed the next day. Benson himself took part in these rock-Clearing parties ion one occasion in July 1948 he rather painfully strained his backl. On 19 March 1948, The Analyst speculated whether or not the Pomona physical education department would grant credit for these rock-clearing efforts. Undergraduate culture and traditions soon established themselves, not so much by deliberate fashioningealthough a number of such self-Conscious tradition-building efforts were madeebut rising more spontaneously out oflocal occasion and opportu- nity and the immemorial desire of undergraduates to have fun. Themed dances, rang- ing from informal to formal, served as a mainstay for undergraduate social life. The First year Of the Collegels existence, trustee chairman Garner Beckett, president of the Riverside Cement Company, arranged for the installation of an outdoor dance floor adjacent to Story House. Here would occur the spring Starlight Ball, the high point of the social year. A queen and her court were Chosen tClaudia Vivian served as the first queen in 1947l, then photographed by the Morse and King Studio of Photography at 145 Harvard Avenue. These young ladies presided over the elaborate outdoor dance, to which the men wore white-jacketed tuxedos and the women formal gowns. At Christmastime there was an annual semi-formal Candlelight Ball. The files of The Analyst for the period are replete with coverage of other organized dances, many of them under the efficient management of the elected social Chairman Ted Hinckley. The year 1949, for example, opened with a formal Autumn Nocturne dance entitled Joe College? The Starlight Ball that year was held at the Pomona Valley Country Club, with Alvino Rey and his orchestra playing for the dancers from nine until one. Faculty and administrators were invited to these affairs, which became social events linking undergraduates to the social rituals and protocols of the business world they would soon be joining. Other student entertainment included big-name entertainment at Bridges Audito- rium. Edgar Bergen and Charlie McCarthy, for example, brought Ray N oble and his orchestra, with guest vocalist Anita Ellis and a special appearance by cowboy singer Roy Rogers, in December 1947 for a show broadcast live over NBC. In January came a the annual Winter Weekend at Big Bear, with CIVIC students and their dates taking over the slopes and such mountain rendezvous as the Pine Cone Cafe, the Totem Pole, the Wig Wain, and the Peter Pan Woodland Lodge-and Chads Cafe for late-night munchies. In the spring of 1948, the student council allocated $500 toward the opening of a social center, a soda fountain and bookstore called the Hub. Located in a wing of a former Army mess hall south of Story House, the Hub was developed by undergradue ates Robert Chapman, Bud Craton, and Sam Bader. It remained a functioning entity, in various locales, for fifty years. The Hub also sponsored bridge tournaments for libridge-mad Scripps girls, according to The Analyst for 6 October 1948. One sure sign of civility in CIVIC undergraduates was a taste for duplicate bridge tournaments to which Scripps coeds were invited. Bridge was a college game. It took brains to play it. It was also a social amenity bearing witness to that prosperous sub- urban Civility toward which most of the undergraduates aspired: the dream, as Ted l-Iinckley later remembered it, uof a new car, an income somewhere between $5,000 and $8,000, a California ranCh-style house, three or fourkids, and obviously a Scripps or Pomona lovely to make it all come true? The proximity of so many young women at Scripps or Pomona made for an active social life. lilt may have been a product of deprivation through my military years, Austin Woodward later remembered, but I was constantly enchanted, enthralled, and in love to one degree or another from the moment I arrived at CMCK' Scripps and Pomona women, for their part, were equally taken by the older, worldlye wise men of CMC. For Nancy Holmes of Pomona, whom Pete Welsh had pursued to CMC tWelsh had meanwhile developed into a star athlete, lettering in football, basketball, tennis, and trackl, all these Nolder men seemed too good to be true. For the rest of her life Nancy Holmes Welsh never forgot the charming Christmas parties held in the living room of Story House. iiAll of the faculty and their spousesf she later remembered, and all of the students and assorted wives and girlfriends crowded into that big room and we sang carols and it felt already like a big family. Marriage was in the air. This was the generation, after all, that created the baby boom. Gentlemen? finance professor W. Bayard Taylor would say in class, gesturing toward Scripps, cross the street and marry your working capital. Fraternization, however, had its limits. A student body Vice president, an A student, wildly popular, was dismissed from the College for entertaining a Scripps coed in his room in veteran housing. Within two decades, such a punishment-or even the idea of such an of- fensee-would be incomprehensible. For those already married, or marrying during their undergraduate yearsethe Philip Marshalls, the Al Davenports, the Lew Littletons, the Ken Barkleysethese were difficult, even hardscrabble, years, albeit filled with hope. A monthly food bill ran toward $47, rent and utilities to $34. Gas, Cigarettes, and other miscellaneous ex- penses might reach the $30 mark. A telephone was out of the question. A number of families, in fact, lived in the Los Olivos public housing project in Upland. It was difficult for undergraduates in the immediate postwar period to acquire auto- Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 79 mobiles, which were in short supply. Ted Hinckley later remembered the sensation caused in mid-1948 when an undergraduate, an older veteran about to be married and wishing to take a motoring honeymoon, showed up on campus in a pink Kaiser, the only car he could buy. In the summer before the first registration, Gerald Jordan had worked out a joint athletic program with Pomona College. Within the first year, twenty-six men had won their Varsity C in eight sports; yet athletes remained restive about competing on teams identified as those of Pomona College. On the other hand, The Analyst and The Ayer yearbook reveal a surprisingly rich and diverse athletic culture, given the newness of the institution. Football, basketball, baseball, and swimming were prominent as var- sity sports, and a full range of intramuraI activities existed. Students adopted school colors of maroon and white and selected the stag as the school emblem. A local sport- ing goods deaIer donated a mounted stags head, which was hung in Story House. Under the supervision of Michael FerraII, a member of the Scripps faculty, the Sid- dons Drama Club served both Scripps and CIVIC. Given the newness of the College and its aII-male and largely veteran student body, it is somewhat unexpected to note how popular drama was among CIVIC men, although the chance to socialize with Scripps coeds must have proven a strong attraction. Productions in the 1946-50 era incIuded My Sister Eileen, Dear Ruth, IMItCh 0n the Rhine, Dream Girl, and Doctor Faustus. A menfs college needed a glee Club, for few things express the collegiate spirit- especially as associated with the older colleges of the East and the Midwest, than cho- raI music. In the first year of the SchooI, the CMC Glee Club was formed, thirty voices strong, much to the satisfaction of George Benson, who cited the Glee Club in his annual report for 1948-49 as an example of how collegial traditions were building at CMC. IYou have an opportunity, Benson urged students in the first issue of The Analyst at the beginning of the second academic year, to establish traditions of eager scholarship, of cordial friendliness to fellow students, and of high moral purpose which will long redound to the beneht of yourself and your college. Having appropri- ate music for the Glee Club to sing was part of such a tradition-building effort; A num- ber ofpeopleeMabel Benson, Margery Briggs, and otherseattempted to write a col- lege song. Stuart Briggs wrote a short drinking song, tiA Toast to CIVIC. In these years, CIVIC developed two undergraduate publications: a weekly newspa- per, The Analyst, and The Ayer yearbook. For the first year a mimeographed CIVIC Memon sufhced. All things consideredethe newness of the College, the other preoc- cupations 0f the students, the difhculties in getting startedeTheAnalyst, an 8-by-II- inch commercially printed tabloid, set rather high standards for a coIIege newspaper. Veterans Charles Wuerz and Jack Swanson were the driving forces behind the news- 80 C laremont McKenna College paper. In the annual report for 1947-48, Benson described The Analyst as sophomoric but promising. One interesting feature of the backfiles of The Analyst are the occasional surveys and questionnaires of undergraduate tastes and preferences. General George Mare shall, for example, emerged as the most admired American in aJanuary 1948 question- naire, but Lucky Luciano got a vote or two. Seventy-three students out of 105 ree sponding smoked. Lucky Strikes was the cigarette of choice, followed by Camels, Chesterfields, Old Golds, and Philip Morris: testimony to a hardesmoking World War II generation. Fords and Chevrolets were the automobiles of preference, followed by Mercurys, Studebakets, Plymouths, and Dodges. Asked what they liked best about the town of Claremont, the answer llNothing ranked second in preference, followed by The road leading out? Nancy, Ann, Sally, Mary, and Virginia were favored names for girls, with one vote cast for lers. Rabbit. Asked for whom CMC had done the most good, the majority of students replied, Scripps Collegef, A survey published in The Analyst on 15 December 1948 was even more ambitious and revealing. Asked if they had attended a college or university other than CIVIC, half said yes; fortyehve said no. One student asked: ills CIVIC a college? Sixty-two percent stated that they would under no Circumstances want a Communist for an instructor. Ninety percent stated that they would serve again in the armed forces if the United States were involved in a world war. Herbert Hoover edged out George Marshall, a persistent favorite, as the greatest living American; but .DickTracy, Harry Bridges, and Kissinl Jim Folsom each received a vote. The Ayer yearbook, organized in the fall of 1947 and tentatively titled The Squire, was even more impressive; indeed, the first four volumes of this publication, rich in text and photographs, remain valuable sources for information about undergraduate life in this earlyperiod. Ofspecial importance in TheAyer are the illustrated advertise- ments in the back of the book, documenting a wide range of student services and hangouts: the Mission Cafe on First Street, the Harvard Grill at 112 Harvard Avenue, the Cofer Cafe at Foothill and Central in Upland, where might also be found Lloyd's, and the El Montecito Cafe on Foothill Boulevard. By the fall of 1949, more than half of the undergraduate student body were nonvet- erans. Younger, less mature, inexperienced in the ways of alcohol, nonveteran under- graduates tended to bring an element OfJoe College rambunctiousness, even rowdi- ness, to the social life of the College. When a party got particularly wild, George and Mabel Benson might come over from the presidents house at the corner of Ninth and Columbia tojoin Dean of Men Stuart Briggs in quieting things down. By the spring of 1949, Benson was employing graduate students as resident proctors to establish a more civil tone in the dormitories. Then there was always the calming influence of Bold Beginnings, 19464950 81 Claremont McKenna College Frank Wadsworth, Sargef: the omnipresent night watchman, locally deputized, who had a keen ability to ferret out misbehavior. A legend by the end of the decade, Sarge was memorialized in an oil portrait hung in Story House, paid for by $250 raised from faculty and students. In part, Sarge was so effective at his job because he recalled the military discipline that many undergraduates had experienced in years past. Sarges authority might have been more limited than that of his military counterparts, but it was there nevertheless, helping to calm a campus that now and then Hated t0 rowdiness. Claremont Mens College, after all, was not in these years a polished institution, whatever its strengths. Yearbooks from the late I94os reveal a taste for ultra-casual, even sloppy dress, perhaps a reaction against military discipline. On very hot days in the fall and spring, a number of students went so far as to show up to Class in bathing suits. Bertha Ward and Alice Vandermeulen, along with a number of male faculty, protested, and a dress code allowing only tailored shorts in class was adopted. To keep order on the campus and raise the overall tone of undergraduate life, CMC depended most dramatically upon its dean of men, Stuart Briggs. A combination of experienced businessman and prep-school teacher, Stuart Briggs was a perfect choice for the position. His background, in fact, was as eclectic, even haphazard, as the last- minute founding of the College itself. Graduating from Brown in economics in 1925, Briggs had become a certified public accountant in Providence, followed by an ap- pointment as assistant to the controller of the Kendall Company in Walpole, Massav Chusetts. He had spent 1927, however, on assignment in Southern California and was determined to move permanently to the region. Versatile and adept, an accomplished actor and singer from his Brown days, Briggs turned to prep-school teaching at the Gate School in Carpinteria, followed by an ap- pointment to the California Preparatory School at Covina, where he taught econom- ics, journalism, French, and algebra, coached a number of teams, and served as dean of students. He enrolled in the Claremont Graduate School, meanwhile, and became an active member of the Claremont Community Players operating at Padua Hills. In the spring of 1932, Briggs became a full-time professional actor with the Mexican Players at Padua Hills, playing gringo roles tBriggs was fluent in Spanism, while cone tinu'ing courses in economics and education at the Claremont Graduate School. He also served as secretaryetreasurer of the University Club, then located in the Bixby Smith mansion Hater Story HouseL where as part of his compensation Briggs was given an apartment. He thus was living in the future Story House before CMC was founded. During the war, Briggs had taught on a substitute basis at Pomona College and Cal Tech. Stuart Briggs was, then, a unique figureeaccountant, actor and singer, clubman, prepeschool teacher and dean, college professorewhen Benson, at the recommenda- tion of Ira Frisbee, professor of accountancy at UCLA and president of the State Board of Accountancy, approached Briggs regarding his interest in joining the hastily organized faculty. Havingjust married a Pomona College professor, and perhaps wish- ing to bring some structure to his diversified life, Briggs accepted the position of assis- tant professor of accounting, while retaining his private practice. Very shortly, Briggs found that his duties as professor and dean of students pre- cluded much private practice. With his prep-school background and junior-college experience, Stuart Briggs was the perfect candidate for dean of students: an academic for whom the residential and counseling aspects of college life were as important as classroom instruction. Assisted by iiSargel, Wadsworth, the Colleges solitary security officer, Stuart Briggs maintained law and order among his sometimes unruly charges with a combination of ironic good humor, tolerance, severity when necessary, and, above all else, flexibility in the face of the human condition as represented by some three hundred young men, many of them recently discharged veterans. Hearing 3 stu- dent singing noisily in the shower early one morning, Briggs peeked into the room to make sure everything was all right. The inebriatecl student, thinking that he was being apprehended, fled buck naked from the shower and ran out into the courtyard, drip- ping wet, to the south side of Green Hall, Climbing up the stairs on all fours. The next morning, a repentant student appeared before Briggs, expecting to be disciplined for being intoxicated and creating a disturbance. iiApparentlyfi Briggs replied, the only person you disturbed, if you can say that, was me. And I wasnt disturbed because I dorft live there. . . . There's nothing illegal about taking a shower, and if you didnt disturb anybody, and you were taking a shower, the fact that you were in a doubtful condition when taking the shower isn,t really a matter for myjudgment.n As an experienced prep-school dorm master, Briggs took pranks and horseplay in his stride, provided that no serious damage was done. An automobile was rolled into the student dormitory in the basement of Bridges Auditorium Via the loading dock. A large statue, bloodied With tomato juice, was smuggled past Sarge one evening and placed in a students bed. Unfortunately, the students in question dropped the statue down a flight of stairs en route to the dormitory and, when apprehended, were billed several hundred dollars in damages. When a rack of berry pies was stolen from the dining hall, Briggs traced a trail of drippings to the Sixth Street barracks and appre- hended the culprits. When the silver was stolen from the dining hall, Briggs had the students provided only with the remaining soup spoons at mealtime. Within two clays, the missing silver mysteriously reappeared in the Pomona College fountain. On the other hand, Briggs did feel the support of a certain kind of barracks self-regulation carried over from the military. Ifa student were drunk at a dance, for example, Briggs would be invited to look the other way while a group of students hustled the offender off the dance floor. Bold Beginnings, 1946e1950 KMost students, Briggs later reminisced, iwere earnest in desiring an education, but a lot of them were here just to use up their GI Bill and have a good time, so they constituted a foil for the good ones and a real problem for me because they were much more interested in hell-raising than I appreciated. And, in addition, they brought their friends in from the outside. And when you have big, husky Army veterans who arenit interested in anything but drinking and having a lot of fun, intruding upon a campus which has mostly veterans who are trying to study, the dean has a problem. And many, many nights I was called at two or three o'clock in the morning to go over and confront perhaps one of our own students and six or eight outsiders who were all fairly intoxi- cated and not inclined to listen to a 135-pound clean; but I am happy to say they always ran and that I was never clobbered. I can also say that I am happy that sometimes when I pursued them I didnt catch them? Only onceeor only once that he later admittededid Briggs find himself truly shaken: when a student lit two sticks of dynamite beneath a large tree standing be- tween Story House and Appleby I-Iall. When iiSargeI Wadsworth discovered the lighted sticks, each had about six inches of fuse left. Upon further investigation, it was discovered that the student responsible for this potentially disastrous prankea veteran and a voluntary student policemanehad a whole suitcase of dynamite in his room. The police were called, and the individual in question never returned to CMC. In the spring of 1948, Briggs was assisted in his efforts to maintain good order by the formation of a Student Court, on which sat such respected figures as Jim Wilcox, Bill Cronin, Bob Eachus, Dan Vadala, and former Lieutenant Colonel Morris Slack. In the spring of 1948, members of the senior class met at the home of Professorjacob Anton de Haas to form the Claremont Meirs College Alumni Association. The stu- dents elected de Haas, Benson, Robert Bernard, and, a year later, Garner Beckett to honorary membership. That same year, the Association began to issue an annual Bul- letin, with news of alumni, articles by faculty, alumni rosters, and reading lists from current courses. Benson used the Bulletin to appeal for fun ds. As seat-of-the-pants as the financing of the College might be, funds were set aside for scholarships. Five trustee scholarships for $500 were awarded for the academic year 1947-48. The next year, the sum was increased to $1,000. Lacking alumni, Benson turned to parents for support. In late 1947 the board of trustees authorized the formation ofa Parents' Com- mittee, which assisted in raising $10,000 for an athletic held. The Parents, Committee next turned its attention to helping raise money for Pitzer Hall. In 1950, the Parents Committee was absorbed into a larger group, the CIVIC Affiliates. Yet a fund-raising lesson had been learned that would never be forgotten: parents as donors, even while their sons were still undergraduates. In 1950 a Mothers Club was established, which soon proved a formidable social and fund-raising vehicle. Scrapbooks in the College 84 C la'remont McKemm College archives contain numerous references to teas, dinners, and other social gatherings of this organization at which College faculty were invited to lecture. The addresses of individual mothers hosting specihc eventsein San Marino, Pasadena, Beverly Hills, Bel Air, and Brentwoodetestify to the steadily rising prosperity of the undergraduate student body. While Benson, MeKenna, and the other trustees were unambiguous in their suspi- cions of big government, undergraduates had a more mixed response. On the one hand, the experience of World War 11, Specifically the military, had given the majority of the veterans at CIVIC a healthy suspicion of government. On the other hand, it was government, in this case the GI Bill, that was putting the majority of them through school. As Ted Hinckley also remembered, most undergraduates accepted the fact that they would be entering their careers in an environment of big business, big labor, and big government. World War II, after all, had geared American society and its econ- omy into bigness: into large, integrated government and corporate structures. There could be no turning back. The CIVIC philosophy of these years might provide a warne ing against the dangers of giganticism, but CIVIC could not reverse its course. Just days after the first four-year class graduated, the Korean War broke out on 7 June 1950. Undergraduates Pat Lejune and Jack Goddard, each of them recently mar- ried, found themselves back in uniform. In his commencement address that June, Professor Jacob Anton de Haas prophetically evoked both the opportunities and the dangers of international involvement for the United States. Founded in the aftermath and momentum of a great war, CMC now faced-because of warea period of uncer- tainty and special challenge. Bold Beginnings, 1946-1950 85 By the 19505, the veteran generation had passed. Students at the growing college, now securely established, got down to the serious business ofenjoying their college years. A newlyfornwd Mothers' C luh cheered them on. The Korean War, a Building Boom, amaljoe College, 1950-1959 0 N 2 5 JU N E 1 9 5 0, as the interboard committee of the Associated Colleges met in Warner Hot Springs to debate the sizes of the colleges, North Korean troops were attacking South Korea across the Thirty-Eighth Parallel. Within a week, the United States embarked upon a police action that would last three years, cost the lives of more than fifty-four thousand American men and women, and, in its initial phases at least, severely test the growth and confidence of CIVIC. Here, after all, was an institution leveraged to the maximum in terms ofboth money it owed the bank and money it owed its own endowment, from which it had borrowed to construct four dormitories and a major classroomiofhce building. Here was an in stitution dependent upon tuition in a most fundamental way. The slightest adjust- ments in that tuition-based revenue stream might cause serious reverberations. The adjustments that would be necessary if an entire generation of college-age students, once again, had to march off to war would, as Benson and the trustees initially feared, prove catastrophic. In the first months of the conflict, everything, including the en- dowment itself, seemedjeopardized. Most immediately, George Benson feared a precipitous drop in enrollment if stu- dents, seeing in the outbreak of the Korean conflict the beginnings of World War 111, would drop out of college either to activate their reserve or National Guard status or to enlist in the Navy or Air Force so as to avoid the Army infantry. While Benson did his best to warn students about the hardships of enlisted life or the dangers of inter- rupting their education, many took this option. A September 1950 Class scheduled for 87 330 to 350 students enrolled only 311, a Figure that dropped to 295 by the second semes- ter. Benson feared that it would drop to 200 the following September. A mood approaching panic seems to have gripped the trustees and Benson by the middle of the academic year as they faced the Gorgon of the enrollment disaster pre- dicted for September 1951. Benson personally notified all untenured faculty that they might be placed on reduced status or, worse, not be rehired, should the projected shortfall materialize. John Atherton, assistant professor of English, remembers sitting outside Bensonls office with Eve or six of his untenured colleagues awaiting an inter view with the president. Was Benson overreacting? It is hard to say. On the one hand, thanks to strict and instant economies, the College was heading for a mere $3,000 shortfall for the Igsoe 51 academic year. Several major gifts and a successful 1951-52 fLInderaising campaign by the trustees would eliminate the bank debt entirely The panicked Benson and the trustees, so fearful of the future in 1950-51, were actually facing the elimination of their debt by the end of the following academic year. Benson and the trustees, however, could not see the future. In the winter of 1950- 51, the Korean police action could very well have been interpreted as the prologue to a larger conflict. A letter by chairman Garner Beckett to all trustees, dated 5 January 1951, outlining the economy measures that had to be taken, seems based on the as- sumption that a wartime economy would remain in effect for some time to come. At the same time, Garner seems to have used the situation as a stimulus to eliminate the Collegels debt. Pryor Cosby, Beckett: announced, would now serve full-time as Bensonls fund-raising assistant. The cost of the Korean War to CMC, however, would be not Financial but psycho- logical; on the list of those notified by Benson that their contracts were in jeopardy were not only newcomers such as John Atherton but also four faculty memberseGer- ald Jordan, George Gibbs, and Alice and Daniel Vandermeulenewho had seen the College through its founding phase. Ofno one was this more true than ofJerryJordan. He had helped Robert Bernard organize the School in the spring of 1946, registered the First students, served as Bensonls de facto dean of faculty and man-of-all-work while carrying a nearefull course load, been elected an honorary alumnus by the first graduating class, and spent countless hours of counseling and recreational time with students who were, like himself, older veterans. Then there were the Vandermeulens, Harvard and Radcliffe Ph.Dfs, who had helped uphold the standards of the new col- lege; and George Gibbs, one of the most popular teachers on the campus, a Harvard- trained CPA as well as a doctoral candidate at UC Berkeley, a lieutenant commander in the Navy amphibious command during the war, and the treasurer of the Episcopal Diocese of Los Angeles. Were such warnings by Benson necessary? Yes and n0. Yes, in terms of the mood of 88 C laremont McKenna College that terrible winter; no, in terms of how things eventually came to pass. Only two fac- ulty, as it turned out, actually left the College, and this was not because of hnancial cutbacks. John Henninger, a Harvard M.B.A. teaching business policy and working as an assistant to Benson, was named director of admissions and placement with the specihc task of improving the academic level of the student body. He did not. He left, and John Atherton took his place, while continuing to teach part-time in English and humanities. When Bensons development assistant, Pryor Cosby twho had recently helped organize the CMC Afhliates and the Mothers, Club, was called to active duty by the Air Force, Benson replaced him with George Gibbs, who also continued to teach part-time. Thus Atherton and Gibbs, so recently put on notice, were actually made even more secure in their positions. The only loss was Carter Ide, a popular assistant professor of comparative government, on the faculty since 1948, who ace cepted a position as administrative analyst in the Bureau of the Budget in Washing- ton. He regretted leaving the College, Ide told The Analyst for the 16 February 1951 issue, but since his situation at CMC was so insecure he had decided to take the fed eral position. The Analyst printed juxtaposed pictures of Ide and Gibbs in the same issue, with Idels portrait tagged llOutll and Gibbsls tagged llInfl A farewell party given Ide included mostly assistant professors and their wives, including Mr. and Mrs. George Gibbs. On the other hand, while only Carter Ide can be considered a true casualty of the panic following the outbreak of the Korean War land Ide, after all, had deliberately decided not to live in uncertaintyi, the notices sent out by Benson left a bad feeling, especially after it became obvious that the Korean War was not going to put CMC out of business. Bensonls encouragement of faculty to seekresearch grants or government appointments that would take them temporarily off the payroll added to the exacerba- tion, as did the fact that there were no general faculty raises through academic year 1953-54. The Vandermeulens, for example, began a series of paid research leaves that would see them, eventually, off the faculty of CMC entirely, with Daniel Vandermeu- len, as well as JerryJordan, transferring to the Claremont Graduate School. The devastating draft that Benson and the trustees predicted, moreover, never ma- terialized. On the contrary, The Analyst for 5 October 1951 reported a bumper crop of 119 new students, representing a 14.4 percent increase over the previous year. Enroll- ment averaged 282 for academic year 1951-52, then climbed back to 326 for 1952-53, the Final year of the Korean conflict. Student deferments continued throughout the war. Should any student receive an induction notice, The Analyst reported on 18 Janu- ary 1952, all he needed to do was to have the dean or the registrar notify his draft board that the student in question was registered full-time, was doing satisfactory work, and that such work commenced prior to the date the induction notice was mailed-and the student would receive a deferment for the academic year. Yet CMC students did The Korean War, a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 89 Joe College, CM C -style, hit the books. After all, President Benson was insisting that CM C was a serious academic institution. But there was also plenty of timefor spa rts, part1 es, and Scrippsies. serve, and a number of themesuch as Marine Lieutenant Garold Magenheimer, ,51 ewere seriously wounded. Benson himself was a casualty of sorts, growing increasingly weary by November 1950 over facing the prospect of having the Korean War sink CMC. It was his fault, Benson told Garner Beckett, that so much was tied up in plant construction, which could now prove a disaster. He would step down from the presidency if the board so wished. In that terrible winter of 1950, trustee Ed Lyman later remembered, Benson looked more tired than he had at any time since the founding of the College. Far from thinking about Bensonls resignation, however, Beckett and Lyman seriously began to think of how to persuade Benson to take a much-needed vacation. As might be expected, the CMC-Pomona Reserve Ocher Training Corps, which offered a four-year draft deferment for enrolled cadets, flourished. At the outbreak of the Korean conflict, Benson, a lieutenant colonel in the Army reserve, had traveled to Washington to lobby for continuing support of the ROTC program, as well as the pos sible establishment of a refresher course for naval supply officers at CMC. While Benson did not secure the naval program, the Korean War boosted ROTC into an im- portant campus activity. Already, in the year before the outbreak of the Korean War, the CMC-Pomona program, under the command of Colonel Theodore Bogart, aVVest Point-trained combat infantryrnan, was emerging as one of the top programs in the California Military District, thanks in part to the presence in the ROTC unit of expe- rienced World War II veterans seeking reserve commissions. Once the Korean War broke out, the granting of draft exemptions to all ROTC students, announced by Ben- son in January 1951 after his return from Washington, where he served on the ROTC panel of the Department of Defense, made the program even more popular. While only 200,000 ROTC deferments had been granted nationwide, Benson announced that the CMCePomona share of this quota would be sufhcient to extend exemptions to all ROTC cadets. Needless to say, the program prospered. In October 1951, in fact, the Department of the Army Chose the CMC-Pomona program and the two campuses as the scene for a technicolor recruiting film depicting the campus life and military training of ROTC cadets. At the time, the CMCePomona programethe only dual college program in the nation-enrollecl some'300 students, evenly divided between the two institutions. Throughout the Korean War, The Analyst reported extensively on Bensonls trips to Washington for meetings of the ROTC panel. It was comforting, after all, to have the CIVIC president so much on the inside in the vital matter of draft deferment policy. Through academic year 1951-52 the CMC-Pomona unit offered commissions in the infantry only-a Chilling prospect for many, given the fierce infantry combat in KO- rea. In part because of Bensons urging, the infantry program was expanded in the fol- lowing year to a general program allowing CMC graduates to be commissioned in all The Korean Wm; a Building Boom, andfoe College, 1950-1959 91 92 branches, including the technical and support services, depending upon individual ability and the needs of the Army. Each year, ROTC cadets sponsored a military ball, with Scripps and Pomona coeds selected as honorary officers. Veterans not in the ROTC program were invited to at- tend in uniform. With the country in a condition of semi-mobilization, interest in these military balls increased, with up to 600 students, veterans, and guests tBenson attended in his lieutenant colonells uniforml showing up to dance to various big bands. The annual Military Ball became, in fact, one of the major social events of the era. Amidst the gaiety, however, were the realities of what awaited many of the cadet graduates. llAlways a colorful spectacle, The Analyst noted on Friday, 17 April 1951, ilthis yearls Military Ball promises to be especially dramatic. Its honored guests will be the fourth-year Military Science students who will receive their infantry commis- sions in June and start their graduate work in Korea shortly afterwards? The very necessity that Benson feared might sink CMC if the Korean War were to cut severely into the student body-campus constructionebecame, paradoxically, the one arena of unqualified success in the 19505, a decade that witnessed the comple- tion of ten major construction projects. The decade opened with the dedication of Pitzer Hall, the classroom and administrative building. For the next two years, the trustees concentrated upon raising funds to pay off the dormitory and Pitzer debt. By late 1952, Benson and the trustees were taking inventory of what would be needed if Claremont Menls College were to continue its arc of development. First of all, there would have to be a student union and recreational building. Popularly termed the Hub, the facility then existed only in one wing of a temporary metal military building hauled in from Santa Ana when the College opened its doors. Second, the College would need its own auditorium instead of borrowing auditorium facilities from neigh- boring colleges. Third, the dining hall at Story House had been expanded to its maxi- mum capacity; CIVIC now required a free-standing state-of-the-art dining hall. A buildingfor science instruction was also needed, along with additional faculty ofhces. Even with four dormitories in operation, students were still being forced to live offe campus, which dissipated the collegial nature of the institution; new dormitories would be necessary. An expanding athletic program, hnally, would require more play- ing Fields, a gymnasium, and a swimming pool. Even before the Korean War, the trustees had been talking about a student union and an auditorium. ByJune 1950, as trustee Chairman Garner Beckett was observing, the metal military buildings housing the Hub and other recreational facilities were beginning to look shabby and temporary in comparison to the new permanent CMC buildings. Agreeing, trustee Lawrence Green, the donor of Green Hall dormitory, proposed to transfer certain Citrus property he owned to the College for the construc- Claremont McKenmz College tion of a student union, to be designed by Allison and Bible. On 12 October 1950, The Analyst previewed designs for a $125,000 combination student unionTauditorium- ballroom, with an adjacent outdoor patio at the southwest corner of the building. Also featured in the plans tand very indicative of the eral was a date lounge where CMC men might entertain young ladies, and ofhces for student organizations. Trustee Ford Twaits, chairman of the building committee tand president of the company con- structing the garage under Pershing Square in Los Angelesl, stated that the new facil- ity would be the most beautiful building on campus. Lawrence Green was unable to make good on his full pledge; and, with the outbreak of the Korean War, the trustees were in a cautious mood as far as construction and further debt were concerned. Yet the prospect of losing students to the draft had fo- cused the minds of the trustees on the single indispensable person responsible for the success of the Collegeethe individual smdent-aand his satisfaction. Far from being a luxury, a student union would serve student morale and well-being and hence retain an undergraduate student body in danger initially from the draft and later from a dis- tressingly high flunleout rate. The trustees of Scripps, furthermore, also wanted their students to be happy; realizing the social synergy that existed between the two student bodies, they agreed to join CMC in the financing and construction of a combination student unionTauditorium-ballroom. Donald McKenna, meanwhile, proposed to enlist his family in Financing an au- ditorium tthe concept of a combination auditorium-ballroom seems to have been droppedl if the 6oo-seat facility would be named in honor of his father, A. G. MC- Kenna. The Mothers Club pledged support for the student lounge and offices. With the McKenna pledge in hand, a bank loan was secured by the Scripps and CIVIC trustees. Ground was broken on Parentsi Day, Saturday, 25 October 1952, with construction commencing in November, with the Ford Twaits Company as contrac- tor. A year later, Parents' Day, 31 October 1953, the new $225,000 facility was dedicated at ceremonies presided over by the trustees of CMC and Scripps, with Benson serv- ing as master of ceremonies. Dr. Harland Hogue 0f the Scripps faculty gave the invo- cation, and there were speeches by CMC student body president John Lund and Scripps student body president Nancy Mayer. That afternoon, the CMC-Pomona football team squared off against Cal Tech on Alumni Field at Pomona College. With its state-of-thevart soda fountain, its student lounge and offices, and its convenient auditorium, the McKenna Auditorium and Student Fountaineas the facility was then namedeadded a note of further solidity to the campus identity of what was yet a pioneering institution. Interestingly enough, the fountain portion of the student union building soon became known as the Hub, as that persistent identity migrated from the temporary Santa Ana steel shack to the lavish new facility. The McKenna The Korean War, a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 93 When it came to havingfun, the Tortugateers OfPrado Dam, a semi- undergmund student society, favored a whimsical, haphazard approach. President Benson was not amused. family shared the nomenclature of the fountain wing of the student union with good humor. tThirteen years later, in 1966, the student activities wing was remodeled and expanded with assistance from the Parents, CommitteeJ Initially, given the bank debt connected to the McKenna Auditorium and Student Fountain, it was thought that construction would temporarily cease at CIVIC. Not so. The decade of the 19505, once the Korean War ended in 1953, was rapidly emerging as one of the most prosperous decades-perhaps the most prosperousein American history. Nowhere was this more true than in Southern California, then in the throes of a titanic building boom that, by the end of the 19605, would transform a sparsely settled, largely agricultural region into a mega-metropolitan colossus extending up the coast from San Diego to Ventura. From the start, the fortunes of CMC were linked to the rise of Southern California. It would have been incongruous had construction at CIVIC ground to a halt while the rest of the region prospered, especially since the trustees of CIVIC were at the center of the Southern California business community presiding over the boom: trustees such as Russell Pitzer, whose enterprises, like the region itself, were prospering. While the student union was under construction, Pitzer made a substantial gift for a two-story annex to Pitzer Hall, three classrooms on the first floor and nine faculty offices on the second. Construction 011 Pitzer Hall South began in February 1955, and the new wing was ready for occupancy in September. No sooner was Pitzer Hall South occupied than CIVIC was approaching the tenth anniversary of its founding. To celebrate this milestone and to accelerate CMC into its second decade of expansion, the trustees tnow fully recovered from their Korean Warjittersi launched an ambitious Tenth Anniversary Building Program, budgeted at $800,000. Over the next five years, nine major construction or improvement projects were successfully completed. In 1957 alone, three major projectseBeCkett Hall, Col- lins Hall, and Pitzer Hall Northewere brought on line in an astonishing burst Ofcon- struction. This epic of financing and construction, and consequent debt, once again pushed the resources of CMC t0 the limits. It also resulted in a level of cost-cutting that seriously curtailed building amenities-a Characteristic, it must be pointed out, that was likewise typical of much of the 19505 boom-era construction in Southern California. Despite their shortcomings, the buildings of this second decade created a campus that was more or less complete by the early 19605, a mere Fifteen years followe ing the Opening of the College. The Tenth Anniversary Building Program was inaugurated with the opening in 1955 of the Baxter Science Center at the corner of Columbia and Eleventh. The whole question of teaching science and mathematics t0 CMC students had remained a trou- blesome issue throughout the first decade of the College. In the early years, nonmath- ematicians, mainly economists, taught the few mathematics courses offered by the The Korean War, a Building Boom, andjoe College, 1950-1959 95 College. Such an expedient was justified on the basis that at CIVIC all subjects, how- ever theoretical, were being brought into dialogue with practical application. Initially, Benson had envisioned offering CMC's own science courses. Yet the man he had brought to CMC, Max Mason, former president of the University of Chicago, had health problems and within a few years resigned from the faculty. CMC was there- upon forced to purchase its science courses from Pomona. By early 1953, this ex- pedient was proving increasingly irksome to Benson, who had for some time now been growing more and more convinced that Pomona Collegeethe oldest, largest, and most complete college at Claremontewas not fully in the spirit of the Group Plan. The science faculty, Benson believed, did not always welcome CIVIC students. Equally irksome, so Benson reported to the board that year, was the loss of certain CIVIC students to Pomona, some of them pre-medical, attracted there by the science curriculum. CIVIC should at the least, Benson told the trustees, be offering basic courses in physics and chemistry. Without a basic science program tBenson men- tioned the possibility of a new science wing for Pitzer HalD, CMC could not hope to attract superior students, an effort then at the core of the CIVIC admissions campaign. With basic science, however, CMC would be able to attract not only pre-medical stu- dents but also pre-engineering students in a cooperative program that Stanford Uni- versity was developing with other colleges. CMC trustee Herbert Hoover, Jr, son of the former president tand, like his father, a Stanford alumnusl, was urging Benson to get CMC involved in the Stanford dual-degree program. On the other hand, the Group Plan as envisioned by James Blaisdell and others called for the various colleges to share with each other their distinctive sources of strength. CMC trustee Henry Mudd, son of Harvey Mudd, a Fellow on the Clare- mont College Board, was especially reluctant to have CIVIC duplicate basic science courses available at Pomona. Temporarily putting aside his desire for CMC'S own ba- sic science program, Benson joined President Frederick Hard of Scripps, then serving as provost, and various members of the Claremont College Board of Fellows on a com- mittee that approached the trustees of Pomona about the possibility of sharing the Pomona science faculty in a Claremont-wide program located in a common science center on Sixth Street near Pomona College. After some discussion, the Pomona board moved that Pomona wishes to own and control its own physics, mathematics, and pre-engineering buildings and facilities, and to control its own teachingf with Pomona trustee William Clary7 a committed Group Plan constitutionalist, casting the only dissenting vote. Robert Bernard considered Pomonals vote the first major defeat experienced by the Group Plan. The Fellows were now faced with the prospect of facilitating a joint science center to serve Scripps and CMC. Obviously, it would no longer have to be located near P0- mona; the northwest corner of Columbia and Eleventh, across from the Scripps cam- 96 C laremont McKe'lma College pus, was chosen. Ironically, Pomona owned the site and agreed to sell it to Claremont College. CMC contributed $30,000 toward the building: the First cash contribution tWill Clary later pointed outi made by an undergraduate college to a central facility owned by Claremont College. The bulk of Enancing for the $192,000 structure, how- ever, came from a $100,000 gift from Dr. and Mrs. George Baxter. Awell-known pedia- trician in Evanston, I llinois, formerly chairman of the board of trustees of Illinois Col- lege, Baxter had retired with his wife to Glendora and had been a member of the Claremont College Board of Fellows since 1946. On 1951 the Baxters had donated $40,000 for a CIaremont-wide medical building and inhrrnaryj Designed by Allison and Bible, its central lecture hall seating one hundred, and constructed by Escherich Brothers of Los Angeles, the Baxter Science Centerebrick and concrete with a tile roof tno cost-cutting hereDewas ready for the fall 1955 term. Next on the agenda: a freestanding dining hall. While picturesque, the stone- walled dining commons in Story House, in service since 1946, was becoming increas- ingly inadequate for a student body of more than three hundred. Envisioning itself as a residential college fostering student-faculty dialogue, CMC was especially in need ofa dining facility where faculty and students could meet for meals and where dinner lectures and conferences might be organized. By early 1952, then, a new dining hall had emerged as an important priority. Already, forces had been set in motion that would render this priority realizable. In 1946, just as CMC was opening, Mr. and Mrs. Donald McKenna met their friends Mr. and Mrs. Whitley Collins of Beverly Hills for dinner at Romanoffis, the famed Hollywood restaurant and nightclub. In the course of the evening, the Collinses lamented that their son had failed to adjust to Princeton. Give him another chance at the newly established CMC, urged Donald McKenna. Shortly thereafter, McKenna arranged a probationary admission with George Benson. Enrolling in CMC, Rogg Collins regained a grip on his academic performance and successfully graduated in the Class of 1951. He worked at Reynolds Aluminum and later became an executive with the Jorgenson Steel Company Needless to say, his father ta graduate of the Wharton School of Banking and Pie nance who had risen to the presidency of Northrop Aircrafti became an enthusiastic member of the Affiliates of CMC, of which he twice served as president. In 1955 Whitley Collins became a trustee. That year, he pledged $25,000 toward a new dining hall, a gift he increased to $100,000 the following year, provided that the sum be matched from other sources. With the Collinses, gift matched, Owers Construction Company began work in late 1956 on the Allison and Rible-designed dining facility, sited along the southern edge of what was now emerging as an extended quadrangle. Collins Hall opened to students in the fall of 1957. Seating three hundred, Collins Hall was distinguished by a magnificent view of Mount San Antonio through a win- dow wall on its north side. Pledged to communal living, CMC now had its commons. The Korean War, a Building Boom, andjoe College, 1950-1959 97 The Iinckerhockers, by contrast, adopted a. buttoned-dow-h preppie style. While the Tortugateers saw themselves as rebels, mocking the establishment, the Kniche rbockers considered themselves prime candi dates for the urban corporate elite. The following year, faced with the necessity of providing meals for the 150 students of the newly established Harvey Mudd College, Collins Hall was expanded by an addi- tional 2,000 square feet. Next up: a Fifth dormitory, Beckett Hall, named after Garner Beckett, chairman of the board of trustees since incorporation, opening in the fall of 1957. Designed, as usual, by Allison and Bible, the two-story Beckett Hall housed fifty-three students, thirty-nine Of them in single rooms. It also employed interior corridors in contrast to the outside balconies of the previous four dormitories. It remained, however, within the modernized Mediterranean idiom characteristic of the developing CIVIC campus. That same year, thanks to yet another gift from Russell Pitzer, Pitzer Hall North opened, intended to provide Classroom space for the newly founded Harvey Mudd College until HMC could develop its own campus. Initially a somewhat solitary structure on its open site, Pitzer Hall, with its four wings and colonnades, now had the feel of a smaller quadrangle within the extended quadrangle of the developing campus. As if all this were not enough, a student bookstore was constructed between McKenna Auditorium and Wohlford Hall, with a glass exposure to the south provid- ing an attractive View across the grass to Collins Hall. The bookstore, costing $30,000 and operated by the Associated Students, was Financed by a loan from endowment, to be paid by earnings from the store. Student union, dining commons, classrooms, joint science center, bookstore: the 19505 were witnessing the rapid development of a campus in dramatic contrast to the basement dormitories, curtained classrooms, and military surplus buildings of 1946. All thisedescribed in the Annual Report for 1955-56 as lithe largest building program in the history of the Collegell-cost money, which meant a combination of gifts, bank loans, and borrowing from endowment. By academic year 195456 the trustees had borrowed $500,000 from the bank and another $250,000 from endowment. It was, noted the controller of the Associated Colleges, the largest borrowing program ever undertaken by a college within the Associated Colleges. And yet by 1959, the half- million-dollar bank loan had been reduced to $160,000. Still, Chairman Beckett fret- ted. The interest on the loan was the equivalent of an associate professors salary. Or perhaps the salary of an athletic coach. Emerging at the same time as all this con- struction was the question of athletic Eelds and facilities, another sine qua non for a mature college campus. As early as the winter 0f1950, with the Korean War scare still in effect, CMC trustees had purchased from Pomona College tthanks in part to a gift from Colonel James G. Boswelll twenty-four acres east of Mills Avenue and north of Sixth Street, which more than doubled the size of the now more than forty-acre cam- pus. In January 1951 the trustees announced a Eve-year plan to develop the property into Eve tennis courts and athletic fields for intramural and freshman football, track, The Korean War, a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 99 100 Clm'emont McKenna College and basketball. By October 1952 crews and equipment donated by the Bressi and Be- vanda Company were grading the new athletic fields east of Mills Avenue, and plans were under way for at least four tennis courts, a field houseebasketball pavilion, and a swimming pool, together with a full-size football field surrounded by a running track, a baseball diamond, and volleyball courts. As in the case of science instruction, however, the sometimes troublesome rela- tionship with Pomona College asserted itself. Since its opening, CMC had been jointly operating with Pomona College a varsity athletic program in the Southern Cali- fornia Intercollegiate Athletic Conference, composed of such small to middlesized institutions as Whittier, Redlands, Occidental, Cal Tech, and La Verne. CIVIC also played at various times San Diego State, Cal Poly Pomona, Santa Barbara College, and a number of military teams. From one perspective, the program was successful, especially in such mainstream varsity sports as football, baseball, basketball, and track. During football season in the First decade of CMC, The Analyst provided exten- sive coverage of football games and attendant festivities. Fans packed the Chartered cars of a rootersl train in the fall of 1950, for example, to travel to San Diego for a game against San Diego State. By the middgsos, the well-attended Saturday football game had become an important component of the homecoming weekend. In the winter, basketball was equally popular. Also offered by the Pomona-CMC physical education department were varsity programs in track and held, soccer, swim- ming and diving, water polo, golf, tennis, and fencing. From the start, the Pomona- CMC water polo team was a power in this distinctively Southern California sport. The fencing team included Pomona coeds and thus offered a rare opportunity for men and women to compete alongside each other in a varsity sport. The athletic program also included compulsory physical education sessions. On 1956, after some debate, veterans, married students living OE-Campus with their families, and students work- ing thirty or more hours a week were exempted from physical education courses in their senior yearl Equally flourishing by the early 19505 was an intramural program, softball and basketball mainly, with teams organized on a dormitory basis. Withhve dormitories in operation by 1953 tWohlford, Boswell, Green, Appleby, and Story Housel, the intramural program had no trouble engendering a spirit of competitive rivalry that enriched college life. All things considered, then, the Pomona-CMC program had successfully estab- lished a highly reputable athletic culture at CMC, a culture of both competition and spectator enjoyment essential to a successful undergraduate environment. Yet there were difficulties. The Pomona identity, for one thing, tended to overshadow that of CMC. Sportswriters and college programs frequently left the impression that the team was only that of Pomona, which prompted from Benson 3 number of irate letters to the L05 Angeles Times, as well as to athletic schedulers and producers of sports pro- grams. In the Annual Report for 1948e49, for example, Benson noted with pride that twenty-six CMC men had won varsity letters in eight sports. Yet Benson also men- tioned in the same report his dissatisfaction that the team was fielded under the Po- mona mascot, the sage hen, rather than a jointly shared identihcationvthis in the same year that CIVIC took the stag as its mascot and adopted maroon and white as its official college colors. Benson also wanted more CIVIC yells and songs included in the cheering during games. As the 19405 became the 19505, Benson grew increasingly dissatisfied with the ole facto control by Pomona over what was supposed to be a jointly operated varsity ath- letic program. tPresident Lyon of Pomona went so far as to insist that the athletic de- partment use only stationery with the Pomona College letterheadl If, after nine years of cooperation and the development of a substantial number of athletic Fields, we cannot even be mentioned in write-upsf, Benson wrote the chairman of the Pomona-Claremont Athletic Council, a Pomona faculty member, I thinkit is time for us to consider other solutions to our athletic problems. The matter came to a head in 1957 with the founding of Harvey Mudd College. Benson and a number 01FCMC board members played a major role in the founding of this new institution; and CIVIC, itself only a decade old, hosted the entering Harvey Mudd class in its dormitory, dining commons, and other facilities. Pomona College, however, balked at the prospect of expanding its two-college athletic program to in- clude the new college. The Southern California Intercollegiate Athletic Conference, Pomona argued, would not allow three schools to field a combined team, which would constitute unfair competition. A number of conference members, in fact, were al- ready complaining that it was time to dissolve the Pornona-CIVIC arrangement, which was supposed to have been temporary. A three-college team would have to leave the conference. Whom, then, would they play? Strangely enough, the CIVIC board of trustees seemed willing to make such a break, while at the same time insisting that any three-college team be jointly administered and play under Ala mutually acceptable name which does not give predominate publicity to any one college? Quite under- standably, Pomona found these conditions unacceptable, and in early 1957 a Pomona faculty committee concluded that existing arrangements were not permanent but transitional and that the future lay elsewhere. It was actually CMC, however, that in June 1957 ofhcially dissolved the relationship by giving Pomona the required one-year notice to terminate the joint program. Al- ready, the new athletic alliance of CMCeI-Iarvey Mudd College had positioned itself for an independent future with the recruitment in 1956 of William Arce as professor of physical education and athletic director. A veteran of the Battle of the Bulge with a doctorate in physical education from Stanford, Arce in the decades to come would evolve into one of the key Figures of the College. He was a genial but firm baseball The Korean War, a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 IOI The mood and the ethos ofthe new college were masculine, hold, and direct. Surveying a student body afretumed veterans, President Benson encouraged his faculty to go the extra mile on their behalf. coach twith an avid interest in exporting the game to Europe and Asiai, classroom instructor, and athletic director, who saw in his calling an essential component of un- dergraduate education: the employment of sports to develop the whole man. Arce was also an excellent diplomat and joined Benson in the successful effort to get Harvey Mudd College to agree to adopt Stags as the name for the new team. Harvey Mudd, meanwhile, a trustee of both CMC and HMC, gave HMC an impressive gift of $100,000 to help underwrite the costs ofits newly established athletic program. The trustees, administration, and faculty conducted a lively yeareand-a-half-iong debate through 1957-58 regarding the exact nature of the CMC athletic program. In a memorandum of14 February 1957 entitled uThe Future Physical Education and Inter- collegiate Athletic Program for Men in the Associated Colleges, Robert Bernard, managing director of the Associated Colleges, established the general outlines of the debate. Athletics at the Associated Colleges, Bernard wrote, were now in a state of transition with the founding of Harvey Mudd College and the proposed independent program at CMC. Whatever program or sports were Chosen, Bernard argued, they should favor intercollegiate rivalry not only with outside colleges but also within the Associated Colleges as well. Why? Because this was the Oxford-Cambridge model. iiVVith increasing justification, Bernard wrote, iiwe call ourselves the Oxford of the West. Nothing is more Characteristic of Oxford than the individual playing fields, teams, and facilities of the individual colleges. Although the colleges for the most part have less than 300 students, they field full totten severaD teams or crews in Rugby, soccer, hockey, cricket, tennis, and rowing. No feature of Oxford is more important in the life and spirit of the undergraduates and the colleges. This is the ideal towards which we should strive in the Associated Colleges. By handling athletics through small units, we will avoid over-emphasis on big-time athletics and thus escape an- other of the major defects of college and university operation in the United States? As in many small colleges, the question of varsity football was at the heart of the problem. Varsity football consumed financial and other resources at an alarming rate and tended to overshadow other varsity sports in terms of student and press support. More important, varsity football worked against that intercollege Oxbridge ideal being advanced by Bernard, since football games were held against non-Claremont colleges. Some among the CMC faculty, such as Orme Phelps and John Atherton, favored an athletic program in which other varsity sportsetennis, golf, track and Held, baseball, basketball, water poloewould replace the football program with an array of equally satisfying varsity competition. With slightly more than three hundred students, Phelps and Atherton argued, CMC could not afford to mount on its own a resource- consuming football program, since it would be years before the newly founded Harvey Mudd College, if it chose to do so, would be in a position to hear an equal part of the expense. Others in the faculty went even further. CMC, they argued, should empha- The Korean War, a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 103 size intramural and inter-Associated Colleges competition in American favorites tbaseball, touch football, basketball, swimming, track and fieldl, together with in- struction in such social sports', as tennis, golf, and skiing that would serve a CMC graduate throughout his life. The argument for varsity football came most strongly from Donald Frisbie, director of admissions, and Pete Welsh, '50, the star athlete of the 19405 now serving as special assistant to President Benson. The abolition of the varsity football program, they argued, would demoralize alumni and the student body and would hamper recruitment. However much sportswriters might cover other var- sity events, football got the most ink. Colleges that did not play varsity football were by definition second tier. Even as these arguments were being made, however, the trustees of CMC and Har- vey Mudd were negotiating a Classically conceived athletic program, which in mid- 19503 America tand today, for that matterD revolved around varsity football. By late 1957 Professor William Arce, the newly appointed director of athletics for CMC and HMC, was presenting to each faculty plans for a three-tiered program: two years of required courses in physical education ttaught by three instructors yet to be ap- pointedl, an intramural program, and intercollegiate varsity sports, to include the seven football games already scheduled for the fall of 1959. The Annual Report for 1958-59 fully outlined this program. In October 1958, the Southern California Ath- letic Conference accepted the CMC-HMC Stags as a new member. The Stags ene tered varsity competition in the autumn of 1959. The Annual Report for 1959-60 praised the Stags for an excellent showing against bigger and more experienced teams. To support the new three-tier program of physical education courses, intramural sports, and varsity competition, Benson and the trustees embarked upon a program of land acquisition and construction energized by the momentum of the Tenth Anniver- sary Building Program. The first item on Bensonls agenda was the remainder of the undeveloped area east of Mills between Sixth and Ninth Streets, which Benson de- sired as an athletic field. Pomona owned the property. Working with CMC trustee Chairman Garner Beckett, who painstakingly lobbied members of the Pomona Col- lege board, Benson spent what he later described as a lilong hot summer of negotia- tion. As in all such property situations, it was a question on both sides of enlightened self-interest. Fortunately for CMC, Pomona had plans to construct new science buildings and needed some adjacent properties west of College Avenue. Even more fortunate, George and Mabel Benson owned one of the properties, a home north of Sixth Street that they had purchased from George Bensonls uncle Arthur Stoughton, currently living there on a life-occupancy basis. When President Lyon of Pomona ap- proached Benson about selling the property to Pomona, Benson agreed provided that 104 C laremont McKenna College F0 r less formal occasions, or merely to satisfy the midnight munchies, CM C undergraduates had recourse to Stinkyk, a twenty-fouxr-hour-a-day, seven-day-a-week jukebox, pinball, and hamburgerjoint at the corner 0fM01mtain and Foothill. there be fair appraisal and, most important, that Pomona sell to CIVIC the property it needed to round out its athletic field. At the end of the long hot summerofnegotiation, CIVIC and Pomona each acquired the properties they desired through a series of com- plicated land exchanges, arrangements for displaced residents Iincluding Arthur Stoughtoni, and the payment of $35,000 by CIVIC t0 Pomona. A gymnasium was built for use by the fall of 1957 Via a bank loan and a Cluster of small gifts. It remained unnamed, pending a future donor. CIVIC parent Willard Voit, president of Voit Rubber Company, donated $25,000 for an adjacent swimming pool, to be named for him only after his son had graduated from CIVIC. Other gifts brought the trustees to less than $5,000 short of the required $52,758. Construction on the L-shaped facility on the north side of the gymnasium began in short order; and the pool was ready for the academic year 1959-60. In 1961, thanks to a second gift, Voit Field House was completed. A11 in all, the 19505 had been a remarkable decade Ofcon- struction linked to program development, and the 19605 would witness no loss of momentum. Although they were not completed until the next decade, four new dormitories- Phillips Hallt1961i, Berger Hall 0962i, Benson Hallt1963i, and Marks I-Iallt1964i- owed their construction to the building momentum of the 19505: the year 1959, to be exact. In the summer 0f1959, for one thing, Benson toured a number of distinguished colleges and universities in the East and noted their emphasis upon residential pro- grams. Already, more and more CIVIC students preferred to live on campus, in con- trast to the more varied patterns of the 19405 veteran generation. In the autumn of 1959, some Fifty undergraduates desiring campus housing had to be placed in apart- ments that the College had acquired twith the financial assistance of the Bensonsi at Blanchard and Mills Avenues and in Harvey Mudd dorms. Such a shortage of dormi- tory space became even more noticeable as the student body increased in size. The average enrollment 0f363 students in 1957-58 rose to 380 students in 1959-60. In aca- demic year 1960-61, the trustees made the decision to push toward an enrollment of 600 by the mid-196os. Anticipating both present need and future expansion, the trustees in the academic year 1959-60 in quick succession approved the construction of four new dormitories. T0 Finance the First three dormitories, the trustees employed their usual technique of borrowing from the bank and from endowment. Completed in 1961, the First dorm was called Claremont Hall until the board renamed it in 1966 to honor the past contribu- tions of Mr. M. Penn Phillips. Mr. and Mrs. H. Norwood Berger covered a portion of the cost of the next dormitory, which was named in their honor upon its completion in 1962. The third dormitory, Benson Hall, was eventually named tafter its debt was reducedi in honor of George and Mabel Benson, who in addition to their roles as 106 C laremont McKemw College founders and administrators were also significant donors. Construction costs for the fourth dormitory were covered totally by a major gift from Mr. David X. Marks. As usual, even with such gifts, CMC trustees were pushing the envelope. Benson Hall, for example, initially named Live Oak Hall while it awaited a donor, was the largest and most expensive dormitory yet constructed. When construction bids came in higher than expected, Benson argued to the trustees that they would have to go ahead with construction anyway and complete the building by September 1963 if they wished CMC to remain a residential college and be able to accommodate the planned incoming class. The investment committee of the trustees agreed with Benson and decided to take the risk. By 1963 CIVIC had approximately 30 percent of its available endowment invested in its physical plant. With the opening of Marks Hall in 1964, Benson pronounced the dormitory construction program completed. The investment committee breathed a sigh ofrelief. Here, after all, was a new and relatively small college, only beginning to build its endowment, which had somehow managed to construct fourteen major facilities be- tween 1953 and 1964. In a mere eighteen years, CMC had materialized as a commodi- ous campus surrounded by landscaped playing fields. Gone since 1950 were the steel barracks at the corner of Sixth and Mills. Graduate students from the Claremont Graduate School continued to occupy a few remaining temporary units, but these too were gone by 1957. The two buildings from the Santa Ana Army Air Force base, meane while, had been taken over by ROTC and the radio station KCMC; but by 1960, with the construction of Phillips Hall, their time had come as well. One building was torn down, and the other was moved to the east end of South Field, where it served as a storage facility for athletic equipment. Of the 1946 CMC-owned buildings, only the venerable and architecturally distinguished Story House remained. It was the era of Joe College: of saddle shoes, khaki pants, crew cuts, horn-rimmed glasses, and V-necked sweaters. The initial scare of the decade, the Korean War, ended with the election of Dwight David Eisenhower, a comforting, avuncular figure who remained in office for the rest of the decade. It was a fun-loving era, not overly concerned with academic matters, yet not blatantly anti-intellectual either, especially toward the end of the decade. William Alamshah, dean of students and lecturer in philosophy after 1954, later described the dominant mood as practical and pragmatic. It was also an affluent era, with most CIVIC students coming from the upper-middle classes. Everyone seemed to have an automobile, Hugh Gallagher, 36, later remem- bered. And on top of most cars there was a rack for carrying skis or surfboards. The cool guys carried skis and surfboards at the same time. It was the era of the Silent Generation: a narrow phalanxpoised between the heroes The Korean War, a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 107 of World War II and the baby boomers. Although it did not know it then, it was en route to being the First generation since the founding of the Republic not to produce a president of the United States. All things considered, it was an orthodox generation. Undergraduates rarely criticized their elders, whether in the corporate or political world. At age eighteen, they registered for the draft. Most of them served at least six months on active duty in the armed forces. Army, Navy, and Air Force ROTC pro- grams, together with officer candidate schools in the various services, filled the mili- tary with college-trained junior officers. Rebellions remained untouched by dis- senting ideologies and tended to surface, among undergraduates at least, in outbreaks of hazing, parity raids, and beer busts. :iSexually, we were largely virginalf a 1956 grad- uate later remembered. 'To hear us talk, in the sexist braggadocio of the day, we were old hands at seduction. Indeed, some had gone all the wayf but a lot more people talked about going than actually went. More serious campus courtships were ex- pected to lead to marriage, and marriagesemany of them with graduates of Scripps or Pomona-tended to take place by the time graduates reached their mid- to late twenties. Files of The Analyst and The Ayer from the decade reveal an almost nonstop pan- orama of parties, mixers, dances, football games, ski weekends, jazz concerts, plays, musical extravaganzas, club activities, and a wealth of other social involvements. What was this rage for pleasure, this constant good humor, this never-ending party? The normal joy and appetites of youth? Or something more profound: an understand- ing, perhaps, by a generation living in the decade between the Korean War and Viet- nam that its time-the Eisenhower years, the Joe College yearsewould be ion the surface at leastl the last great unambiguous era of the American century? World War II and the Korean War, after all, had been Violent, life-threatening events, which gave a somber cast to being young. For the rest of the decade, however, there was the pros pect of coming of age at the heart of the most prosperous era in American history, surpassing even the 19203 in its sense that the sky was the limit and the party had just begun. TGO Joe College This Saturday Night? ran the banner headline on the front page of The Analyst for Friday, 11 January 1952. The Joe College dance was being sponsored by the freshman class, the largest entering class in CMC history. The six-piece Ulyate Brothers dance band would be playing, featuring Tony Paris from the Starlighters on vocal. There would also be a contest for the best Joe and Joanne College outfit worn that evening. The headline, not to mention the dance itself, might have stood for the entire decade, which abounded in a rich succession of dance events. The decade opened, in fact, with an editorial in The Analyst on 22 March 1950 specifically calling for a Student Union that would be fully equipped for large dances. Established a few years earlier, the Starlight Ball remained the most ambitious 108 Claremont McKemm. College Held outdoors each May, the cmmml Starlight: Ballfeatured the crowning ofzm elected queen. and hercourt. Ritualized and choreographic, the Starlight Ball was more than an annual dance. It was a symbol ofan em. dance of the year. Sponsored by the junior class of CMC in honor of its seniors, the formal dance became in the 19505 an Associated Colleges-wide event. tThe senior class soon took full responsibility for the annual affairj Eddie La Barron and his or- chestra played for the May 1951 ball, held outdoors on the senior patio. Bob Keene, who took over the Artie Shaw band in 1942, brought his fourteen-piece orchestra to the May 1953 Starlight Ball, held on a portable dance floor set up on Parents, Field near Story House. Orrin Tucker and his band played for the May 1954 event, which was held in the new Student Union. The rituals of the Starlight Ballethe buying of bids in advance, the competitive crowning of a queen and her court, the relatively well- known orchestra, formal dresses, white tuxedo jackets and black ties, dinner before- hand and late-night gatherings aftereat once expressed the style and values of the 19505 and prepared undergraduates, whether they knew it or not, to deal with the so- cial requirements and protocols of the corporate and country club life toward which most were heading. As important as it was, however, the Starlight Ball represented only one instance of the dance year. A perusal of The Analyst and The Ayer for academic year 1954-55 re- vealsjust how full was the CMC social calendar. The season began with a Tri-College Ranch Party, an all-day and evening event on the Las Flores Ranch in the mountains east of Cajon Pass. Festivities began with a picnic, followed by a rodeo, and ended with a Western dance. In N ovember the sophomore class sponsored Boothill Stomp, described by The Analyst as the first big CMC dance of the year. Managed by Jack Stark, '57, the event included a hayride and dancing. Every fifteen minutes, a horse and buggy left the dance to give couples Tia trek through the darkest shadows of our campus? January saw the freshman-sponsored iProhibition Promii in which atten- dees dressed in the style of the 19205. Bud Flick and his Dixieland Combo played, and there was 3 Charleston contest and a barbershop quartet serenade by the Crown City Four. In February 1955 came the annualjazz concert in Big Bridges, that year featuring NatiiKingi,C01e, Lucy Ann Polk, and the Nelson Riddle Orchestra. It was a golden age ofjazz on campus. Starting in 1952, CMC sponsored an annual jazz concert in Big Bridges, as students called the Mabel Shaw Bridges Auditorium, along with other Big Band evenings tsome as concerts, some in conjunction with dancesi. Les Brown and his Band of Renown and pianist George Shearing and his Quintet, with Lucy Ann Polk on vocals Uune Christy was a no-showi, played for the second annual CMC Jazz Concert in March 1953. Also on the program were the Hi- Los, an upeand-comingjazz vocal quartet. The next year, 13 March 1954, David Rose and his Band played a concert at Big Bridges, with Lucille Norman as vocalist. tNor- man was well known through her weekly radio programs, H Ollywood Musical Hall and The Railroad Hour, which she co-hosted with Gordon McRaei The show included 110 Claremont McKemm College performances of music by George Gershwin, Cole Porter, Jerome Kern, Victor Her- bert, and Rose himself. On 10 November 1954, the Dave Brubeck Quartet played at Little Bridges, as students called the Mabel Shaw Bridges Hall. And so the decade continued, with name band and name vocalist after name band and name vocalist ap- pearing on campus. The seventh annual CMC Jazz Concert in 1958, for example, fea- tured the Duke Ellington Orchestra, the George Shearing Quintet, and the Bobby Troup Quintet, a rather impressive bill. Back to academic year 1954-55. After the success ofllBoothill Stomp,' and llProhibie tion Prom in the fall of1954, the social year continued with a ski weekend at Big Bear, chaperoned by Dean and Mrs. Alamshah. Next up: uMonte Carlo Night in March and that very same month the llBeachcombers Ball in the student union, sponsored by the CIVIC Yacht Club, which The Analyst considered the most active organization on campus. Lucy Ann Polk was back in April to sing for the ROTC Military Ball. In May the junior class rented a ballroom in the Huntington Hotel in Pasadena for the annual Starlight Ball. For less formal occasions or the midnight munchies, CIVIC undergraduates had re- course to Stinkys, a twenty-four-hour-a-day, seven-day-a-week jukebox, pinball, and hamburgerjoint at the corner of Mountain and Foothill. Other sources of off-campus calories included Di Oriols Pizza at Second and Claremont, Edls Coffee Shop at 110 Yale lwaffles served at all hoursl, the Claremont lnn lfor dress-up datesl, Henry Wongls Chungking Cafe or Mels in Pomona, and the Western Chuckwagon in San Dimas. Of these establishments, Stinkyls-a crowded cafe, with initial-carved tables and college pictures on the wall-was the most convenient and popular, especially for late-night gatherings where hosts Jack and Rene, the middle-aged proprietors, did their best to provide a convivial atmosphere. Regular meals, of course, were taken at Story House and later the Collins Dining Hall. Dissatisfaction with college food is, of course, a universal phenomenon, and CMC was no exception. In March 1952, for example, an undergraduate Food Com- mittee submitted a special report to President Benson indicating that, on balance, food service was adequate but could use certain adjustments: larger helpings 0r sec- onds, better meat carving techniques, a Choice of two entrees on Friday night lwhen Catholics were forbidden to eat meatl, salads at every dinner, and a wider selection of cold cuts at lunch. Since this was the 19505, there was also a request that Jello be served more frequently for dessert. CMC men could buy their records at Herbertls on Yale in Claremont, which feae tured both popular and longhair recordings. Herbertls was also the scene of im- promptu dance parties. Barrettls Pharmacy, also on Yale, kept in stock ample supplies of LB Pomade, a gooey substance that kept crew cuts upright, pompadours wavy, and The Korean War, a Building Boom, andjoe College, 1950-1959 111 ducktails correctly aligned. Sharp dressers frequented John P. Evans in Pomona, where CMC men might purchase Clerks desert boots, saddle shoes, or Fortsmann cashmere sweaters. In 1953 Cinemascope came to the Fox Theater with The Robe. On campus, social life tended to revolve around the student-managed Hub in one or another ofits locations. Occasionally, scandals erupted. In March of1950,f0r exame ple, a series of thefts from the cash register threw the Hub into the red. In April 1953 the student council closed the Hub in February and April due to financial losses. In an effort to combat thievery or comping of friends by student workers, the Hub was mechanized that April with coffee machines and other mechanical vendors. With the move into the new Student Union, however, matters improved. In academic year 1954-55 student manager VViIIiam Leishmen put the Hub back into the black with a rigorous program, as The Ayer put it, of food, bridge, pinball, and women. Each year of the 19505, campus-wide elections for student body president and Vice president received extensive coverage from The Analyst. The student body president and Vice president shared power with an elected student council, who in turn oper- ated through various committees, with the Social Committee, the Publicity Commit- tee, and the Rally Committee exercising the most influence. A separately appointed student court handled disciplinary measures not serious enough to be taken up by Benson himself tthe arrest of a student for possessing marijuana7 for example, which Benson succeeded in having reduced from a felony to a misdemeanorI. In November 1952 a new entity, a special court of appeals, consisting of a combined student court and student council, heard the appeal of two students suspended for two weeks due to alleged drinking parties in the dormitories. After extensive study of the case, the special court allowed the students to continue to attend Classes while remaining on probation for the month of November. No mercy, however, was shown in academic year 1952-53 to two freshmen who set off sticks of dynamite in the unoccupied brush- land east of the College, potentially the most dangerous incident of the decade. Alcohol was the drug of Choice for the era. While Professor Walter Smith might lament in early 1954 that too many of his upper-division students were majorng in alcoholics rather than economics, the record fails to reveal drinking as a crisis issue comparable to Cheating on examinations and papers. Deans Briggs and Alamshah might worry about surreptitious beer busts in the dorms or drinking at dances; but so did deans atjust about every other college and university across the country. Undergraduate life at CIVIC in the 19505, with its emphasis on highly organized dances and Club activities, showed a remarkable civilityewithin the limits of young men in a largely aII-male environment. True, there were the occasional panty raids across Ninth Street into Scripps. But the CMC Glee Club continued to flourish un- der the direction of Louis Ronfelt, and in the fall of 1954 the student radio station KCMC began broadcasting recorded music and interviews each evening from seven 112 ClaremontMcKenna College AB OV E : A onetimejazz trumpeter who turned to philosophy after his harrowing wartime experiences, Whill-iam Alamshah succeeded Stuart Briggs as dean of students. Almnshahfavored a live-cmd- let-live approach. In honor of his Syrian- I mn-imz extraction, students dubbed the popular clean the Baghdad Daddy. L E FT: Recruited by Benson from the University of C hicago to serve as professor ofindustrial relations, Orme Wheeloch Phelps published steadily and taught well. A scholar, a talented classroom performer, and a skilled administraton Phelps more thanfuljilled Benson's desire to staff CM C with a well-roundedfaculty until twelve. Established in 1946, the Scripps-CMC Siddons Drama Club continued to mount major productions ranging from Greek drama to Shakespeare to Noel Cow- ard. CMC speech and debate teams continued to do well in regional and statewide competition. Founded in 1952, the Forensic Society staged an annual speech tourna- ment. Also founded in 1952: the Stags, an honorary service group. Beginning in 1954 the Associated Students instituted an annual leadership conference for undergradu- ate leaders; and participation in a model United Nations also became an annual event. In February 1955 a group of CMC students invited journalist and former FDR brain truster Felix Morley to inaugurate their Constitutional Study Group with a talk enti- tled UA Republicelf You Can Keep It. Morley challenged the students to stage a mock Constitutional Convention to explore possible changes in American govern- ment. Encouraged by an editorial in The Analyst, a dozen or more undergraduates took up the Challenge and began meeting weekly with faculty ranging from the conserva- tive Benson to liberal DemocratJerryJordan. Students also supervised and partly managed the college bookstore, which gained its own building in 1958. In contrast to the Hub in previous years, the student-run bookstore flourished. In 1960 the trustees loaned $7,500 to the student body to enlarge display and storage facilities. By the spring of 1963, the bookstore would no longer require a two-dollar-per-semester student support fee, previously assessed for the re- payment of the building mortgage. Ralph Woolley, Jr., 359, later a trustee and father of two CMC graduates, was responsible for getting the bookstore off to such a good start. The Analyst, meanwhile, did a more than credible job covering campus life, with features that included a number of excellent talk-of-the-campus gossip columns. In the spring of 1955, The Analyst began publishing a jointly produced Analyst-Scriptme with Scripps College. That September The Analyst joined with Scripture to form The Associate, which in 1957-58 evolved further into a three-college publication with the addition of staff from the newly founded Harvey Mudd College. The Ayer yearbook, meanwhile, produced a succession of creditable volumes, including the 1954 volume dedicated to campus security guard Frank O. ClSargelil Wadsworth, described as a man whom we know has already become a tradition at CMC. The Ayer for 1959-60, however, caused a scandal with its low-grade humor regarding sex and alcohol. Espe- cially offensive to faculty and trustees was a superimposed photograph of a giant toilet bowl in the Pitzer Hall Quadrangle described as a memorial fountain; a department designated Bods on Campus featuring photographs of coeds; a drawing of a nude under the designation uScrippsiell; and a three-frame cartoon under the heading iIThe Datell showing a couple disappearing below the line of sight of an open-air convert- ible. The faculty denounced the yearbook as vulgar in the extreme, and a special meet- ing of the College Standards Committee recommended that the editor, a senior about to graduate, be expelled and that the trustees look into the entire matter. There was 114 Claremont McKemm College talk of recalling or repurchasing already distributed copies; but Benson felt that that would only serve to make the volume a collectors item. In the end, the matter blew over, with the trustees allowing the beleaguered editor to receive his degree in mid- summer. As a genre, The Ayer controversy came under the category of student humor border- ing on prank. tOther pranks included the wholesale abduction of Story House silver- ware and the disappearance of Stan Stag, also from Story House, this in the winter of 19503 As such, it took to extreme the preoccupations of an entire decade of campus humor in which The Analyst abounded regarding sex and alcohol. Even more intrigu- ing, however, from a social and psychological point of View, was the entry in Septem- ber 1950 of a cross-dressing CMC undergraduate in the Miss 1951 Esquire Calendar Girl Contest. At hrst, the spoof was reported in positive terms. But as September edged into October, the less-than-complimentary implications of the satire surfaced, and CMC undergraduates rapidly renominated a pert and popular Pomona coed to represent CIVIC in the Esquire contest. Indeed, a certain note of good humor-masculine, occasionally vulgar, prank- orientedepervades the reminiscences of CMC graduates from the 19505 submitted in June 1970 to assistant professor Ladell Payne, then in the process of researching a history of the College. The time a number ofstudents fired up a couple of road graders and heavy-duty Caterpillars and proceeded to do their own version of road grading on the baseball Held. The hauling of the covered wagon from the Chuckwagon Restau- rant to the Scripps parking lot. The placing of a Efteen-foot weather balloon in a stu- dent bedroom in the dorm, then filling it with water. The dismantlement of an MG sportscar and its reassembly in another dormitory bedroom. The Mad Bomber attacks of students who violated the evening quiet study time with rockets and cherry bombs obtained in Mexico. Students also remembered Friday afternoon beer parties with their Scripps counterparts in the orange groves above Foothill. Masculine as well were the hazing practices of the sophomore class against incoming freshmen: the shaving of heads, the enforced push-ups, and other practices, all frowned on by the administration because they tended to get out of hand. By the late 19503, hazing had been brought under significant control and was mild in comparison to practices ear- lier in the decade. On the other hand, wheelchair-bound student Hugh Gallagher, i56, stricken by p0- lio while in high school, found a level ofacceptance at CIVIC that might at first glance be surprising in a college and a decade that many remember as being dominated by carefree and somewhat careless playboys. CMC, in fact, was the only one offorty col- leges that Gallagher applied to willing to accept a wheelchair-bound student. During his freshman year, Gallagher wished to fly home to Chicago for Christmas, but no airline would accept him. Gallagher went to Benson about his problem. Benson im- The Korean war, a Building Boom, andjoe College, 1950 t1959 115 mediateiy put a call into C. E. Smith, Chairman of the board of American Airlines and a member of the CIVIC board of trustees, and secured for Gallagher the necessary permission. In his senior year Gallagher became the first CMC student to win a Mar- shall Fellowship for travel and study in England. At Trinity College, Oxford, Gallagher took a second degreeein political science, philosophy, and economics-then joined the staff of SenatorJohn Carroll tDemocrat, Coloradoi in Washington. Responsible to Benson for most of the decade for the general tenor of undergradu- ate life was Dean of Student Affairs William Alamshah, who since mid-decade had been dividing with Stuart Briggs responsibility for undergraduate life, with Briggs serving as dean of student counseling and taking on a heavier load in the classroom. tBriggs also acquired the title Dean of Administration because of the assistance he continued to provide the college budget processJ A philosopher by training, Alam- shah took a philosophical attitude of live-and-let-iive toward students. Student life, Alamshah believed, should be offeiimits to faculty and administrative intervention, provided that students kept reasonable order among themselves. uI know rules were brokenfi Alamshah later admitted, iibut discipline on the campus and gentlemanly be- havior, I would say, was fairly decent . . . I know the guys drank, and the kids who were underage drank, but if we didnt know it and if they didnt misbehave in a way that drew attention to themselves, there wasnit much we could do about it and there wasnit much we really ought to do about it? As if to reinforce his philosophy of student self- governance, Alamshah replaced graduate student proctors in the dorms with under- graduate resident assistants appointed in their junior year on the basis of good grades and gentiemanly conduct. In addition, the student council formed a committee to as- sist the resident assistants in enforcing a Quiet Hours policy on weeknights. With Alamshahis encouragement, the student court progressively took more cases. Alamshahis policy of encouraging responsible seIf-governance showed signs of pay- ing off. The Annual Report for 1957-58, for example, noted marked improvement of student conductii during the first eight months of the academic year. True, the Report continued, there were Iseveral serious breaches of conduct during May; but these brought sharp disciplinary action by the student government which augurs well for better control in the future. Ten years after his graduation in 1960, M. Richard Meyers recalled with approval the Iive-and-Iet-Iive policy pursued by Alamshah. KI liked the approach of the administration in recognizing the students, natural tendencies? Meyer remembered. uThey were underage and would most likely drink; therefore the administration set up realistic ground rules for allowing it and selferegulating policies of enforcement. Approaches such as this helped to develop men out of boys? Of Syrian-Iranian extraction, the popular Alamshah was known by students as che Baghdad daddy. In his youth, before the war, Alamshah had played trumpet with a 116 Claremomf McKennn College number of name bands. During the war, he had served in the medical corps in the South Pacific and had experienced a conversion from jazz to philosophy. Entering P0- mona 0n the GI Bill, Alamshah went on to take his PhD. in philosophy from the Claremont Graduate School. He had a robust sense of humor. At times, in fact, when Benson was fuming at a student prank, Alamshah was cracking up; this occasionally caused tension between the two. Student council minutes for the era underscore this effort at self-regulation, espe- cially in the matter of dress codes, the consumption of alcohol, and the entertaining of coeds in college dorms. Dress codes, for one thing, seem to have proven troublesome throughout the decade. The Ayer might show students neatly attired in coat and tie; yet there is ample evidence that, outside such formal photographic occasions, stu- dents tended to dress down in a way that disturbed faculty and administration. iiA i charge of 25 cents will be made for members failing to wear a coat and tie for regularly i scheduled meetingsf, runs an entry in the student council minutes for 1 October 1953. i Apparently dress remained a problem, for in the same book of minutes the entry for 3 i September19ssreads: iiAll students attending Student Council meetings are advised to wear coat and tie? Three years later, on the other hand, on 27 February 1958, the student council passed a motion to allow students to wear Teshirts for breakfast and lunch, provided the shirts are clean? William Alamshahs philosophy of student self-governance, however, in the long run did not have the full support of President Benson. While Alamshah was excellent as a student counselor, he was primarily an academic by background and interest. Faced with a growing student body of naturally tumultuous young men, Benson wanted a full-time professional at the helm. In 1959 Benson appointed Clifton Mac- Leod, director ofstudent activities at the University ofRochester, t0 the newly created position of Dean of Men at CIVIC. tAlamshah returned briefly to fulletime teaching before leaving CIVIC in 1960 for another positionJ Physically imposing, a Coast Guard veteran whose academic held and practice was physical education, MacLeod had shown throughout his career at the University of Rochester, in Bensonis words, iithe degree of firmness which is required for a dean if he is to do an effective job with men students? Throughout the 19505 there continued a certain tensionea Clash of cultures, if you willabetween the CMC faculty, growing in academic prestige, and its Joe College clientele. All such generalizations must be qualified. Yet the practical, no-nonsense attitude of the veterans of the 19405 and the somewhat intimidated toeing 0f the mark of the draftefearing undergraduates 0f the Korean War era became, after 1953, in George Bensons term, Iackadaisical as far as academic performance was concerned. The Korean War, a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 117 After the opening of the School in 1946, the trustees huiltfour dormitories in as many years. 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E E5 3E 2: wcrncmw o: E 22?? 23158 3:03 povzmg 332m 255$ng mo EEO Ago: -wm mEu wcaoism QBE $83 :59 .3mm on 3:ng $25805 $93030: Acocmgzmom :45:vame m5 2:2? Eowzum 30:3 32 2: 8m oumE m E 020 35 mm? :QASEE 2:: $6 315$ of wE:3 Q3 cemcom doze -Eom van moEmEoEmE E 32988??? 30: mEmomoHnCo 3.58 3: E Km? mo 332 3m 120 ulty on the junior level and the continuing presence of faculty members who would make CMC their careers and were even then bringing to the new college whatever academic distinction it possessed: faculty such as J. Anton de Haas, who remained on active duty beyond the normal retirement age, Orme Phelps, W Bayard Taylor tdean 0f the facultyl, G010 Mann, John Atherton, and John Dunbar. The Vandermeulens remained, although Daniel Vandermeulen would increasingly be taking more leaves of absence for research as the decade progressed, and Alice Vandermeulen was also turning her attention more and more to a career in pure research. Gerald Jordan and Bertha Ward, who enrolled the First students, continued as popular teachers. Stuart Briggs and George Gibbs remained stalwarts in accounting. Gibbs also volunteered his time to serve as treasurer of the Episcopal Diocese of Los Angeles. In November 1954, Gibbs published a noted article, TThe Ethics of a Vestryman, in The Living C hurch, the national Episcopal magazine, in which he advanced a pioneering discus- sion of business and investment ethics among those responsible for church funds. Each year, The Ayer featured a special faculty section. The tweed jackets, pipes, and bow ties of the male faculty and the tailored suits of the women faculty said it all: across the nation, a new profession was emerging in the expanding college and university economy. It was a profession dedicated to academic disciplines and, of per- haps greater importance, to the education of the leadership and entrepreneurial class demanded by the economic boom. The decade of the 19505, in fact, was ground zero of such a boom, or at least its takeoff phase; and the CIVIC faculty, whatever its doubts and ambivalences, knew that it had a clear-cut role to play at CMC and in the larger society. However valid the charges of anti-intellectualism leveled against the stu- dents, however disheartening the Cheating crisis of 1950-51, faculty-student relation- ships remained close. The Ayer Of 1952, for example, was dedicated to Orme Phelps in recognition of his painstaking supervision of senior theses. In 1953, G010 Mann dedicated his new book, Vom Geist Amerikas treleased the next year in English as The American Mindl, t0 the CIVIC faculty. A survey of annual reports for the decade reveals the steady growth of the faculty and the beginnings of academic recognition. In the spring of 1951, Gottfried tGolol Mann won a Guggenheim fellowship to spend the academic year 1931-52 in Germany researching German history. Mannls Guggenheim, together with his continuing pub- lication in such noted international reviews as Encounter, brought an unambiguous aura of academic distinction to CIVIC. Orme Phelps, professor of industrial relations, spent the academic year 1953-54 on a Ford Foundation fellowship studying labor rela- tions. In 1959, he capped a productive decade with the publication of his monograph Discipline and Discharge in the Um'om'zed Firm, published by the University of Cali- fornia Press. Also in academic year 1953-54 Benson recruited Dr. Arthur Kemp, asso- ciate professor of economics at New York University and for many years research con- C laremont McKemm College sultant to former President Herbert Hoover. In the decade to come, Kemp, named to the Charles M. Stone Professorship of Money and Credit, would emerge as one of the best-known, most respected, and widely published faculty members at CMC. In academic year 1959-60, Kemp served as director of the academic research depart- ment of the American Medical Association and a consultant to the Hoover Institution at Stan ford University. Professor Friedrich A. von Hayek, the distinguished Austriane born economist from the University of Chicago, delivered the Founders, Day Address that year. ' Also that year, assistant professor Alice Vandermeulen resigned to devote herself, so it was officially announced, to qu-time research. The loss of Alice Vanderrneulen, together with her husband's transfer to the graduate school, represented a rare in stance of Bensonis early recruitments failing to work out for CMC. From the start, the Vandermeulens had been in a state of tension regarding the College. Products of Harvard, the Vandermeulens brought exacting standards of grading and performance to the classroom. Students, however, frequently found their lectures, those of Daniel Vandermeulen especially, beyond their comprehension. The Vandermeulens, more- over, were not Mr. and Mrs. Chips figures, entertaining students in their home. They lived, rather, in far-off Hollywood. Beautiful, brilliant, dynamic, the quintessential Radcliffe woman of her era, Alice Vandermeulen was sufficiently respected by her peers to be asked to serve as assistant dean of the faculty in the early 19505, despite her nontenured status. Her departure in 1954 must be seen as a subtle but noticeable loss to the developing faculty culture of the College. The next academic year, 1954-55, Proctor Thomson, an economics professor des- tined to become part of the core faculty of his generation, was recruited by Benson from the University of Chicago. Within the next two years, Thomson, who came to CIVIC as associate professor of economics, was winning accolades in the Classroom and was steadily publishingemost notably, two chapters to the volume California Local Finance, published by Stanford University Press; an extensive review of John Kenneth Galbraithis The Aquuent Society in the Journal of Political Economy; and three editorial pieces in the L05 Angeles Times. In academic year 1957-58, the joint CMC-Pomona ROTC program received the services of Colonel Seymour Wurfel, professor of military science and tactics, a mem- ber of the Judge Advocate Generals Corps with a Harvard law degree and a taste for scholarly publication. Also arriving that academic year was John Ferling, professor of mathematics, an immigrant from Germany destined to contribute to CMC for more than four decades. Academic year 1958-59 saw the appointment of two other CMC core faculty: James Rogers, a Ph.D. from Harvard specializing in Russian history, and athletic director William Arce. With the retirement in 1958 of Jacob Anton de Haas, CIVIC lost not simply one of its founding faculty, but one of its true founders; de Haas The Korean War, a Building Boom, andjoe College, 1950-1959 121 Story House served as the rst dining commons. In March 1952 an undergraduate committee requested larger helpings, seconds, salads at every dinner, a choice oftwo entre'es on Friday night-cmd morefell-Ofor dessert. had brought to CIVIC enormous academic prestige and had thrown himself enthusiasa tically into the creation of the new institution. For academic year 1958-59, Martin Diamonde-a gregarious Lenin look-alike who had converted from socialism the spent a stint as secretary to Norman Thomasl to classical republicanism without losing the instincts of a social democratawas ap- pointed associate professor of political science in the Institute for Studies in Fed- eralism. At the University of Chicago, Diamond had taken his degree under the well-known political philosopher Leo Strauss and had been serving as an assistant professor of social science while in the process of coediting a new edition of The Fed- eralist Papers. Within a few short years, Diamond would End himself on the cover of Time magazine in 1966, named one of the ten best college professors in the United States. Meanwhile, Diamond continued to publish in the American Political Science Review and the Journal of Political Economy. Also appointed in 1959 was Harold McClelland, then Finishing his PhD. in economics at Harvard, who would eventually help develop the administrative culture of the College. By the last years of the 19505, then, CIVIC had developed a highly credible faculty with many membersaj. Anton de Haas, Arthur Kemp, Golo Mann, Walter Bucking- ham Smith, Orme Phelpsahaving achieved true distinction. In addition to these leaders, the cluster of core faculty notables comprised John Atherton, associate pro- fessor of English; John Dunbar, associate professor of English; George Gibbs, associ- ate professor of accounting; Gerald Jordan, associate professor of government; and Daniel Vandermeulen, associate professor of economics. It expanded to include Paul Albrecht, associate professor of psychology; S. Leonard Dart, associate professor of physics; Proctor Thomson, associate professor of economies; and Martin Diamond, associate professor of political science. Appointed in May 1954, Dart had served as a research physicist for the Dow Chemical Corporation before his recruitment and was given responsibility for the joint dual-degree program in engineering that CIVIC and Stanford were organizing for implementation in the academic year 1954-55. Freeman Bovard, a Pomona graduate with a PhD. in chemistry from Iowa State, also arrived that year. What did this faculty think of CMC? Their attitude toward the institution, after all, was one of the intangible but relevant assets Benson and the trustees had to man- age. Initially, it must be admitted las was dramatically evident in Bensonls unilateral attempt to appoint V. Orval Watts to a professorship in economicsl, a faculty-oriented amuch less a fat:ulty-controlledaacademic culture was not in place. On the other hand, in early 1952, the College was entering its sixth year of operation and was begin- ning to take up the question of sabbaticals. Even here, however, there was caution, as certain trustees inquired at the board meeting of 7 February 1952 whether the re- search indicated would really be undertaken. Benson assured them that he would The Korean War, a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 123 require proof of accomplishment upon a faculty members return from sabbatical, which can be taken as a patronizing statement. Equally patronizing or distrustful was the trustees, dissatisfaction with the Vandermeulensl living in Hollywood. On 10 Feb- ruary 1953 the trustees, educational committee unanimously voted on a policy spe- cifically aimed at the Vandermeulens: iiinasmuch as one of the advantages of a small college in such a community as Claremont is the contact with teachers who reside in Claremont or Vicinity, it was felt that living away from Claremont at such a distance would not be conducive to the best interests of the College. It was therefore voted unanimously that full-time faculty members be expected to live within Claremont or Vicinity in order to be of greatest usefulness to the College. Despite such difficulties, the faculty had its best hope for the institution in which they were leading and shaping their academic careers. Perhaps the most eloquent statement of such hopes came from the de facto tribune of the faculty, Orme Phelps, in an address delivered on Parents Day in the fall of1954. CMC, Phelps told the par- ents, was now in its ninth year of operation; and for someone such as himself, who had arrived in July 1947, it was still a shock to see how rapidly the campus had been constructed. More important, there were now some 466 alumni of CMCemost of them in the business world, many experiencing success, together with a smaller but equally impressive number seeking postgraduate degrees at important institutions. Built around such stars as Anton de Haas, Bayard Taylor, and Walter Buckingham Smith tPhelps also might have mentioned himselfl, the CMC faculty was showing signs of true distinction. Already, moreover, a sense of identity and tradition had as- serted itself, despite the brief history of the institution. The important question, Phelps continued, was, What did the future hold? The genre CMC found itself in, the small undergraduate college, possessed built-in limi- tations. Very few such schools had managed to attain true academic distinction. tPhelps cited Amherst, Williams, Haverford, Wellesley, Smith, Bryn Mawr, Vassar, and Radcliffe as the few that had attained such status, although he was pushing the point in the matter of Radcliffe, which could not be described as a completely free- standing collegel The question was now emerging: Did CMC wish to attain this level and was it willing to pay the price? The First item in the price list would be size. If CMC sought national distinction at this level, it most likely could not remain an institution of 300 students. Yet if it be- came a college of 1000, which seemed to Phelps the upper limit, would the intimacy of CMC be lost? Faculty knew their students at CMC, Phelps argued. Even President Benson, as busy as he was, knew each student by name and background by the time he handed him his diploma. The CMC faculty, moreover, was without departments, save for a vague division between humanities and political economy and the begin- nings of a science wing. A larger organization would bring a competitive departmental 124 C la-remont McKenmz College Gradually, thanks in large measure to volunteer student g?tort, the C M C campus was cleared ofrocks and was landscaped. 80012 the semi-desert terrain would be carpeted with sturdy trees, shrubs, and jiowering plants selected for their low maintenance and tenacity. structure, at odds with the current faculty unity. A search for national academic dis- tinction, moreover, would tend to push publishing more and more to the fore as a re- quirement for faculty appointment and tenure. At present, CIVIC was a college in which a skilled teaching faculty also published. tPhelps cited Walter Buckingham Smiths new history of the Second Bank of the United States just published by Har- vard University Pressl Could this commitment to teaching survive in an increasingly research-oriented college, or could the proper balance be maintained? Then there was the question of grading. CMC faculty graded hard, Phelps admit- ted. tBenson backed this policy, believing, as he would later tell the faculty at its meet- ing of 28 September 1959, 'A B-average student can be expected to do well in graduate school, and a C-average student can be expected to do well in businesslll The flunk- out rate of the institution was high, a fact that Phelps seemed to treat with a mixture ofpride and embarrassment. President Benson had recruited his faculty from the best graduate schools in the nation. tPhelps cited Harvard, Chicago, Williams, New York University, Columbia, Michigan, Wisconsin, Stanford, and Berkeleyl The faculty, in other words, had tended to bring the performance standards of these institutions to CIVIC. Should that practice now be modified? In other words, should the curve drop to a more comfortable level, now that CMC had established its reputation? Finally, there was the question of regional identity. At present, CIVIC was a regional institution. Eightyasix percent of its student body came from California, 77 percent from Southern California. Was this a strength or a deficiency? Should CMC con- sciously seek to nationalize itself through the admissions process? And was such a nationalization a requirement for the entrance of CMC into the top rank of under- graduate colleges? Interestingly enough, Phelpsls speech consisted mainly of ques- tions. He gave no answers. Yet his line of speculation can fairly be seen as typical of the mind-set of many CMC faculty. The present had been consolidated. Yet, as Phelps put it, uthe real test of a college is the long-run test. At a minimum, that means a generation, still twenty years away. What will this college be like in 1975? In many ways, the history of CMC for the remainder of the decade tindeed, for the two decades following Phelpsls speechl can be seen in terms of the rise of a faculty- oriented and increasingly faculty-controlled academic culture. Yet the goals outlined by Phelpseand they were the goals of Benson and the trustees as welleremained beyond the exclusive reach of either the trustees or Benson. The trustees and Benson could put up buildings and develop, as they were doing, a first-rate administrative staff. But only the faculty could bring to CIVIC the academic distinction that in the long run was the first and last principle of institutional development. Faculty and staff made every effort throughout the decade to connect with students creatively on the level of academic counseling and support. A voluntary Cooperative 126 C laremont McKenna College Study Program was established during the Korean War and continued into the early 19605. The program consisted of lectures, discussions, and individual counseling ses- sions designed to teach students how to study more effectively. A freshman indoc- trination program, meanwhile, also begun in the early 19505, required incoming freshmen to attend a series of lectures on the nature of college study, time manage- ment, individual scheduling and responsibility, and comparable topics. Academic counseling was also expanded, especially after William Alamshah became dean of student activities in 1955 and Stuart Briggs became clean of student counseling. Briggs, Alamshah, and psychology professor Lucien Warner offered regular counsel- ing sessions throughout the academic year. Students on low grade lists, moreover, were individually scheduled for counseling sessions with their instructors. At the same time, beginning in 1954, the faculty placed renewed emphasis on re- quired class attendance, with grade reductions for more than three unexcused ab- sences. Required hours of study were assigned for each three-unit course. The faculty also mandated that each semester course, in contrast to the normal one or two mid- terms and final examination, would have at the least four one-hour examinations as well as the final exam, to give slow starters a Chance to catch up with their peers. As an even longer range solution to the problem of student performance, Benson turned to the admissions process itself, deciding in 1955 that CIVIC needed a full-time admissions director to recruit and admit better-prepared students. Benson initially offered the position to E. Howard Brooks, advisor to lower-division students at Stan- ford since 1950 and Stanford representative on the College Entrance Board. Brooks toyed with the idea of accepting, then turned the job clown. Benson then offered the position to F. Donald Frisbie, an experienced history and social studies teacher at New Trier High School in Winnetka, Illinois. Frisbie had also served as a college ad- missions counselor and had participated as a reader in American history for the Col- lege Entrance Board. While Frisbie had no collegeelevel experience, he did come from the kind of front-ranked public high school with which CMC had to make a creative connection to upgrade its student body. Two years and two heart attacks later, Frisbie was finding the job beyond his strength. Benson, at the recommendation of Stuart Briggs, a Brown alumnus, turned to a seasoned professional, Emery Walker, clean of admissions at Brown University since 1946. Initially, Benson hired Walker in January 1957 to serve as dean of admissions for CIVIC. In the months that followed, Walkers portfolio was expanded to include the newly created Harvey Mudd College Via a joint admissions board. Holding under- graduate and graduate degrees from Brown and a Phi Beta Kappa key, the polished Ivy Leaguer reported for duty in September 1957. Shortly thereafter, with the resignation of Frisbie, Walker appointed Robert G. Rogers, 32, as associate dean of admissions. Despite his youth Rogers was born in 1928i, he had already served a term of enlist- The Korean War, a Building Boom, amljoe College, 1950-1959 127 ment in the United States Navy at the end of World War II before his graduation from Pasadena High School. Graduating from Claremont in 1952, Rogers served in Korea following the armistice as an infantry battalion communications officer. At CIVIC Rogers belonged to a transitional class that was still one-third veterans. As such, re- turning to CMC in 1957, Rogers represented the first group of CMC graduates in- tending to make careers in their alma mater. Besides organizing the office, keeping careful admission records and statistics, treating visitors warmly, and preparing a new series of attractive recruitment litera- ture, Walker and Rogers also Visited a total of 233 secondary schools in academic year 1957-58 to promote the possibilities of CIVIC. They eventually expanded this list to some 600 high schools in California and elsewhere throughout the nation. In times past, students of doubtful academic background had been able to secure admission to CIVIC. Walker and Rogers demanded the minimum of a B average in high school, together with letters of recommendation. Their first freshman Class, 140 students entering in the fall of1958, showed a marked improvement and greater prom- ise. In time, thanks to Walker and RogersIs efforts, CMC would significantly improve the academic reputation of its student body. Still, change came slowly, especially in college entrance examination board scores. In 1957, in the last class recruited by Fris- bie, the SAT verbal median was 481 and the math median was 529. Walker and Rogers increased these scores to 492 verbal and 549 math. For the freshman Class of1959-6o, the verbal median rose to 528 and the math median to 587. These scores were still approximately 100 points below those of toperanked eastern colleges, yet the move- ment was in the right direction. In March 1960 Benson appointed a special faculty committee to look into the ques- tion of SAT scores. Accepted by the faculty, the committee report, not surprisingly, approved of the improvement Walker and Rogers had brought to the admissions pro- cess. The faculty, however, set a higher minimum level for admission-450 on the verbal SAT or a B average-to be overlooked only if there were other signs of intellec- tual achievement. The higher the SAT scores, moreover, the fewer nonacademic re- quirements should be placed on a student: this in an effort, as the report stated, to get iimore really brilliant people into the student body? At the same time, the faculty did not wish Walker and Rogers to follow the Harvey Mudd admissions policy of apprais- ing intellectual achievement exclusively. There was still room at CIVIC for the well- rounded man. Really brilliant people, as the report described them, and even the occasional well- rounded man, frequently required scholarship support. During the Korean War, Ben- son had used scholarships to keep dormitories full. In academic year 1951-52 scholar- ship expenditures equalled 8 percent of tuition income. Working with the partetime director of admissions in the early 19505, English professor John Atherton, Benson 128 Cla'remont McKenna College Inm' With its state-of-the-mt sodufounmin, student lounge, and ofhes, the McKemm Auditorium and Student Fountain, as the facility was then named, added-like Pitzer Hall before 11:61 note of even further solidity to a pioneering institution. also sought to use scholarship assistance as a way to bring bright and deserving stu- dents t0 the College. By academic year 1957-58 scholarships had risen to approxi- mately 13 percent of tuition income and remained at this level through the early 19605. On the other hand, that left 80 percent of tuition hnances coming from students from affluent backgrounds, at least 10 percent of whom were in the process of Hunking out, which tended to affix t0 CMC the image of a playboy school. What Emery Walker, the consummate professional, brought to the admissions pro- cess was a bridging of the frequently disjunctive categories ofhaves with minimal aca- demic ambition and bright have-nots. Walker crafted comprehensive financial aid packages that took into account 3 students family economic background and aca- demic performance. Thus a student from a solid middle-class background and a high record of achievement could be given scholarship assistance to bring him to CIVIC. No longer did CMC have to be divided into playboys and wonks at its margins and a disturbing preponderance of the academically indifferent in the center, paying their own way. Talent could now be recruited through a much broader range of socioecoe nomic backgrounds. By the autumn of 1962, Emery Walker's Fifth freshman Class began to show a wel- come difference. Median SAT scores had risen to 577 verbal and 615 math. Fortyetwo percent ofincoming freshmen had graduated in the upper tenth of their class, up from 26 percent in September 1958. There was an increased number of enthusiastic letters of recommendation, outlining a growing prohle of participation in high school athlet- ics, student government, debate, drama, and other extracurricular activities. And, of equal importance to the reputation of CIVIC, the number of entering students from Southern California remained just under 50 percent, down from 77 percent Five years earlier. Obviously, the growth of Southern California over the past five years had given Walker and Rogers 21 larger pool to draw from. At the same time, however, five years of consistent policies and programs in the admissions processeextensive high school visitations, consistent contact with high school guidance counselors, an orientation program for prospective students and their parents, the judicious Crafting of Financial aid incentive packagesehad yielded the desirable result. Interviewed by Ladell Payne on 24 May 1969, Benson assessed Walkeris contribu- tion in understated terms. With the arrival of Emery Walker as dean of admissions, Benson noted, the College had turned an important corner. A stronger case can be made. Due to Emery Walker and Robert Rogers, it can be argued, CIVIC began at last to recruit students equal to its faculty and its founding ideals. W hat Benson should have told Payneesomething Benson himself would later come to realize-was that hiring Emery Walker most likely represented the single most decisive step Benson ever took in his effort to bring CMC to national prominence. Recognizing Walkefs leadership, his peers in the Association of College Admission Counselors elected him 130 Claremont McKemza College president for academic year 1961-62. Walker and Rogers were then in the midst of turning around the recruitment process at CMC. Of all staff members in the history of the College, Emery Walker and Robert Rogers most unambiguously deserve to be included in the circle of CIVIC founders; for the students they brought to CIVIC bal- anced the equation. No college can be great without great students. The 19505 also witnessed the emergence at CIVIC of a more traditional approach to academic organization and a continuing preoccupation on the part of the faculty with curriculum and the examination process. From the opening of the provisional School in 1946 until 1954, when the Western College Association made its first accreditation visit, CIVIC was characterized by and large by a single faculty lwithout departmentsl offering a single program in political economy, with supplemental courses in the hu- manities and physical sciences. The Western College Association, however, was re- questing organizational charts and disciplinary Classifications, as found at other col- leges. Responding to this request, W Bayard Taylor, dean of the faculty, said that such a requirement would be artificial in the CMC context. llWe report to each other in the open forum of the faculty meeting? Taylor wrote with a mixture of defensiveness and exasperation, in our ofhces, the corridors, or the Student Union coffee shop. It is the whole purpose of the College to provide that lcommon preparation needed by all per- sons to live in our societyf The philosophy underlying that purpose is practiced during student recruitment, admission, registration, advising, orientation, individual coun- seling, and in the classroom. As far as majors were concerned, students had been en- couraged since academic year 1950-51 to select a Hve-course area of concentration for completion during their junior and senior years in such Fields as accounting, eco- nomic analysis, finance, industrial relations, marketing, mathematics and statistics, and public administration. The curriculum nevertheless retained its college-wide unity, with thirty-four courses being required within the forty courses 020 unitsl nec- essary for graduation. Several other majors, moreovereart and architecture, compo- sition and literature, philosophy, psychology, and pre-lawewere jointly available with Scripps and Pomona. Further adjustments in the academic year 1951-52 repackaged majors into accounting, business administration and Finance, economics, Erie arts tin conjunction with Scripps Collegel, government and pre-legal, industrial relations, in ternational affairs, political economy, and humanities under the rubric history, litera- ture, and philosophy. As if all this were not enough, more changes in academic year 1952-53 set forth distribution, mathematics, science, and foreign language require- ments; collapsed the business administration and finance major into one program in business administration; absorbed industrial relations and political economy into a single economics major; and consolidated history, literature, and philosophy into the single major of humanities. The Korean War, a Building Boom, andjoe College, 1950-1959 131 132 Required courses, so recently dominating the curriculum, were reduced to a maxi- mum of twenty-three and a minimum of seventeen, depending upon waivers and ma- jor. A major now included a program of eight or nine courses, which left at the least eight courses and in many cases fourteen, or over a third of the total of forty required courses, as electives. This curriculum, which brought CMC into alignment with more traditional curricula, remained largely in place until the early 196os. Neverthe- less, the catalogs of this period still insisted that CMC did not encourage narrow spe- cialization. The concept ofpolitical economy, meaning the effect ofprivate and public policy on business and government, remained a unifying force. Only in academic year 1962-63 did the catalog begin to list courses by subject area rather than alphabetically under the year in which students normally took them. While there were majors, there were no separate departments until 1967. Thus the facultyenumbering twenty in the fall of 1950, thirty-five in the fall of 1959, and Fifty in 1964-drove CMC toward a more articulated standardization of its academic offerings, en route to departmentalization. Gone were the days when one small faculty offered only one program. On the other hand, despite the emergence of majors, the CMC faculty did not segment itself. Seniorprofessors taught introductory and core courses, and most faculty kept in mind the general orientation of CMC to- ward business and government. Students, moreover, were still attracted to CMC be- cause of this orientation. Even with the variety of majors available by the early196ose- a variety that enabled Walker and Rogers to recruit and retain a more diverse student body-most CMC students continued to concentrate in economics and political sci- ence, the core strengths of the College. It had not always been this way. As late as 1954, the Western College Association accreditation team was complaining that while CMC advertised itself as preparing students for careers in business and government, three-quarters of its graduates had majored in accounting, business administration, and economies. In 1954 only four out of seventy-eight graduates were in government or pre-law. Benson and the faculty spent the remaining years of the decade assembling a political science wing of the faculty, centered on such star performers as James Gould in international relations tappointed in 1955i, Martin Diamond in American government and political theory, and William Stokes in comparative government tboth appointed in 1958i. Gould transferred to Scripps College in 1960. But until his premature death in 1967, Stokes twho came to CMC from the University of Wisconsin as a full professor with tenurei brought continuing attention to CMC with his national prominence as a specialist in Latin America. Martin Diamond, meanwhile, who quickly developed a reputation as one of the leading scholars of the Federalist Papers, helped turn CMC into a national center for the study of American political philosophyea development energized in 1957 with the founding of the Institute for Studies ianederalism. Claremont McKenna College AB OVE: The 19503 was an em Ofearly marriages. Injune 195816101: Stark, 157, then on active duty with the United States Marines, married Scripps graduate Jil Harris. Followinggmd1mtion, Stark had laricjly considered divinity school. Within three years the Starks would be back in Claremont. L. E FT: InJa-nuary 1957, anxious to improve the SATscores ofincoming classes, Benson brought to CM C Emery Walker, dean of admissions at Brown University since 1946. H imself a Phi Beta Kappa graduate Omewn, Walker set to work recruiting successively more impressivefreshman classes. At this time as well, a new generation of history and humanities scholars was re- cruited, destined to bring national distinction to CIVIC. Russian history specialist James Rogers arrived in 1957,just as G010 Mann, professor ofhistory, was on the verge of returning permanently to Europe. Historian of China John Israel arrived in 1963. Literature appointments included Robert Possum in 1959, and Langdon Elsbree and Ladell Payne in 1960. In 1963 Benson recruited Ricardo Quinones, then finishing his doctorate in com- parative literature at Harvard. Harvard University Press published in 1972 Quinonesis The Renaissance Discovery ofTime, a notable work of literary scholarship. In the years to follow, Quinones emerged as one of the most influential and respected humanists in the Associated Colleges and a nationally ranked figure in literary scholarship. Thus, in short order, the founding era humanistSeJOhn Dunbar, John Atherton, and Hal Painter tappointed in 1952F-were joined by four younger colleagues, one of them tQuinonesi en route to national distinction. The presence ofsuch a well-trained younger staff in both history and literature Ciyoung Turks, the senior faculty called themi created a momentum for change in the eight-semester humanities core sweep- ing from ancient times to the present. By 1957,10hn Dunbar was criticizing that the sequence of generic courses lacked focus. Benson himsehC agreed in 1960 that the humanities sequence needed reexamination. When Bayard Taylor retired as dean of the faculty in 1961 and John Atherton took his place, an environment for Change was established. With Athertonis encouragement, James Rogers and the young Turks proposed a menu of specialized disciplinary courses covering all historical periods to replace the generic surveys, which the younger faculty believed were hopelessly out of date. The new courses were approved for academic year 1962-63. CMCis general education program had now departed from the simplicities of the founding era and aligned itselfwith current academic practice. The development of a separate science program and the construction of the Baxter Science Center in 1955 underscored the arrival of science and pre-med majors at CIVIC. Already, in December 1953, at the suggestion of trustee Herbert Hoover, Jn, the CMC faculty had approved a joint five-year program in engineering-business ad- ministration tsoon renamed management engineering, leading to a bachelor of arts degree from CMC in business administration and a bachelor of science in engi- neering from Stanford University. In their first three years at CMC, students in this program completed all basic requirements for a CIVIC degree, with approximately a third of their work devoted to physics, chemistry, and mathematics. It was this joint CMC-Stanford program that brought Leonard Dart t0 CIVIC in September 1954 as professor ofphysics and Freeman Bovard as professor of Chemistry the following Sep- 134 Cla'remont McKemm College tember. In 1957 CMC hired its first fullvtime mathematician, John Felling, then come pleting his doctorate at the University of Southern California. By academic year1963- 64, majors were available in chemistry, physics, and mathematics. Abiology major was introduced in academic year 1965-66. Like so much else in this period, the honors program was revised, re-revised, ex- panded, and standardized. In the First four years of the existence of the College, hon- ors meant Latin honors at graduation based on overall academic standing. In late 1950 the faculty devised an honors program centered on junior and senior tutorials and a senior research project. Faculty and honor students engaged in a one-on-one tutorial relationship that was Oxbridge in orientation. Hence the program reinforced the no- tion-and the reality-of CMC as an institution in dialogue with Oxbridge and the Ivy League. This tutorial honors program was modified in 1954-55 Ito inform sopho- mores of the option, then formally admit qualified students in the middle of theirju- nior yearl in an effort to retain academically ambitious students. In late 1955 the pro- gram was enlarged to include 5 percent of the student body, and honor students were formally excused from the regular senior thesis course. In 1958-59, it was explicitly stated that 3 students faculty tutor must also direct his senior honors thesis, which would be read by two other faculty members. Further revisions during academic year 1962-63 shifted all honors workean independent study tutorial, a thesis course, and an honors seminareto the senior year. The independent study tutorial and the honors thesis course were to involve different topics and advisors; the topic of the honors seminar would shift from year to year, depending upon the instructor. Taking effect in academic year 1963-64, this Final version of the honors program reflected both the movement toward program standardization and the increasingly particularized in- struction Characteristic of the era. So too was the system of comprehensive examinations for seniors revised and tea revisede-in 1957-58, 1958-59, 1962-63, and 1964e65ein an effort at once to stan- dardize it and to bring it into conformity with the new emphasis on specialization. Likewise in the Field of academic governance, CMC sought to regularize itself. In this, however-the exercise of power and authorityv-CMC remained closest to the structure ofits founding years, due to the continuing power and presence as president of George Charles Sumner Benson, backed by a supportive board of trustees. Despite the existence of a dean of faculty, Benson Chaired each faculty meeting, which was taccording to a statement made by Benson on 23 September 1957l ua meeting to meet each other, and to pass on recommendations. It is not a meeting to discuss at great length. Not until September 1960, at the prompting of the Visiting Western College Association reaccreditation committee, did the first faculty manual appear; and it was merely a minimalist Eve-page compilation of policies, alphabetically arranged by The Korean War, a Building Boom, andjoe College, 1950-1959 '35 topic. In effect providing the faculty with its constitution, or at least its implied con- tract, the faculty manual doubled in size over the next five years, and by the mid-Iggos was a bound volume of over Fifty pages. True, faculty subcommittees exercised enormous influence, especially in the mat- ter of curriculum and academic policy. But as far as governanceeand fund-raising, construction, faculty recruitment, or contact with the trustees and the Southern Cali- fornia establishmentewas concerned, CIVIC remained, as faculty member Hal Painter later remembered, ua one-man show through the Benson years. Totally com- mitted to the development of the College that had become the form and purpose of his life, Benson involved himself in every phase of College operations,fr01n budget to fund-raising to academic policy. Ultimately, Benson had a tendency to regard all other deans as his delegates, possibly even his staff, rather than as professional colleagues possessing their own authority. Despite the longtime presence of Bayard Taylor as dean of the faculty, Benson continued to function as the defacto deanapresiding at meetings, recruiting new members, playing the determinate role in promotion and tenure. Recollections of Bayard Taylor stress Tayloris longevity in office, from 1949 to mid-1961, his interest in younger faculty, his willingness to serve as a buffer between Benson and senior faculty, and his courtly demeanor. They do not emphasize, how- ever, any independence from Benson on Tayloris part. Yet the two men maintained a Close, even symbiotic relationship. Benson, who could be intuitive, even mercurial, valued Tayloris more cautious approach; and Taylor, whose ego was solidly in place, remained unthreatened by Bensonis take-charge attitude. That Taylor was a man of ability was proven in the fall of 1954 when he effectively Elled in as acting president when Benson, an acknowledged expert in federalism, took leave to serve in Washing ton, D.C., as research director of the United States Commission on Federal-State Relations. . While Benson recruited Clifton MacLeod to serve as dean of students, he also kept his door open during the workday for any student to drop by, and students had a way of taking their problems directly to Benson, bypassing MaCLeod. iiThat man thinks he knows much more about my job than I know, an exasperated MacLeod once told I-Ial Painter. Benson, Martin Diamond told Ladell Payne, was Hjust a remarkable talkere-heis not a good listener, but its amazing how much he hears . . . Iive never penetrated that mystery? Benson, in Proctor Thomsonis opinion, iiwas one of the great monologists of recorded history, and what made his monologue so aggravating was that he said many interesting things, and threw off sparks to which you wanted to re ply, but to which in the onrushing waters you had no occasion to reply. For George was off again; and getting a word in edgewise, even a word that he would have liked to have heard, demanded a rudeness that faculty members dont usually show to a president. All these comments, however, and hundreds of pages of similar remarks in the 136 Clare1-nontMcKe-1ma College Claremont McKenna College Archives tespecially in the Ladell Payne interviewsl even when they edge into criticism, are characterized by a begrudging respect. History had placed George Charles Sumner and Mabel Benson at the center of the CIVIC ex- perience in its First two decades. While President Bensonls overwhelming presence in every phase of College life occasionally caused stress to his subordinates, the good news was that Bensonls instincts and policiesein fund-raising, in construction, in faculty recruitment, in the selection ofa professional administrative staffewere un- erringly on the mark. Benson might have been gently chided for being a monologist and a micro-manager; for carrying on too long the one-man governance of the found- ing era; for, as Stuart Briggs put it, disconcertingly combining ego and the suggestion of an inferiority complex tthis especially in his touchy relationship to his alma mater Pomona Collegel. But Benson was never criticized in any important way for being wrong in any major decision of his presidency. He was the right man for the job in the founding era. He raised the money and made the important decisions, and he did this with the earnestness and skill, and also the omnipresence, of a nineteenth-century New England college president. Besides, even Benson admitted that he was now and then guilty of microman- agement. Oh, yes. I undoubtedly was stretched too thin? Benson later acknowl- edged. ul can remember morningsel had keys to all the Classrooms in Pitzer Hall, and the janitors would forget to unlock them. I would have excused myself from talking to an important donor in order to unlock those doors and do a variety of things? On the other hand, as the founding era edged into the 19505, certain academic pro- cedures such as appointments, promotion, and tenure came under closer scrutiny. In 1954, for example, the examining committee from the Western College Association criticized the lack of faculty input into faculty appointments. While an appointments, promotion, and tenure committee had been established in 1951 following the Orval Watts incidenteit included Orme Phelps, Walter Buckingham Smith, John Dunbar, Anton de Haas, and Bayard Taylorerecruitment was largely in the hands of Benson, who made a regular circuit of elite universities in the East and Midwest in search of candidates. Benson was seeking good teachers who also published, as opposed to noted researchers who occasionally taught. It was With this type of figure that he staffed the faculty, almost single-handedly, and established a recruitment policy that lasted into the late 19703. CMC would not honor research alone; every faculty meme bet was expected to man his or her oar in the classroom. Benson also assembled a crackerjack administrative staff, many of them alumni. English professor and former director of admissions John Atherton succeeded Bayard Taylor as dean of the faculty in 1961. Atherton's promising work as an administrator lost him to CMC; in 1963 he was offered and accepted the presidency of the newly es- tablished Pitzer College. To replace Atherton, Benson appointed Harold McClelland, The Korean War, a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 137 TO P: Through water polo, a Stag specialty, CM C entered the Ivy League, competing against Brown, Yale, and the combined H arvard-M I T teams. In short order, the Stag water polo team was basting the best of the Ivy League. B OTTO M : Rather than see CM C overmvest in itsfoothall program, the faculty advocated a strong support ofsuch social $100 rts as golfand tennis, which could he played throughout a lifetime. Before his tragic death, physical education professor Ted Ducey UeftJ coached championship seasons in basketball and tennis. associate professor of economics. A steady Nebraskan with experience in the busi- ness sector, McClelland had already collaborated with Benson as a contributor to E5- says in Federalism, published in 1961 by the Institute for Studies in Federalism. As clean of the faculty, Benson wanted a steady, supportive figure, a very loyal servant to the Collegefl as Benson phrased it; and McClelland did not disappoint his boss. While McClelland did not develop extensive support among the faculty, he served Benson effectively as staff ofhcer for faculty affairs. Benson also recruited four young alumni who as staff administrators became shaping figures in the development of the College. Distinguished as either scholars, athletes, or student leaders in their under- graduate years, personally articulate and polished, these young staffers surrounded Benson like up-and-comingjunior officers in a command staff; they were skilled and loyal. Of equal importance, they proved that CMC was working: it was producing young men of ability, and some of them were being brought back to their alma mater to help manage and develop the institution. In 1953 Benson appointed Ted Hinckley, ,50, to be assistant to the president, with duties ranging from work with alumni and other support groups to student career placement and college publications. When Hinckley left in 1955 to pursue a doctorate in history at the Graduate School, Benson turned to Pete Welsh, another member of the Class of 1950. Welsh became director of development in 1957, joined in this job by John Payne, a Pomona graduate with a masters degree from the University of Cincin- nati in public administration and a background in corporate public relations. By this time, staff responsibilities had defined themselves along distinct lines: fund-raising and development, alumni relations, Financial planning, and trustee relations. Fund-raising, of course, constitutes the encompassing, pervasive, and constant core of the CMC story. The 19405 had witnessed dramatic success in this area, espe- cially in the case of the Clark and Pitzer bequests. By 4 January 1951, Benson was writ- ing Robert Bernard, managing director of the Associated Colleges, that CMC was on the verge of retiring a significant part of its debt by the first of February. By this time, the CMC Afhliates and the Mothers Club had been organized as fund-raising vehi- cles, and Pryor Cosby hired as assistant to the president for development. tBenson had wished to establish a joint development office serving all affiliated colleges, but Pomona had resisted the suggestionj Before the rise of the Alumni Association, the Mothers, Club and the Parents, Committee of the CMC Afhliates played important fund-raising roles. Annual giving in the 19505 shows a quarter of a million dollars a year as the annual average for half the decade, With other years doubling or tripling this amount. Academic year 1952-53, for example, yielded $421,670 in annual giv- ing; academic year 1955-56 yielded $461,700; and academic year 1956-57 yielded $809,424. These are all very impressive Figures for a start-up college with fewer than 350 students in its First decade of existence. The Korean War, a Building Boom, cmdjoe College, 1950-1959 139 Loyal alumni sentiment surfaced at CIVIC as early as November 1951. More than a hundred alumni came for a three-day reunion, which included a kick-off luncheon in the Biltmore Hotel in Los Angeles on Thursday the 15th, a bonfire rally on campus that Friday, and on Saturday the 17th a football game, dinner at Story House, and an evening dance. Each year through the 19503 The Analyst reported on similarly suc- cessful alumni events. The Alumni Association also held annual leadership retreats, where programs and activities for the following year were planned. By 1955 the Alumni Association had established Chapters in Los Angeles, San Francisco, New York, and Chicago and had achieved a ole facto place on the board of trustees. Most important, the Alumni Association, incorporated as a separate entity in 1956, assumed major responsibility for on-Campus job counseling for seniors and alumni placement. The Alumni Association, in short, promoted the CIVIC degree as an entree into a sup- portive employment network and, even more ambitious, into a way of life. In 1959 Benson created the position of alumni secretary and director of placement and ap- pointed to the position Thornton Hamlin, iso, who had previously served two terms as president of the CIVIC Alumni Association. When Hamlin resigned in 1961 to return to the private sector, Benson replaced him with Jack L. Stark, 37. An undergraduate humanities maj or who had served as sopho- more class president, student body vice president in his junior year, and in his senior year chairman of the Stags student service organization, resident assistant, and mod- erator 0f the College Church, Stark had served as an infantry ofFicer in the United States Marine Corps before being offered the position. Working closely with Benson, Stark took on a wide range of Chores, including financial estimates and planning for plant expansion. In 1962 Stark became administrative assistant to the president. As registrareto replace Ruth Witten, who had died unexpectedly in early 1957e Benson appointed Katharine C. Lowe, a 1936 Scripps graduate then working as a stat- istician at Kaiser Steel. Elegant, accomplished, exacting, Lowe brought undisputed authority to her position, which, in the fluid administrative structure of the period, soon grew to encompass the enforcement of rules and regulations as well as the post- ing of grades. With the appointment ofJohn Payne as a full-time fund-raiser in 1957, the trustees embarked upon a $4-million drive over the next Five years. One of the First things Payne did was to sharpen the image of CIVIC by defining the Schools focus as Kipublic affairs? For more than a decade the College had been in search of its precise iden- tity-more than a decade if one traces the matter back to the discussions beginning in the 19205 that led to the establishment of the third college. As a newsman and public relations director tnot to mention a sergeant major in the United States Army Air Force in India during World War ID, Payne was dissatisfied with what: he considered the clumsy attempts to express the educational philosophy that made CIVIC so dis- 14o Claremont McKem'La College tinct. After all, such descriptions as the teaching of business and public administra- tion with a liberal arts background and substantial concentration on free enterprise and constitutional governmentl' tBenson t0 the board of trustees in 1959 or similar formulations did not have a snappy, engaging bite. For a number of months after his arrival, Payne toyed with various rubrics. He finally decided that the simple designa- tion llpublic affairs said it all. Sitting one Saturday morning in a barbershop in Clare- mont, waiting his turn, Payne turned to professorJerryJorclan, also in search of a hair- cut. Jerry, Payne askedJordan, lihow would you describe ClVlC in aphrase? Without hesitation, Jordan answered: uPublic affairs? Payne knew that he had his selling point. Thus Payne fused public relations with the founding ideals of CMC, faculty inter- ests in economics and political science, and the temper and needs of an expanding economy in the Cold War era to make Clear what made CMC different. On the one hand, CIVIC resembled other quality undergraduate colleges. Indeed, a significant part of its evolution in the 19505 was toward the standardization of its administrative and academic policies. On the other hand, CIVIC, for all the challenges and permuta- tions of the 19505, had kept its grasp on its founding purposes: teaching and research in public affairs and the preparation of young men for leadership in the public and private sectors. This focus represented the CIVIC advantage. It was the value-added factor, the distinctive element in its collegiate personality, the Ariadnels thread through the labyrinth of detail, contingency, and event. Claremont Menls College stood for something: commerce and civilization, private enterprise and the res pu- blica. Adhering to this value, CMC had maintained its identity through its first fifteen years. Ahead awaited a decade, the 19603, that would severely test faith in the public and private sectors alike. Because CIVIC knew who and what it was, however, the most tumultuous and politically confused decade in the history of the Republic since the Civil War would witness for the College even further growth and development. The Korean War, a Building Boom, omdjoe College, 1950-1959 141 By the 19605, the C laremont McKenna College for Men had achieved a reputation as a stable, conservative campus. Toward the end 0fthe decade, these values would face serious challenge. Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 AS C H ARLES DICKENS wrote of France on the eve of revolution, the 19603 were the best of timeseand the worst. In a decade of unprecedented prosperity and public support for higher education, CMC entered the 19605 as a strongregional insti- tution and left the decade with a national reputation. CIVIC entered the decade with a respectable endowment; by the 19705 the College was en route to an endowment of national rank. Already notable by the late 19505, the CMC faculty had become by the late 19603 an originating point for scholarship and public affairs discourse that at- tracted national attention. In the 19603, moreover, the CIVIC student body became competitive with the student bodies of the top dozen independent liberal arts colleges in the nation in terms of board scores, graduate and professional school admissions, and other valuative criteria. Within twenty years, alumni from the 19605 would be playing national roles in politics, the military, academia, and finance. The campus itself acquired a number of major dormitories and complexes, including a new admin- istrative center. In the 19605, in short, CMC became a national institution. At the same time, the College experienced the most trying ordeal of its fiftyeyear history. Not before nor since would there be anything to equal the trauma, the dissen- sions, the emotional anguish, the threats to good order experienced by CIVIC as a re- sult of the Vietnam War, student activism, and the militant demands of the minority community. The decade opened on a note of optimism continuing from the 19503. Hair remained short; coats and ties were worn to formal occasions. All was well with the world in this American century. Even a Republicaneoriented institution was expe- riencing some of the roseate glow of Camelot. I43 All this changed with shuddering abruptness over two short years, 1964 and 1965. The Tonkin Gulfincident, leading to an increased American involvement in Vietnam; the student demonstrations at UC Berkeley, touching off a nationwide movement for student power through the rest of the decade; the Civil rights movement in the Ameri- can South, leading to the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964ea1most overnight, the United States, so seemingly serene in the late 19505 and early 19605, was plunged into an agony of social and political deconstruction and transformation that would change the nation for the rest of the century. As both a cause and an effect of these upheavals was a profound Change in the cul- ture of youth itself. From the era of the medieval universities, undergraduates had al- ways nurtured an element of rebellion, which flared on occasion into riots or forms of town-and-gown controversy. In the mid- to late 19605, however, a youth culture emergedeloosely organized around sex, drugs, and rock n roll, as both fact and sym- bolethat did more than Challenge the adult status quo. Youth culture postulated, rather, an alternative, frequently antithetical way of life. Even when conforming more or less to the expectations of the adult world, a new movement-student powerewas realigning the way colleges and universities governed themselves. CMC escaped none of this ordeal. Just as it benefited from the affluence and exu- berance 0f the era, it was also challenged by political dissent and sociocultural trans- formation. Sometimes, as in the case of the occupation of the ROTC building in No- vember 1969 or the possible torching of Story House, political dissent edged into illegal, even criminal, behavior. All this was perhaps more shocking and threatening to an institution based on an ethos of personal freedom and self-regulation. Because it prized individual freedom and choice, CMC was especially destabilized by collective demonstrations that frequently bordered on collective misbehavior. It was one thing to be oriented toward the conservative center when the United States of America was so obviously part of the solution. But there was a special stress when many, surveying the escalation of the war in Southeast Asia, questioned the very ethics of the Repub- lic itself. The decade opened with a public relations coup: a fulsome article in Harper's for De- cember 1959, nCalifornias Five-College Experimenti by David Boroff profiling the As- sociated Colleges. Boroffs descriptions of each collegewstately Pomona, elegant Scripps, science-oriented Harvey Mudd, the Graduate Schoolewere highly flat- tering, as was his profile of CMC. Almost in spite of himself, Boroff responded to the robust Vigor of CMC undergraduates: free enterprise types, as George Benson described them, young men capable of fun tat this point Boroff recapitulated some of the more spectacular CMC pranks of recent yearsi and hope for the future. CMC students, Boroff wrote, were iiwould-be tycoons, future Rotarians . . . exuberantly ex- 144 C lnremom McKemw College troverted, tireless cheerleaders of fun, and, in their own self-image, mad, bad play- boysfl Instructed by an excellent faculty dedicated to teaching and research, CMC men, Boroff suggested, concealed their intellectualism behind a devil-may-care per- sona. TCMCTS program is rigorous, Boroffwrote: ilfour years of humanities, senior the- sis and comprehensive exam, summer internships in government or industry. How- ever, the grinds 0f Pomona are so odious to the CMC boys that they would prefer to disguise their intellectual status than be tarred with the image of the wimp. We study in our Closets; a CMC wag remarked. . With some adjustments, then, Joe College of the 19503, C MC-style, found himself very much at home in the first three or four years of the 19603. The same round of themed dances, Climaxed by the Starlight Ball, structured the social year. The Keith Williams Orchestra, for example, played for the 23 February 1963 Military Ball, which took as its theme The Blue and the Gray? tWithin a year or so many of these CMC cadets would Find themselves in the jungles of Southeast AsiaJ A jazz quartet played in the San Marino home of seniorJoe Battaglia that year at the annual Senior Cham- pagne Party. tA Montclair recent vintage was served; and the young ladies, to judge from The Ayer coverage of the event, all seemed to be entries in aJackie Kennedy look- alike contestj The annual CMC Jazz Concert continued, with appearances by the George Shearing Quintet and, opening toward a new kind of music, the Limelight- ers, appreciated as much for Lou Gottliebls satiric asides as for their skilled singing. Hometown girl Joan Baez was brought to campus by the junior Class for a concert on the evening of 5 May 1961. Stinkyls still welcomed CMC men for late-night hamburgers and the jukebox. By now, the tables at Stinkyls were etched by nearly two decades of CMC men in search of immortality. Mickeyls Tavern at the corner of Foothill and San Antonio continued to offer sandwiches, chili, shuffleboard, piano music, and a seventy-Hve-foot bar serv- ing Mickey's special brew on tap. The Hub, meanwhile, was featuring Hubdingers, evenings of music, dancing, and impromptu stand-up comedy. Freshmen were still required to endure a month-long orientation by the sophomore class. By September 22nd, freshmen were required to be able to sing two school songs, uThe Sacred Seal and Show the World. Every freshman had to have a crew cut by September 25th. Name tags were to be worn at all times, and paddles carried. Until Thanksgiving, freshmen were obliged to wear slacks, coats, and ties to dinner each evening. With the exception of the Stags, a service organization, and the Stag Varsity Club, which required a varsity letter, freshmen were entitled after their initiation to become active in a variety of clubs and activities: the Young Democrats and the Young Republicans, the Model United Nations, the Forensic Society, the Siddons Drama Society, the Glee Club, the Pep Band, Radio Station KCMC, the Soccer Club, the Ski Club, and the Yacht Club. Other undergraduate activities included service on The Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 145 InApri11967 George C. S. Benson, student body president Ray Drummond MghtJ, and Dean Stuart Briggs Uerjoined Mr. and M rs. Modestus Bauer ofLong Beach at groundbreaking ceremoniesfor Bauer Hall, a $2.2-million classroomjaculty oflace, cmd stajf0139ce center that replaced Pitzer Hall as the administrative headquarters 0fthe College. Associate, the weekly paper that had succeeded The Analyst tedited 0n the north side of the main floor of Story Housel, or TheAyeryearbook twhose offices were next doorl. Also appearing each year in this era was the literary journal The Claremont Man, a rather typical undergraduate publication for the period, emphasizing coolness and de- tachment in matters cultural and intellectual. Exceptionally emotional or revealing short stories and poems appeared under the byline Anonymous, lest the author be ribbed, one suspects, for being a closet sensitive. While somewhat subdued in comparison to the previous decade, a taste for pranks and R.F.ing, as contemporary usage indelicately put it, still characterized the all-male campus. We had strict rules? remembers one student, Tin that no oneTs property must be damaged other than feelings being hurt. As in all horseplay, sometimes we goofed but not intentionally. Our tension releases were not Violent or destructive. Splitting the difference between a prank and a political gesture, however, was the incident in late 1961 in which Gil Ferrey, a CIVIC student, and a Pomona student attempted to smuggle a young woman out of East Berlin so that she could join her fiance in the West. Arrested by the East German border police, the students were sentenced to two years in prison, but were freed in January 1962. With the assistance of his new dean of students, Clifton MacLeod, President Ben- soneever the former senior tutor of Lowell House at Harvard, hence believing that residential culture was a key ingredient to academic reputationecontinued his ef- forts to urge the student body to higher levels of civility. He and Mabel Benson en- tertained students in their home on a weekly basis; and Benson put himself solidly behind a program providing faculty with free meals in Collins Dining Commons to encourage student-faculty exchanges over lunch, as in the Harvard house system. Af- ter a stressful incident of sexual humor in The Ayer of 1960, Benson was gratihed to note in the Annual Report for 1960-61 that there was a marked improvement in stu- dent responsibility, social conduct, and academic attitude this year. George Benson had specifically brought Clifton T. MacLeod to CMC from the University of Rochester as dean of students in 1959 to bring the student body under a tighter leash after the permissive era of William Alamshah, the Baghdad Daddy dean of the 19505 who believed in a high degree of student self-governance. With Bensonls backing, MacLeod began to demand a more acceptable level of dress among students in both the classroom and the dining commons. Apparently, student behavior in Colv lins left something to be desired; on 2 May 1963 an editorial in The Associate urged that students from the newly established Pitzer womenls college dine in Collins and not at Scripps, since the presence of Pitzer coeds would help civilize the CMC eat- ing habits, reduce the CMC drop-out rate, and generally improve the social envi- ronment. The Associate began to editorialize against MacLeod as early as 3 March 1960; however, citing an increasing degree of encroachment and pressure from Pitzer Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 147 , a iHalH on action of the student body and lamenting the fact that iiwe no longer have a dean who was reared at CMC? MacLeocTs views, The Associate noted, iirun substan- tially counter to the meager tradition that had begun to grow, uninhibited, under Dean Alamshahf, For the First time, The Associate pointed out, many ofour student institu- tions are in opposition to our Dean of Men. Especially galling to Benson were the floating Thank-God-ItiseFriday tTGIFi beer parties that seemed to erupt spontaneously every Friday afternoon at a different loca- tionea citrus orchard, a distant ravine or arroyo, an empty lot in a sparsely settled part of towne-attracting dozens of, sometimes nearly a hundred, students. Equally offensive to Benson were two social clubs, the Knickerbockers and the Tortugateers of Prado Dam. Each society featured a distinctive and contrasting style. The Knicker- bockers dressed in coats and ties and affected an Ivy League preppie orientation. The Tortugateers of Prado Dam, by contrast ithe name was alleged to contain some ribald memory or metaphori, featured assorted hats ta pith helmet, a tam-0'-shanter, an En- glish barristeris wig, a boater, a cowboy hat, various military hats and helmetsi and informal attire, usually based around T-shirts, khakis, or shorts. As contrasting as were their modes of dress, both societies sustained a lively interest in parties at which much alcohol was consumed. Try as he might, Dean MacLeod was not able to abolish the clubs or to stop the TGIF parties, goals that Benson linked in his mind with upgrading the academic rep- utation of CIVIC. After one incident involving the police, Benson threatened to expel the Tortugateers en masse. The repentant group accepted a name changeethe Mara Togas-as part of its reformation process. iiI think they sincerely tried to make some Changes in their decorum? MacLeod later remembered, iiand to be less noticeable when they were going to anything; and in general, I think the kids in the group are some of our strongest alumni and some of our best supporters. While Benson and MacLeod continued to wage war on TGIFs and rowdy social clubs, everyone was acknowledging a simple but gratifying fact: academically, CMC students were getting better and better. Eighty-two percent of the freshman class of 1961 were from the top three-tenths of their graduating high school class, in compari- son to 72 percent in 1960 and 64 percent in 1958. Thirty-one percent of the 1961 class had served as student body presidents or class officers in their high school. Only 16 percent had verbal SAT scores below 500, down from 29 percent in 1960 and 37 per- cent in 1958. With the freshman class of 1964, statistics were even more impressive. Of 216 entering freshmen, for example, 111 were in the top tenth of their high school graduating Class. CIVIC was, in fact, at a takeoff point that would see its average SAT scores increase over 100 points within the decade. While CIVIC remained a decid- edly Southern California institution, students now came from twenty-six states. Forty 148 Claremont McKenna College In September 1967 CM C went high-rise with the completion of two dormitories, Fawcett and Aueh Halls. This is the 19m time in C laremont that anybody has slept above the thirdjioor, noted President Benson at the dedication ceremonies. 150 percent of the 1961 entering class, in fact, were from outside of California. There was a slight but pleasing increase in foreign students. As much as they had improved their SAT profile and their diversity of origin, CIVIC undergraduates maintained through the early 19605 the values of the previous era. Here was an undergraduate student body of hard-charging young men, anxious for careers in the world. III think that CMC men are much more aggressive in the class- room than their Pomona counterparts, observed John Roth, Pomona Class of 1962, in The Collegian for 11 January 1966. The students I knew at Pomona were more of a passive lot, who absorbed the lectures. At CIVIC there was more willingness to express themselves, ask critical questions, or even disagree with the professof As evidence of this Virile aggressiveness, the CIVIC Forensic Society was even then in the process of establishing for itself a national reputation in debate. To recruit and retain good students required scholarships. In a very real way, CIVIC had been Hscallyjump-started in part from the scholarship bequest of Mrs. J. A. Har- nish in memory of her late husband, Frank Bell Appleby. While the formal intent of the bequest-bringing students from Thailand to CMCewas exotic, the scholarship nevertheless represented a Financial commitment to student aid; and in any event, Tawal Silpakit of Bangkok, selected by the Siamese Civil Service Commission, did arrive in Claremont in September 1948, on his First trip outside his country. Silpakit earned the nickname the Siamese Sagehen while studying at CIVIC for two years be- fore returning to the banking profession in his homeland. With the aid of good lawyer- ing, Benson eventually got the fund to support non-Siamese students as well. In De- cember 1951, CIVIC received a $36,000 scholarship endowment from two anonymous donors. The Parents, Committee, meanwhile, worked steadily on building up the scholarship endowment fund. An important breakthrough occurred in 1953 when trustee Donald McKenna made a major scholarship bequest, which became available in academic year 1953e54. Una der the program, which remained anonymous at McKennas insistence, six students received a $650 tuition grant for the year. IYour giftf, Director of Admissions John Ath- erton wrote McKenna, is the best possible way to improve the student body. The scholarship students here in school have done more in the past year to raise standards than any other single factorn When McKennals name later surfaced in connection with the gifts, he received numerous letters from grateful students. In many in- stances, students took the time to describe to McKenna their backgrounds, their high school achievements, their hopes for the future. I would consider it an honor to meet and talk with you, wrote an entering freshman on 24 September 1955. If this is at all feasible, please drop me a line. I have almost every afternoon and evening free. By September 1960, approximately 20 percent of all CMC students were receiving E- nancial aid of some sort. C laremont McKemw College In March 1962 the trustees augmented their $22,000 existing loan fund with an agreement with Citizens National Bank to establish a student loan fund of $100,000, with loans available for as low as 2 percent interest, then moving to 4 percent upon graduation, with a penalty increase in interest if the loan were not repaid within a stipulated period. At the urging of Dean of Admissions Emery Walker, the 2 percent interest while the student was in college was eliminated to keep CIVIC competitive with the University of California. Just how many students should be at CIVIC emerged as one of the key questions of this period. The stimulus for discussion was a thoughteprovoking monograph pub- lished by the Fund for the Advancement of Education, Memo to a College Trustee: A Report 014 Financial and Structural Problems of the Liberal Arts College t 1959I by Beardsley Ruml, a leading policy intellectual of the war and postwar period. In the course of his career, Ruml had helped redesign the federal income tax program during the Second World War, had served as chairman of the board of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, and was currently dean of social sciences at the University of Chi- cago. Ruml,s message was simple. Liberal arts colleges could become financially Via' ble only if they reached a certain sizeeat least 800 students paying approximately $800 per student per year for the cost of instruction-and maintained a healthy faculty-student ratio, which meant avoiding excessive course proliferation. Faculty, Ruml argued, wanted to offer small courses in their areas of specialization. Students, in turn, wanted as lavish a smorgasbord of choice as possible. Since faculty were be- coming more and more powerful in the governance ofIiberaI arts institutions trememe ber, Ruml was writing for trusteesI, the curriculum tended to fragment into small courses, and that cost money. If the curriculum were kept under control, however, fewer faculty could teach a more acceptable level of students; and once the magic 800 number was reached, financial well-being was in sight. Like so many other presidents of small colleges across the country, George Benson read the Ruml report with interest. The situation described by Ruml was exactly the case at CIVIC: a relatively small student body t363 in academic year 1957-58, 354 in academic year 1958-59I and a growing faculty with a tendency to diversify course ofe ferings and form academic departments. Referring to the Ruml study in the Annual Report for 1958e59, Benson appointed a Faculty Ruml Committee to meet over the summer of1959. In its report of I October1959, the Faculty Ruml Committee recom- mended that CIVIC increase its student body to 500. Both the faculty and the physical plant, the report stated, were up to such a student body, provided there were two addi- tional dormitories. Growth should not be allowed beyond 500, however, lest CMC show a declining endowment subsidy per student and hence cast doubt upon its pres- ent excellence and its capacity for future growth. True, some of the old intimacy of Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 151 In the early years 0fthe College, Mabel Gibberd B enson, a PhD. in literature from the University of Chicago, worked steadily at her husband's side. She wrote the 19m catalogue and the 19m history 0fthe College, and occasionally taught classes. Mabel Benson devoted her time, talent, and money to the institution that became her own and her husband's lifetime career. CIVIC might be lost, but a larger student body would not only make the College more viable, it would also add to the variety and vitality of undergraduate life. Concurrently, 3 Scheduling Committee, also appointed by Benson as a result of the Ruml study, proposed certain curriculum adjustmentswlarger sections of the intro- ductory political science course, alternate-year scheduling of small classes, increased political science requirements in the business administration major, encouragement of non-CMC courses within the Claremont Group, a more complete use of Class space during the academic dayethat would allow CMC to absorb another fifty stu- dents with minimal difficulty. Encouraged by the reports of both the Faculty Ruml Committee and the Schedul- ing Committee, the trustees appointed their own Joint Faculty-Trustee Committee on the Future Development of the College to study the question through academic year 1960-61. In June 1961 this joint committee recommended that CMC consider expansion to a lesser figure 013450 students and a higher figure of 600. In October 1961 the board accepted the upper limit of 600. From the start of these deliberations, Benson tried to remain aware of the opinion of the other colleges, especially given the agreement of 1950 regarding size. I do hope that Bob Bernard and Will Clary can arrive at an opinion as to what constitutes a rea- sonable interpretation of the agreement, Benson wrote the CMC chairman Garner Beckett on 14 October 1959. By the way, Pomonas registration this fall is 1098 regular and 23 special students.u By this last remark, Benson, ever sensitive to Pomona on an array of competitive issues, was noting that the Pomona student body was some 100 over the Warner Hot Springs agreement of June 1950-or even over by 200, if one re- membered that Pomona had promised eventually to reduce its enrollment to 900 students. The Joint TrusteeaFaculty Committee for the Future Development of the College continued its deliberations through academic year 1960-61, stimulated by the pros- pect of a grant from the Ford Foundation to the Associated Colleges to prepare a ten- year plan. While the Alumni Association filed a cautious brief, based on the belief that lone 0f the primary advantages of a small residential college lies in the personal relationship that a student develops with the faculty and his fellow classmates? it too came down on the side ofa maximum enrollment of 550 to 600 students, provided that a preceptorial program modeled on that at Princeton be made a requirement in the junior and senior years. The trustees endorsed the preceptorial suggestion uas soon as it is financially feasible? At this point, the CMC trustees sought intercollegiate approval for an increase to 600 students. There was no opposition. Pomona itself, in fact, was also seeking a higher limit, and no one wished to endanger the Ford Foundation grant with signs of dissension. In the next few years, Benson used both the prospect of the Ford Founda- Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 153 tion grant and Pomona's desire to expand to 1, 300 students as leverage to acquire per- mission from the Associated Colleges for CMC to expand to 800. In October 1964 the Intercollegiate Council authorized Pomona to expand to 1,300 students and the other undergraduate colleges to 800 each. Having j ust reached its recently acquired limit of 600, the CMC trustees now had to decide whether to move immediately to the newly authorized 800 limit. Board chairman Beckett appointed a Special Committee on the Size of the College, composed of trustees, alumni, staff, and faculty, Chaired by trustee Roy P. Crocker, to survey the arguments and make a report. Throughout the deliberations of the Crocker committee, George Benson was clearly on the side of expansion. It could help faculty salaries, he argued, and justify further faculty recruitment in the joint science staff, where the number of professors was not yet sufhcient to offer adequate advanced courses. True, expansion would in- volve further augmentation of the physical plant, but that was necessary anyway, and promising donors were on the horizon. Six months after its appointment, on 14 April 1965, the Croeker committee made its report to the board of trustees. T0 no onets sur- prise, the committee recommended expansion to 800 students. The committee did, however, lay down a number of qualifications. First of alleand this must have been a direct legacy of the swashbuckling borrowing practices of the 19405 and I9soseendowment could be borrowed against for no more than half of the dormitories that had to be built. Second, the College must establish a consistent and budgeted development program. Third, every effort should be made to keep the student-faculty ratio within the parameters of a reasonable intimacy. Fourth, growth should be orderly and judicious, occurring over a decade if necessary to maintain ap- propriate student quality. Almost as soon as the report was filed, the CMC board of trustees unanimously accepted its recommendations. By academic year 1970-71, well before a decade had passed, CMC had reached its new limit of 800 students. In the 19605 CMC attained new levels of fund-raising and development-in its physi- cal plant, its faculty, its endowment, the size and academic achievement of its student bodyethrough exhaustive planning and equally effective follow-through. Indeed, this was the decade of planning: a decade that transformed CIVIC quantitatively and qualitatively and set the pattern for three decades of growth and development. George C. S. Benson initiated the process with a letter to Garner Beckett on 20 May 1960, urging the trustees to create a Hve-year plan. In some ways, we are reaching a cross- roadsf, Benson wrote. 66We now have a great adequacy of student applications, a good faculty, a fairly well completed campus. Except for the lack of overall endowment and the shortage of scholarships, we could be described Clearly as an excellent small col- lege. . . . However, as you told me a number of years ago, we cannot stand still. We must move forward to become a truly outstanding college, and to conduct a research 154 C lare'mont McKenna College program of nationwide significance? In the Annual Report for academic year 1961-62, Benson looked back over the growth of the past ten years and toward the future. The average faculty salary should be increased from $8,425 a year to $15,600. Scholarship students should be increased from 124 to 220. All this involved raising the endowment to nearly $12 million. Planning was in the air that year, stimulated by the possibility of a major Ford Foun- dation gift to the Claremont Colleges for the purpose of planning for the future. The need to plan was propelled in great part by the question of growth, which in turn was energized by the pro-growth policies ofthe Ruml report. On 10 October 1962 the board of trustees agreed that if CMC wished to remain residential, it would either have to build an eighth dormitory or cut the 1963 freshman class, which would seriously set back plans to reach 600. It also was apparent that such necessary growth must take place within the context ofa comprehensive plan for CMC in the 19605. W hen the Ford Foundation grant of $5 million came through in 1964, challenging the Claremont Colleges to raise $86 million over the next seven years, a joint faculty, trustee, and alumni committee drafted a twenty-page, single-spaced Plan for Dis- tinction: A Statement of the Case for Claremont Menis College, which in a very pre- cise format presented the distilled institutional identity and development goals of the eighteeneyear-old College. The Plan for Distinction was also a fund-raising document calling for the raising of $7 million within three years and $13 million over the next seven years, per the terms of the Ford Foundation challenge grant. Stated simply, the Plan for Distinction had three central goals: to raise faculty salaries, to establish en- dowment for scholarships, and to continue to develop the physical plant. The Plan for Distinction, however, was more than a campaign document. It was a manifesto, a testimony of Faith, and an expression of a very powerful desire to achieve national distinction. It was also about the money necessary for such achievement. On 1 April 1965 CIVIC announced a campaign to raise $7 million in the next three years and $6 million in the four years that followed, for a total seven-year program of $13 million. tAs it turned out, $9.6 million was raised in the next three yearsj CMC, George Benson stated on 29 July 1965, discussing the campaign called for in the Plan for Distinction, iimust either move into the very top rank of American men's collegesewith Amherst or Williams or Wesleyaneeor drift backward. The Plan for Distinction treated Bensonis comparison as an accomplished fact and ignored his fear. iiYet in barely a generation? the Plan concluded, iiClaremont Mens College has more than come of age. It already belongs among the ranking liberal arts colleges of the country and today it faces an opportunity unequalled by colleges many years older. As funds poured in, one of the three priorities of the Plan for Distinctionethe expane sion of the campus planteaccelerated its pace. As impressive as construction had Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 155 AB OVE: A Sticklerfo-rgood order, Benson was especially suspicious of the Thanlz-God-It's-Friday afternoon beer lmsts that met each week at a dWerent location on or near the Claremont campus. R I G HT: A new spirit seemed in the air as a discernible note ofdefumce surfaced in the student lifestyle. Beer busts and wild dancing: times were changing. Soon it would be sex, drugs, and rock '11; roll. been in the 19505, it became even more so in the decade that followed. No less than sixteen new buildings, including two high-rise dormitories, athletic bleachers, and major additions to existing buildings, were planned, financed, and completed. In- deed, CIVIC literally doubled its physical plant in the 19605. Site selection and, when necessary, property acquisition for this construction occupied the board continuously throughout the decade. At its meeting of 13 October 1965, for example, the board of trustees considered four possible sites for future dorms: the south parking lot at Sixth and Mills, the area south of Green Hall, the north parking lot, and the Live Oak gar- den. It chose the south parking lot, which was Closed on 5 December 1966 to prepare for construction of two high-rise dormitories. The first construction ofthe decade,VoitFie1d House, was a carryover from a 19503 project, the completion in 1959 OEVOit Pool. Also in 1961, a lounge was added to Beck- ett Hall. In addition, Claremont Hall, the sixth dormitory tcompleted in 1959, was renamed in honor of Mr. and Mrs. M. Penn Phillips of Sierra Madre. A trustee of the College since 1957, M. Penn Phillips epitomized the wealthy Southern-California- developer-turned-philanthropist: a genre increasingly attracted to the support of CIVIC. Over the years M. Penn Phillips Enterprises had developed properties in Calie fornia, Oregon, Nevada, Arizona, and Baja California. Since becoming interested in CMC in the early 19503, Phillips had donated more than $170,000 to the College. The next dormitory donors, Mr. and Mrs. H. Norwood Berger of San Marino, had acquired their wealth in development and banking, with H. Norwood Berger serving as president of the Prudential Savings and Loan Association, chairman of the board of Financial Federation Inc, proprietor of the Sacramento Savings and Loan Asso- ciation, and president of Fairfield Homeseanother fortune solidly based in the ex- panding economy of the post-World War II era. At the time of the couples $125,000 gift in 1961, H. Norwood Berger was serving as vice chairman of the CIVIC board of trustees, and his wife was an officer of the Mothers, Club. Their son John had gradua- ted from CMC in 1960. The Berger gift covered approximately one-third the cost of the seventy-student dormitory located adjacent to Parents Field and Oak Park Gar- denjust north of Sixth Street. Designed by Allison and Bible of Los Angeles in the by now de rigueur minimalist-modern Mediterranean style, Berger Hall featured thirty- three single bedrooms and eighteen double bedrooms, a 6oo-squareef00t student lounge, and an air-conditioned faculty apartment named in honor of trustee Garner Beckett. Dormitory number eight, constructed in 1963 with gifts or pledges covering $175,000 ofits $400,000 total cost, was temporarily named Live Oak Hall, pending the raising of funds to retire the debt on the building. It was eventually named in honor of George C. S. Benson. Next on line: the David X. Marks Residence Hall, ready for occupancy in Septem- Achievement and C01v-ztr0versy, 1960-1969 157 ber 1964, housing seventy-three students in thirty-seven single rooms and eighteen double rooms. Designed by John H. Van Dyke SI Associates of Los Angeles, Marks Hall made the first departure from the Allison and Bible Mediterraneanism of the earlier dormitories. Featuring a glass-enclosecl stairway, wall-to-wall carpeting, and floor-to-ceiling glass in all rooms with a northern exposure, Marks Hallethree sto- ries, completely air-conditioned, its 1,100-square-foot glass-enclosed lounge looking out on Live Oak Gardeneexpressed the affluent modernism of the 19603. Likewise was its financing a departure; David X. Marks, a Los Angeles business executive who through his foundation had been equally generous to USC and Cal Tech, paid $383,000 toward the total $439,000 cost of the building, thus obviating the need for any long-term Financing or borrowing from endowment. In 1964 the Presidents House was remodeled as well, with a large dining room added; and a west dining room was added to Collins Common. Initially intended to serve a joint dining plan with the newly established Pitzer College, the west dining room reverted to CIVIC use in 1964 when Pitzer opened its own dining facility well ahead of schedule. In 1966 the thirteen-year-old McKenna Student Union was refur- bished and enlarged into an air-conditioned, sound system-wired, state-of-the-art Student Union. Budgeted for $185,000, the Hub tfor that is what students would al- ways call i0 came in at $15,000 over budget. The Mothers Club contributed more than $2,000 toward furnishing the lounge area. Jack Stark, meanwhile, assistant to President Benson, was arguing before the Claremont planning commission for approval of two new seven-story dormitories on the south parking lot. Designed by Ladd and Kelsey of Pasadena, the proposed high- rise dormitories represented a departure both for CMC and for the City of Claremont and understandably unsettled the commissioners. The high-rises were necessary, Stark argued, to preserve open space. Sited at the lower end of the campus, their height would be masked by the fact that, as Stark argued, llthere is an eighty-foot drop lfrom Foothill to Sixth Streetl, more than the entire height of these buildings, so that they will hardly stand out like a telephone pole in the desert. Besides, Stark further contended, the height would help break the monotony of the rooflines of the existing dorms. After much debate, the commission approved the two new dormitories in a split vote. Financed in part by loans from endowment, supplemented by borrowing from the bank, the two high-rise dormitories were completed in September 1967. One of them was designated Claremont Hall, the holding name for a building awaiting its donor. The other was named in honor of Mr. and Mrs. W Russell Fawcett of Rancho Santa Fe, who contributed $250,000 toward one dormitory. Longtime backers of the College, the Fawcetts had sent their son David to CMC, Class of 1966. Their daughter Priscilla was a senior at Pitzer. llThree-quarters of the people who see the higherise dorms think them very attractive? jestecl Benson at dedication ceremonies at the fall 158 Claremont McKemta College To deal with the new student environment and to tone down CMC's reputation as a party school, Benson in 1959 turned to C lifton MacLeod, director Ofstudent activities at the University ofRochester. As dean ofmen at CMC, MacLeod replaced theflexible policies of William Alamshah with a more stringent program. 16o Parents Day and Homecoming ceremonies. iiOne-quarter think them awful! It is the First time in Claremont that anybody has slept above the third floor, and the commu- nity has to take some time to adjust itself to this revolutionary procedure. Rounding out construction year 1967, a lobby and office were added to the gymna- sium; and Pitzer Hall South, 3 faculty oflice and classroom building, at the suggestion of Russell Pitzer was renamed Seaman Hall in honor of the late Judge William Henry Seaman of Los Angeles, whose daughters, recently deceased, had left a bequest t0 CMC as a memorial to their Jfather. The gift was presented to CIVIC tand most likely Channeled in the direction of the College in the First placei by Frederick Richman of Laguna Beach, the attorney for the Seaman Jfamily. Richman was a longtime member of both the board of affiliates and the Parents, Committee, a member of the board of trustees since 1962 twhere he served as chairman of the budget committeel, a volun- teer in the $13-million Plan for Distinction campaign, and the father of a 1959 CMC graduate. Generous in his own right to CMC, the Stanford-educated Richman, a suc- cessful businessman and mortgage banker as well as attorney, had deeded valuable Lake Arrowhead property to the College in 1965 and had begun a program of annual cash gifts that he hoped would lead eventually to an endowed professorship in phi- losophy. As if all this were not enough, 25 April 1967 saw ground broken on the most am- bitious building in CMC history to date, Bauer Center, the result of the largest sin- gle gift in the history of the College-$I million donated by Mr. and Mrs. Modestus Bauer of Long Beach. Active as a banker, a broker, and an investor since he was eigl - teen years old, the eighty-something Bauer the and his wife had just celebrated their sixtieth wedding anniversaryi had amassed a fortune approaching $20 million. At the ground breaking, Bauer noted that in his youth, friendly bakers would give iia bakers dozen, meaning thirteen instead of twelve. He and his wife, Bauer announced, had decided to revive the idea by adding $100,000 to their original pledge of $1 million. In his ground-breaking address, uBauer Center-And What It Does for the Col- lege, George Benson waxed lyrical as to what this impressive building meant to a col- lege just twenty years old. uIt is inspiring, Benson stated, nt0 think what a great build- ing like this can mean to a college which is in the process of becoming great. As we bring together here professors of nationwide scholarly reputation and experience, with highly selected students who are themselves likely to become great leaders of American society, we are creating an exciting process of psychological and intellec- tual Chemistry. Located east of Mills Avenue, Bauer Center was planned to form the eastern teiz minus of the original quadrangle mall, with Pitzer Hall holding the western end. So impressive was the building, however, one CMC oflicial noted, that when the $2.2-milli0n Bauer Center came on line, iithe front: door of the College will be turned around? C lnremorzt McKemm College Designed by D. J. Daniel, J12, and Associates of Newport Beach, the white brick steel-structured building, topped by a red tiled roof, returned to the neo-Mediter- ranean idiom first established by Allison and Bible. Bensonls assistant Jack Stark served as liaison ofhcer during planning and construction. Encompassing a formidae ble 61,753 square feet, Bauer Center was in reality two buildings: a basement and three-story rectangular classroom and oche structure, replacing Pitzer Hall as the administrative headquarters of the College; and a connecting round building, also three stories, housing thejoint CMC-Pomona ROTC program on the first floor, a sec- ond floor of classrooms, together with a 300-seat auditorium and a forum room seating 150, and a third floor of Class and seminar rooms. Because the Erst floor of the circular structure would be used to house the ROTC program, the trustees made an exception to their rule of using no federal grants ta prohibition in force, more or less, since the Igsosl and accepted a $666,000 construction grant for the building. Dedicated on the spring Parents, and Founders, Day, 22 March 1969, Bauer Cen- terewith its massive proportions, its au diovisually equipped classrooms, its powerful presence anchoring the eastern edge of the campusebespoke in no uncertain terms that the Plan for Distinction was well under way. Special showings were held through- out the day in the Bauer Center Auditorium of a promotional film, 6A Case for the Afhrmativef narrated by actor James Stewart, a CMC parent and trustee. The official dedication took place at an 11:00 A.M. convocation in Bauer Auditorium, where the keynote speech, llWhere Are We Going? was made by Ward E.Y. Elliott, assistant professor ofpolitical science. One place CIVIC was going was down to the athletic Eelcls. In the same year that Bauer Center opened, 1968, concrete bleachers were erected at the cost of $80,000 on the football held, thanks to gifts from Parents Committee member Willard Voit and longtime CIVIC trustee chairman Garner Beckett, president of the American Cement Corporation, who donated 400 barrels of cement. The following year, weight and wrestling rooms were added to the gymnasium. It had been an impressive decade of construction. To end it, as a sort of plaintive coda, Story Houseea Craftsman master- piece, the first true CIVIC building-was severely damaged by fire early Monday, 17 February 1969. Investigators blamed the blaze on an uninsulated steam pipe that H- nally ignited adjoining wood; but there were also strong suspicions of arson. For the past six years, Jfortunately, n0 students had been living in the venerable structure. It had been used instead as faculty oche space, for seminars, and for student activities. Informed that it would take up to $120,000 to restore the building and bring it up to code requirements, the trustees voted to raze the structure over the summer of 1969. Planning, meanwhile, continued in tandem with construction. In June 1967 the board of trustees established yet another planning committee, the Committee on the Fu- ture of Claremont Menls College. Board Chairman Chester Rude at Erst doubted the Achievement and C outrove rsy, 19 60-1969 161 From the start, CM C showed a strong commitment to its Army ROTC program. Dozens of CM C graduates served in the Vietnam War; three lost their lives. Commissioned injune 1963, William W Crouch, '63 6econd row, third from ler, ' served two tours in Vietnam. In thefall of 1994 General C much received hisfourth star and was named commander in chief of the United States Army in Europe. need for such a committee, arguing that CMC needed time to accomplish the goals set forth in the planning that had already been done. But Benson and the development staff, spearheaded by John Payne, argued that long-range planning was a continuous process and needed to be kept vital if the College were to maintain its development momentum. llThere is a difference between success and spectacular success, Payne told the trustees; and the difference was unot diligence but vision. The Committee on the Future of Claremont Menls College was in effect a long-range planning com- mittee, Payne pointed out, which lean be the difference between this Collegels being a good solid success and achieving with brilliance. Chaired by trustee Donald McKenna, one of the founders of the College, the Com- mittee on the Future of Claremont Menls College was busy preparing its ten-year plan by early 1968. CMC had reached a point in its history, McKenna told the board of trustees on 10 January 1968, where ongoing planning was an absolute necessity, and he expected such an activity to be a major board responsibility for a long time to come. ByJune 1968 a preliminary first draft ofwhat was to be known as the McKenna Report was completed. The final document, Long-Range Plan: A Policy Statement for the Future of Claremont Menls Collegef was presented to the board on 9 December 1968 and unanimously adopted. Like the Plan for Distinction of1965, the McKenna Report of December 1968 was concise tseven single-spaced, typewritten pagesl and looked to the decade ahead. Also as in the Plan for Distinction, the identity of CMCea lib- eral arts college oriented toward public affairseheld steady. CMC would continue to remain residential and emphasize close Jfacultyvstudent contact. In the case of the student body, however, the McKenna Report made a recommendation that in its nu- ances stressed a developing identity. CMC, the report recommended, should choose a substantial portion of each of its entering classes almost exclusively on the basis of academic promise. This meant high math and verbal SAT scores and enthusiastic recommendations from school counselors and teachers. At the same time, CMC should make a major effort to bring more minority students, African-Americans and Mexican-Americans especially, into the student body. Each of these sectors of recruitment, of course, would prove expensive. In contrast to the Plan for Distinction, the McKenna Report was not a campaign document. That task was assumed by another report, simultaneously filed with the board of trustees by the CMC development committee, that translated the long-range goals of the MC- Kenna Report into cash requirements. Fund-raising at CMC was moving into high gear. ' While the decade would see a number of major gifts, annual fund-raising contin- ued through the Mothers, Club, the Parents, Committee, and the Board ofAleiates. Society-page coverage of Mothers Club events gave an element of social cachet to the College. CMC, after all, did attract a percentage of students from affluent bacl - Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 163 grounds; hence mothers of these CMC students attracted ink in the social pages of local newspapers. Each year the Mothers, Club tea, welcoming mothers of new stu- dents, and the annual outdoor supper party received extensive coverage that in its own way created an image and reputation for the College. All in all, the Mothers, Club had raised some $50,000 since its inception in 1950; but the amount of money was secondary to the prestige the Club gave to CIVIC Within the Southern California oli- garchy, Where more impressive funds might be raised. The Affiliates, meanwhile, conducted an even more ambitious program of special lectures, dinners, and other fund-raising events. The Affiliates also recruited for the Parentsi Committee from within its own membership. Between 1955 and 1967 the Par- entsI Committee raised $327,344 for the College. In 1966 the Affiliates founded yet another organization, the James Madison Society, with an annual donation of $500 to CIVIC requisite for membership. In 1968 Res Publica, another support group, was formed with an expectation of a $1,000 annual donation. A new generation of major donors, meanwhiIe-Henry Salvatori, David C. Lin- coln, David Marks, WA. Fawcett, and Frederick I. Richmanewas joining such tested supporters as Donald McKenna, IVI. Penn Philips, Burnett Wohlford, and Nor- wood Burger. In their generosity these contributors were making the 19605 breathtak- ingly successful in fund-raising efforts. Sometimes contact with CIVIC rested on a personal basis, such as having a son attend the College. In other instances, contact could be more casual. In the early 19603, for example, Mr. and Mrs. Frank Badg- ley answered a CIVIC Iife-income advertisement, describing how a tax-exempt life- income contract could be achieved in current IRS law. Before the Badgleys could make their gift to the College, the income tax ruling that had allowed such an arrange- ment had been reversed. The Badgleys, however, had become interested in CIVIC, tax- exempt program or no. One day Frank Badgley appeared unannounced in John Paynes ofhce in Pitzer Hall and dropped off a box containing $455,000 worth of secu- rities. The trustees named Badgley Garden in honor of the Badgleys, son, a naval en- sign killed in a plane crash over Nantucket during the war. The dedication of the plaque and the garden helped the Badgleys reach some degree of closure regarding their tragic loss. IIIt was just like a funeral to them, John Payne later noted. nIn a way their gift and subsequent involvement with the College gave them something to be actively concerned aboutein a way, it rejuvenated them. Frank Badgley became a trustee in 1965. On staff since 1957 as the Collegek first fulI-tirne development officer, Payneawho in his mid-twenties had achieved the rank of sergeant major in World War II, a rank usually awarded to a seasoned noncomrnissioned officerewas named Vice president for planning and development in 1968 in recognition of CIVICIS commitment to an 164 C laranont McKemw College ongoing planning and development process and Paynels own success as a fund-raiser. An avid golfer and a committed Churchman, Payne kept both a copy of the Bible and a bronze golf shoe in his office, as well as the framed inscription lLord, help me to remember that nothing is going to happen to me today that You and I together cannot handle. One of the very good things that happened to John Payne was Mr. and Mrs. Mo- destus Bauer. A man who had made, then lost, then remade a multimillion-dollar for- tune through stock investments, Modestus Bauer, like Frank Badgley, had first be- come aware of CIVIC through the Collegels life-income advertisements in the Wall Street Journal. Bauer was not interested in a life-income contract, although he did contact John Payne and through Payne began to take a lively interest in the College. At one point in the mid-196os, Payne asked Bauer ifhe would like to contribute $5,000 to refurbish an existing structure. With down-to-earth humor, Bauer is reported to have replied that he did not know that CIVIC needed an outhouse. Instead, as noted earlier, the Bauers in 1967 pledged $1 million tsoon to be $1.1 millionl, the single largest gift in the history of the College, to build Bauer Center. At the same time, Bauerea former director of Armour Company, Rheem Manu- facturing, and the Chicago and Eastern Illinois Railroad, and by now a life trustee of CMCeindicated that a second and larger gift was in the ofhng, an offer Bauer formalized in a letter ofintent on zoJuly 1968. The letter suggested a $10 million gifte $5 million free and Clear, $5 million in life income-with CMC becoming Bauer Col- lege upon receipt of the full $10 million by 1 July 1972. Notes of board meetings in the months that followed reveal much lively discussion on the topic. Benson was in favor of both the gift and the name change. Bequests of this magnitude, Benson stated, do not come often. The trustees should move immediately. CMC had not been happy with its name, suggested trustee Richard Amour, and renaming it would be most timely. Garner Beckett and others, however, felt that the College had a moral obliga- tion to Marie Rankin Clarke and Russell Pitzer, whose early bequests had made CIVIC possible. Some trustees were hesitant to sell the name of the College for a price. Oth- ers Jfelt that $10 million was not enough. In the end, the Bauers were not able to make a full gift of securities for technical reasons. They were, however, able to make a gift in February 1969 of $2,037,469, which brought their total gift to CMC to $3,281,945. The gift was placed in a special trust account providing income to the Batters for the remainder of their lifetimes. At their deaths, it would become part of the CIVIC ene dowment fund. The McKenna Report of December 1968 and its accompanying development pro- gram called for the raising of $40 million over the next ten years. In March 1969 the trustees announced a ten-year, $4o-million campaign aimed, among other goals, to Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 165 increase the fuII-time faculty from sixty-three to eighty and to bring faculty salaries into competitive range with public higher education in California. The campaign was under the direction of a Future Plans Committee chaired by Donald McKenna. Between 1962 and 1972, the total market value of the endowment tother than life- income contractsi climbed from $4,244,209 to $12,469,255. The book value of the plant and equipment increased from $4,170,000 to $10,920,000. Endowment per stu- dent increased from $8,935 to $15,509 per year. Total assets grew from $7,594,000 to $28,788,000. In hnancial terms, the 19605 had truly been a takeoff era. In fiscal year 1968-69, for example, CIVIC received a total of $5,044,033 in gifts. The College would have to wait until fiscal year 1978n79 to see again such a record year. In all this development, the board of trustees continued to be the largest single source of gifts. Between 1962 and 1972 trustee gifts totaled $1,433,000 and Iife-income con- tracts came to $748,000. Like every other aspect of CIVIC during the 19605, the board of trustees reached in this decade new levels of prestige and effectiveness; indeed, it is to the trustees, including Benson, that one must give great credit for the growth and achievement of these years. True, it was a boom era. And true, faculty, staff, and stu- dent body were showing appreciable improvement in these years as well. Yet in each instance the guidance of the trustees, in conjunction with Benson the trustee- president, was on the mark in the decisions that had to be made. The success of the CMC trustees, first of all, represented a tribute to the energy, intelligence, interconnectedness, and persistence of Southern Californiais leader- ship in the postwar period. The very same oligarchs who were guiding the overnight development of what would soon be the predominant American region were the very same men tsoon to be men and womeni whoemeeting over lunch in the California Club in Los Angeles, or at quarterly meetings on campus in Claremont, or making even further meetings of subcommitteesedesigned and Chose the goals and strate- gies energizing the continuing development of CMC. Interestingly enough, the de- cade opened with thirteen out of fourteen of the founding trustees still serving on the board. tFounding trustee John Marble had stepped down in 1953.1 This continuity, remarkable in and of itself, together with Bensonis continuing presidency, had given coherence and consistency to board policies through the first two decades. Among these thirteen trustees, Eve-George Benson, Robert Bernard, Edward Lyman, Don- ald MCKenna, and Russell Pitzereunambiguously deserved the rank of founder. The restelongtime trustee Chairman Garner Beckett, Clarence Crawford, Herman Erkes, I-Ienry Mudd, J. Roy Pinkham, Ford W. Twaits, P. G. Winnett, and Burnett Wohlford-had played such important roles as donors and decision makers in the early years that they too approached founderis status. As early as October 1950, the trustees had validated their status and the signihcance of their enterprise with the 166 Clare-mont McKenmz College AB OVE: The continuing reputation of C M C as a center ofpolitical philosophy rested squarely on the shoulders of professors Martin Diamond Hefti and Harryjaffa Mghti. In May 1966 Diamond made the cover of Time magazine as one of the ten best college teachers in the United States. A prolijic scholar ofnoted reputation, Jafa was the most widely published member of the CM C faculty. L E FT: Procter Thmnson was certainly the most colm'ful. A University 0fChz'cag0- trained economist, Thomson dazzled students with his provocative opinions and mordmit wit. Shortly before his death from cancer, Thomson mixed an impressive hatch ofmartinis and placed them in his freezer to he served at his wake. recruitment of engineer Herbert Hoover, JL, and oil man C. F. Braun to their ranks. In October 1953 came the prestigious appointment of Alexander N. Kemp, chairman of the board of Pacific Mutual Life Insurance Company and at various times a director, among other enterprises, of Southern California Edison, the California Bank, Ameri- can Airlines, Standard Oil of California, and the Chase National Bank of New York. In 1958 came the election ofTheodore S. Burnett, who had succeeded Kemp as chair man of the board of Pacific Mutual Life. Burnett also served as president of the Cali- fornia Taxpayers, Association and Chairman of the Life Insurance Association. In November 1961, trustee Colonel Edmund P. Stone, 21 Pomona businessman and investor who had reached the rank of colonel with the First Cavalry division in World War II, passed on, leaving a major bequest. In May 1962 agriculturalist J. Roy Pinl - ham, a longtime member of the buildings and grounds committee, passed away after long service to CMC. In November of that year founding trustee Edward Lyman died at the age of eighty-one. Pinkham and Lyman both held the rank of honorary trustee, a rank created in 1955 with the retirement of P. G. Winnett from active trusteeship. Russell Pitzer was made an honorary trustee in June 1964. In 1965, a new category, life trustee, was created for Modestus Bauer and Henry Mudd, who was appointed in January of the following year. On 10 April 1968 the Board clarified life and honorary trusteeships. Life trustee- shipseheld by Frank Badgley, Modestus Bauer, Garner Beckett, and Robert Ber- nardewould be for trustees who had served long and faithfully 0n the board but were in the process of reducing their activities. Honorary trusteeships were for Ithose men and women who have made significant Financial contributions or who have otherwise served the College in a way worthy of this type of recognition but who would most likely not be interested in participating in the day-to-day oversight activities of regular trustees. In June 1968 Los Angeles philanthropist David X. Marks, a generous patron of the College, was designated honorary trustee under this new rubric. The following June, Los Angeles philanthropist Henry Salvatori, who in 1967 had made a $1-million gift to the College to establish the Salvatori Center for the Study of Freedom in the Modern World, followed Marks in receiving this honor. Garner Beckett, meanwhile, the founding chairman of the board, had begun to think about slowing down as early as 21June 1956 when he suggested to the board that it consider the eventual appointment of a new chairman, since he had been serving in that position since 1947. Not until May 1965, however, did Beckett relinquish his duties, and even then he continued as Vice Chairman of the board representing the College at all intercollegiate events. While not an extraordinarily wealthy man, Becke ett had given a total of $242,000 in gifts to CIVIC by 1968; and, of equal importance, he had worked smoothly with Benson during the formative years when such a harmoni- ous relationship was crucial to the survival and development of the new institution. 168 C laremont McKenna College tBeckett expressed two regrets upon retirement. He would have preferred that CIVIC remain smaller, and he wished that he had been able to do more to improve faculty salariesj Becketfs successor as chairman was Chester Rude, vice chairman of the Security First National Bank of Los Angeles, the parent of an alumnus, and a member of the board since 1958. As a major banking executive in the leading regional bank of South- ern California, a director of North American Aviation, president of Good Samaritan Hospital, past president of the California Bankers, Association, and a trustee of the Episcopal Diocesan Investment Trust of Los Angeles, Rude came from ground zero of the Southern California business establishment. The following year came an equally dramatic appointment, that of the actor-war hero James Stewart, another CMC parent. A graduate of Princeton University with a degree in architecture, Stewart had distinguished himself in World War II as a bomber pilot with the Eighth Air Force in Europe, rising to the rank of colonel. At the time of his appointment to CIVIC in the spring of1966, the Oscar-winning actor held the rank of brigadier general in the Air Force Reserve, had served as a trustee of Princeton Uni- versity and the Princeton Theological Seminary, and was among the most respected and beloved Elm stars in the nation. The appointment ofjimmy Stewart to the CIVIC board brought the College into direct connection With the conservative-oriented wing of the Hollywood Elm establishment twhich in a few short months would be sending another one of its members, Ronald Reagan, to the governorship in Sacramentol The Stewart appointment also brought a new measure of panache to CIVIC. In the winter of 1968, the board recruited another national hgure, William French Smith, attorney and senior partner of Gibson, Dunn and Crutcher of Los Angeles, a director of both Pacific Lighting Corporation and the California State Chamber of Commerce, later to serve as attorney general of the United States in the administra- tion of President Ronald Reagan. Another CIVIC trustee of national reputation was Newsweek columnist Raymond Moley, professor of public law at Columbia, organizer of the celebrated brain trust that advised FDR on public policy, and a former assistant secretary ofstate. The author ofmany books on politics and public policy, Moley twho split with Roosevelt in 1936T was, like Benson, a reconstructed New Dealer. His ap- pointment t0 the board in 1961 connected the trustees for the Hrst time to the national Republican public policy establishment. Other trustees by the late 19605 included such establishment figures as developerJohn Lusk and Jon Lovelace, J11, president of the Capital Research and Management Company of Los Angeles, investment advisor to four major mutual funds. Like its founding membership, the policies regulating the trustees remained com- parably stable, although in March 1957 the board reduced its trustee overlap with the Board of Fellows of the Affiliated Colleges from three trustees to two. In January 1961 Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 169 A B OVE: A veteran ofthe Battle of the Bulge with a doctorate in education from Stanford, William Arce as baseball coach, classroom instructor, and director of athletics- 5aw in sports the development of the whole person. R I G HT: Like Arce, football coachjohn . Zinda considered himself,fzrst and A G foremost, an educator and molder of 3T I character. You can learn by winning, and you can learn by losing, noted Zinda ofhis thirty-one-year coaching career. Poanfxagu the board of trustees removed the limit on its size in the articles of incorporation, in- creasing membership from thirty to thirty-five. As part of the planning process lead- ing up to the McKenna Report of December 1968, the trustees took a long hard look at their own internal governance. In April 1967 the trustees accepted criteria for mem- bership 0n the board: established business connections and social standing; under- standing and appreciation ofhigher education; regional representation tmeaning a die versity of regions, albeit dominated by Southern Californial; no major trusteeship with another comparable institution; attendance at a minimum of three regular meet- ings per year; membership on at least one board committee; willingness to provide financial support for CIVIC; and a commitment to the Group Plan as practiced among the Claremont Colleges. One of these criteria was somewhat fuzzy, reflecting the boards reluctance to ac- cept gender or minority quotas in its membership. In January 1966, the nominating committee had recommended two women for board membership, together with an ex ofhcio membership for the president of the Mothersl Club.After1nuch discussion, no action was taken. The growing civil rights movement of the mid- and late 19605, how- ever, together with the less official but equally transforming entrance of women into public life and the marketplace, would not let the question of women on the board go away; and it resurfaced a number of times in committee and full board meetings for l the rest of the decade. On 9 October 1968, moreover, trustee Charles Ducommun made reference to the fact that pressure was growing in some quarters to appoint an African-American to the board. The nominating committee, Ducommun reported, would not be stampeded into nominating an African-American strictly for appear- ance sake. On the other band, should a likely African-American candidate surface, Ilhe will be evaluated in the same manner as any other candidate for t1'usteeship.nTl1e board was likewise cautious on the issue of extending board membership to more alumni, to faculty, and to studentse-possibilities frequently discussed through 1968 and 1969. In the fall of 1969, however, the new chairman of the board, Edwin Corbin, execu- tive Vice president and director of the Security First National Bank, announced a reor- ganization that, while it kept the board stable, did formally open it to new influences. First of all, the number of board committees would be reduced from thirteen to live: development, board affairs, academic affairs, student affairs, and finance and man- agement. As many as twelve students and twelve faculty would be appointed to advi- sory committees attached to four board committees, each advisory committee made up of three faculty members and three students; the committee for board affairs, con- cerned with internal matters only, would not have such an advisory board. The new system, Corbin announced, came directly out of the experience of preparing the MC- Kenna Report and Plan in which faculty, students, alumni, and other vested groups had worked with the board in an advisory capacity. Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 171 Thus the trustees broadened consultation while maintaining their essential control over the governance of the College. They were, after all, men of affairselarge and significant affairs at thatepolitically conservative and oriented toward the private sector. They represented, in short, the strongest value system of the institution as far as students and parents were concerned: a connection, that is, to success in the pri- vate sector and a generally conservative involvement in public affairs. Hnterestingly enough, the CIVIC faculty, reinforced in the 19605 by the appointment ofa number of important conservative thinkers, was also moving in this directionj No trustee embodied the values and accomplishments of the CMC board more than Donald McKenna, one of the founders of the College, who had remained steadily committedeand steadily generouseto the institution that increasingly expressed his best ideals and hopes. No sooner had the McKenna Student Union been dedi- cated on the spring Parents, and Founders' Day on 18 March 1967, Donald McKenna returned-this time anonymouslyeto his accustomed benefactions, secretly donat- ing $300,000 to the Honnold Library for staffing and processing, provided that the ofhce ofjoint development of the Claremont Colleges could raise an equal amount for books. It was a typical McKenna gift: discreet, understated, but also demanding a response from the recipient. Meanwhile, McKenna was chairing the Future Plans Committee responsible for producing a ten-year plan; much of the laconic pertinence of this document must be attributed to the evervcanny Scotsman, who loved words but used them sparingly. Even before the McKenna Report was released in December 1968, Donald Mc- Kenna sat down at his home in South Laguna and on 12 January 1968 typed a memo randum recommending a student-faculty Club or athenaeum. In formulating his ideas, McKenna had two very strong memories in mind: the Wednesday evening dis- cussion socials his parents used to host at the Claremont Inn in the late 19105 and early 19203, and the lively evenings hosted by George C. S. Benson at Lowell House, Harvard, in the mid-19 305 when Benson was serving there as senior tutor. Evenings at Lowell House began with sherry in the j unior or senior common room and continued through dinner at the high table, reconvening in one or another common room for post-dinner discussion, then lingering on for those so inclined into the late hours in Bensons lodgings. At both the Claremont Inn and Lowell House, undergraduates, graduate students, tutors, junior and senior faculty, togetherwith visiting guests, gath- ered in a convivial atmosphere for refreshment and wide-ranging discussion. Eve- nings such as these, McKenna believed, were of the essence of collegiate education; and he wanted the same magic to happen at CMC. The basic idea, McKenna tapped out on his typewriter, is to make this a true residential college facility aimed at mal - 172 Claremont McKemw College ing our campus environment more attractive and at the same time educationally centered? With typical precision, McKenna planned the facility down to the last detail in his four-page, singlegspaced first-draft memo. He described the lounge where guests would gather before dinner; the large dining room for main events; the ten smaller seminar-dining rooms averaging twenty places for luncheon discussions and more to- Cused evenings; the lounges and reading areas for browsing and relaxation; the guest rooms for Visiting speakers. McKenna even prescribed the menu: steak and all the trimmings for the weekly major dinners. Although he had some fear that the word was perhaps too high-faluting and not as warm as the term Faculty-Student Club or Student-Faculty Club, McKenna even chose the name for the new institution, the Athenaeum. An avid etymologist, McKenna, drawing upon Webster's New Interna- tional Dictionary and the Encyclopedia Britannica, appended a discussion of the name athenaeum to his memo. In ancient Rome, McKenna noted, the Athenaeum was a school oforatory, philosophy, jurisprudence, and poetry founded by Hadrian on the Capitoline Hill and surviving until the fifth century. The word also meant a liter- ary or scientific association or club, or a building where a library, periodicals, or news- papers were kept. In Belgium and the Netherlands, Athenaeum was used to describe a secondary school emphasizing classical education. So much for the academic aims of the proposed Athenaeum. McKenna also wanted something warm, congenial, club-like, something recalling the Claremont Inn and Lowell House. To suggest these values, lVIcKenna turned to the Encyclopedia Britannica for a discussion of the Athe- naeum, a London club founded in 1823, with most of the leading literary men of the day-novelist Sir Walter Scott and poet Thomas Moore, among them-serving on the original committee. McKenna also Cited the Athenaeum at Cal Tech, the exqui- site faculty club designed by Gordon Kaufmann, which opened in 1930. CMC, in short, needed another approach entirely toward the goal ofeducating and refining its student body. Classroom lectures and examinations obviously stood at the center of the educational program; and from time immemorial students had been wont to educate each other through their association on the playing fields, their par- ties, their late-night discussions in the dormitories. McKenna, however, was envie sioning a third axis of approach: one promoting learning and intellectual inquiry for their own sakes in the loosely structured atmosphere of an ancient Roman academy or a nineteenth-century London club. Founded according to the Oxbridge ideal, CMC could be expected to be most congenial to such a civil and civilizing venue for the life of the mind. Besides, students could always be attracted by steak dinners! With a generosity equaling his enthusiasm, McKenna announced to the trust- eesemuch to their surprise-ethat he was prepared to donate $700,000 toward the Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 '73 In September 1974 aflashjiood took the life ofphysical education professor and longtime basketball and tennis coach Ted Ducey. Thefollowing month, the CM C gymnasium was dedicated in honor 0fthe beloved. coach-educator who had brought the Stags tofour conference championships. endowment of the operating expenses of the proposed Athenaeum, provided that the money be matched on a two-to-one basis. McKennas gift boosted to $9.4 million the amount raised in three years, and placed the $13-million Plan for Distinction cam- paign one year ahead of schedule. At its meeting of 25 March 1968, the board of trust- ees asked English professor John Dunbar to Chair an ad hoc committee on the Athe- naeum. The committee included Bensonls administrative assistant Jack Stark. Its report elaborated on the ideas first sketched by McKenna in his rough-draft memo. The Athenaeum would accommodate up to two hundred guests and would be lo- cated between Collins and Seaman Halls. It would include an apartment for a resi- dent director, comparable to a house master, and other apartments for visiting schol- ars and lecturers. The resident house masterll must be a person of many talents: well connected, loving social life, skilled in the organization of tasteful entertainment. In addition to evening dinner-lectures and discussions, there would also be large-scale musical entertainments from time to time and a continuing array of luncheon and dinner programs in the smaller seminar-dining rooms. Food served at these dinners would be several notches above that of Collins Hall, which meant that the Athenaeum would operate its own kitchen. At all evening events, coats and ties would be required. The total projectebuilding and endowmente-would cost between $1.4 and $1.7 million. Although the board authorized $50,000 for working drawings, it would require more than fifteen years to build a permanent facility. No matter: the very concept of the Athenaeum, thanks to Donald McKenna, challenged CIVIC to View itself from an enhanced perspective. And besides, the Athenaeum began its program in 1970 at the former Presidents House, a full decade before it enjoyed its own building. Throughout the 19505, President George C. S. Benson and the trustees maintained a vigorous and consistent political orientation linked to a philosophy of individual lib- erty and responsibility and a commitment to the free-enterprise system. On 19 Sep- tember 1950, for example, in the course of notifying Herbert Hoover, J11, ofhis election as a trustee, Benson wrote that CMC llhas also taken a Firm stand in favor of political and economic liberty which is a unique position so far as high quality academic insti- tutions are concerned? Bensonls letter to Hoover contained a leitmotifeCMC as bastion of liberty, free enterprise, and traditional moral value in an otherwise left- liberal academic landscapeeto which Benson would return year after year in his in- troduction to the Annual Report. Bensonls belief that such a philosophy rested upon spiritual foundations led him in the early 19503 to seek permanent funding for an already established professorship in Christian ethics; CMClg required course in Christian ethics must be taught, as Ben- son put it, by a professor who had an established belief in God? Likewise, it would Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 be required that the candidate for a Chair in economic education llhave a thorough understanding of and belief in what private enterprise has done and can do in the rais- ing of standards of hundreds of millions ofpeople in the United States and elsewhere in the world. If donors to either Chair found themselves disappointed in the appoin- tee, Benson agreed, a specified process would be set in motion to considerhis removal. If the College refused to accept such a removal, the fund would revert to either the donors 01' another institution. The CMC Archives are replete with proposals for pro- fessorships written in the 19505 that make similar linkages between subject matter and the personal beliefs of the appointed professor. The very roll call of the proposals, moreovereprofessorships in small business, money and credit in a free economy, freedom against communism, the theory of a free economy, the philosophical and re- ligious basis of political economy, decentralized government, Christian ethics and philosophy, the ethics of economics, economic and political freedom, decentralized government, the philosophy ofindividualism-bespoke the desire of Benson and the trustees to fashion CMC as a bastion of anti-big government, free-enterprise value. The trustees thoroughly approved of such a linkage between stated value and fund- raising. In 1952 trustee Carl Braun coauthored with trustees Hoover, Erkes, Lyman, and Beckett a pamphlet entitled A College Declares for Free Enterprise, which de- scribed CMC as 'la private institution, dedicated to training men who will help carry on our American free-enterprise way of life? Donald McKenna agreed. Noting a pro- posed CMC research project into the relationship between economic and political liberty, McKenna wrote a prospective donor in May 1953: uIf they can demonstrate that there is a close relationship between these kinds of liberty, it would be helpful for converting some of our socialist professors and other intellectuals to the value of free enterprise? Such sentiment was entirely appropriate to a college that had long since chosen Crescit Cum Commercio Civitas tCiVilization Increases with Commercel as its motto; a college that in March 1954 invited the greatest living philosopher-economist of free enterprise, the Austrian emigre Frederick von Hayek, author of the classic Road to Serfdom 09449, as the keynote speaker for Founders' Day. lI-Iere we are Tree enterprise, conscious, George Benson wrote in Westward, the magazine of the Kaiser Steel Company, in February 1956. TlOur students know us and we know them. Businessmen have a high regard for our graduates. Last year, thirty corporations came here for interviews with the graduating class, but we had less than thirty students to place? With the backing of the board of trustees, who shared Bensonls orientation, the president took the CMC message on the Southern California lecture Circuit. In early 1952, in a talkbefore the Town Hall forum in Los Angeles, Benson denounced current scandals in the Truman administration, subliminally tbut not overtlyl linking them to 176 Claremont McKenmi College . ' I jig? I m wgiai? '3 : , aw James and Gloria Stewart were CM C parents. In the spring of 1966 James Stewart was named a trustee. Shown here with Modestus Bauer, the Stewart's brought to CMC the glamour 0fthe Hollywood establishment. iithe New Deal Santa Claus philosophy of something for nothing, the government owes me a living? Speaking before a group of certified public accountants in mid- 1953, Benson noted that the majority of academicians were Democrats but that few of them iiwouId continue to be collectivists if they realized that economic controls were endangering political liberty. In America as elsewhere, he contended, :Kit must be clear that giving government increased power over economic life will merely increase the appetite of those who possess political power for more power. Recognized as a prominent Republican spokesman in Southern California, Benson was recruited in early 1954 into the Eisenhower administration, and served six months as research di- rector of the Commission on Intergovernmental Relations in Washington, where he continued to advocate governmental decentralization. In his 1958 Lincoln Day Ade dress to the Lincoln Club of Los Angeles, Benson urged Republicans to maintain their opposition to inflation, communism, and labor Violence. In the early years of the 19503, faculty were asked to rate graduating seniors in a number of categories, including iiloyalty to the United States? There were three op- tions: iino overt evidence of such, some evidence, a great deal of evidence. In a 1953 pamphlet entitled Innocent Traitors, CIVIC psychology professor Lucien Warner ar- gued that the erosion of traditional values among Americans was making them, at least on the level of the unconscious, de facto traitors-innocent traitors, in Warneris termseto the American way of life in its battle with worldwide communism and other menaces. That same year, Warner returned to his theme in a second essay, pub- lished in the March 1953 issue of the Claremont Men's College Bulletin. IIAmericans are unrealisticf Warner warned, Hin not recognizing the possibility that within a gen- eration this country may become a Russian satellite? In politically sensitive times, such as election year 1952, matters could get ticklish. In March 1952, for example, a local pro-America organization, hearing that CMC had invited a representative of the American Civil Liberties Union to speak on campus, loudly protested that CIVIC had invited a communist into its midst. Trustee chairman Garner Beckett sprang t0 the defense of the trustees and the College. RIf the man had been a Communist, Beckett wrote to trustee Edward Lyman on 11 March 1952, Iiwe would not have scheduled him to speak in the First place; ifwe had scheduled a Com- munist in error, we would not have hesitated to cancel the engagement; for CIVICIS platforms are not presently open to Communists. However, since neither the speaker nor his organization is Communistic, we refused to cancel the engagement and in- vited all the protestants to come and hear him? Equally sensitive that electoral year was a scheduled visit of James Roosevelt, son of FDR and a liberal Democrat, hence doubly compromised in the minds of certain CIVIC supporters, who protested the sched uled appearance to Benson. It is my fault, Benson replied, uthat we released this without the additional information that we are 178 Claremont McKenVLa College having a distinguished Republican speaker during the same week. The College has traditionallyhad Republican and Democratic speakers immediatelybefore elections. This sense of balance, of inclusiveness within a generally conservative orientation, asserted itself with increasing strength throughout the 19603. Surveying the previous decade in the Annual Report for 1961e62, Benson reaffirmed Views expressed in the Annual Report for 1951-52: namely, as Benson then stated, Tan education which is to develop an appreciation of sound political and economic values must recognize the spiritual and moral bases of such action. A year later, however, in the Annual Report for 1962-63, Benson was admitting that iipolitically, the far left and the far right may become anti-intellectual if they substitute emotion for analysis. . . . The liberty-loving American way of life can survive against communism or other threats only if sup- ported by rigorous education and rigorous intellectual endeavor. Bensorfs willing- ness to align the antieintellectualism of the Far Right with that of the Far Left repre- sented a juxtapositioning that would have proven near-impossible in the early 19503. Furthermore, for all his rhetoric Benson was presiding over a faculty in which moder- ate Democrats, not Republicans, predominated in terms of sheer numbers. Yet the minute this is acknowledged, it must also be admitted that at CMC the conservative professors tended to be the most published and best known. Hence, as far as the gen- eral public was concerned, CMC remained a conservative institution. Tensions and preoccupations surrounding the great issues of the 19603, howevere the civil rights movement, the war on poverty, and the war in Vietnamerevealed that CMC was not as monolithically conservative as many believed. Eighteen CMC pro- fessors, for example, signed a fullepage advertisement in The Associate 011 29 October 1964 urging a vote for Lyndonjohnson over Barry Goldwater. Senator Eugene McCar- thy spoke on campus on 28 October 1966, fielding questions about the Vietnam War, the draft, and black power. Ramparts managing editor Robert Scheer spoke at Holmes Hall in early November. Even Norman Thomas, arch-exponent of socialism in Amer- ica, was invited on campus, although his speech tgiven in McKenna Auditorium on 14 April 1966l offered a somber reassessment of socialism in America. By 1967 Benson was writing a pamphlet entitled Balance on Campus in which he claimed that the CMC faculty, especially in such crucial areas as economics and political science, was equally divided between Republicans and Democrats; he admitted, though, that the Democrats also tended to be suspicious of Keynesian formulas of big-government spending. Likewise, Benson Claimed, was opinion on such vital matters as the war in Vietnam, the war on poverty, freedom of speech, and the regulation of industry by government equally divided in orientation, although even here Republicans and Democrats tended to cross party lines on certain issues. llSome professors think that we are wrong to have any conservatives on our faculty, Benson argued. They call us black reactionaries because we do. What is a decent balance? It cant be as simple as Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 179 180 hiring a Democrat for every Republican; as hiring equal numbers of Christians and non-Christians; behavioralists and non-behavioralists. . . . A college is not a place for indoctrination, on one side or the other. Bensons pamphlet echoed more private discussions among the trustees. On the one hand, as has been suggested, most were ofa generally conservative stripe. Trustee John Lusk, for example, wanted the Plan for Distinction adopted in 1965 to be called lA Plan for the Survival of Freedomi' or A Plan for the Freedom of Menls Mindsf, On the other hand, trustee Charles Cavanaugh, a Los Angeles attorney with two degrees from Stanford, openly warned the trustees at their meeting of 13 April 1966 that they must not require political orthodoxy as a requisite for appointment to the faculty. The board of trustees? Cavanaugh argued, thas the responsibility to see that the spirit of academic freedom is always maintained. . . . We must avoid adopting a position that makes it unhealthy for faculty to make known their particular position on any given subject. Likewise did Bensonls and the trustees position on federal aid show some shifting. The decade opened with a rousing declaration against federal aid, written by George Benson and presented to the board of trustees for adoption. Claremont Meifs Col- lege, the declaration stated, ilbelieves in a free society. We cannot maintain our soci- ety free if we ask the government for largesse. While this applies to all citizens and all organizations, the point is especially crucial when it comes to educational institutions whose independence of all state control is absolutely essential to their maintaining free inquiry. Trustee Herbert Hoover, Jr, however, offered a caution. Federal aid go- ing to medical and scientific research, Hoover argued, should not be condemned. Nor should federal support of ROTC, specifically the $666,000 grant accepted in 1967 by the College from the Department of Defense toward the construction of the ROTC wing of Bauer Center. Even before that, however, the hard-line stance was softening. The 1960 resolution, as passed, in fact, contained the qualification: iiWe have no objection to contractual relations with the national government? At the board meeting of 11 June 1965, trustee Fred Riehman suggested that, given the wholesale entrance of the federal government into the Helds of dormitory and laboratory con- struction and student scholarships, it had become time to reexamine the blanket pol- icy of no federal aid. Benson himself began to adjust his opinion, particularly in the matter of federal scholarships for lowdncome students. At the board meeting of 1 March 1966, Benson informed the trustees that CMC had applied for a $40,000 fed- eral scholarship grant. Despite the fact that the grant was rejected, the very applica- tion represented a shift in position. At its meeting of13July 1967, the trustees agonized not only over the money for Bauer Center, but also over a $66,000 grant for a new gym- nasium under the Higher Education Facilities Act of 1963, Title I. Trustees Eugene Wolver, a Los Angeles attorney, and Theodore Burnett, chairman of the board of Pa- C la'remont McKemw College Cihc Mutual Life Insurance Company, were especially opposed. Benson distributed a report by Robert Bernard showing that most, if not all, members of the Association of Independent California Colleges and Universities accepted federal aid for construc- tion. The College, Benson continued, was llteetering on the brink of financial diffi- cultiesn because of its current rate of expansion. Becoming Hrst rate costs money. llAdcl to this;y Benson continued, llthe fact that all of our competitors are accepting federal aid; we could easily End ourselves in a position of not raising the kind of money that will meet our needs and compensate for the lack of federal aid as well. Benson admit- ted his own prior disapproval of federal aid, but to continue this position, he argued, would jeopardize the well-being of the College. Trustee Charles Cavanaugh backed Benson with a number of strong arguments. HThere is no better use of public money, Cavanaugh concluded, nthan to strengthen higher education? On a motion by Her- bert Hoover, Jr., the board endorsed a recommendation by the finance committee that CMC accept the federal money. The controversy continued, however, through the meetings of 3 August 1967 and 10 January 1968, with trustee Wolver leading the oppo- sition to federal aid, in this case scholarships, and trustee Cavanaugh defending its acceptance. The very fact of the debateeetogether with the federal money that had already been acceptedesignaled that as a matter of practice, if not clear-cut theory, CIVIC had significantly modified its blanket hostility toward federal aid. Still, the general orientation of the College in matters political and economic held steady. Eugene McCarthy, Robert Scheer, and others on the Left might make CMC appearances as a result of the overall fissure arising from the Vietnam War. But former Senator William Knowland, 1964 Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwa- ter, nuclear physicist and cold warrior Edward Teller, Senator George Murphy of Cali- fornia, Senator Charles Percy of Illinois, such leading free-market economists as Mil- ton Friedman of the University of Chicago, and conservative political philosopher Leo Strauss talso of the University of Chicago and mentor of two key CIVIC faculty members, Martin Diamond and HarryJaffal were more typical of who was doing most of the speechifying at CMC. On the other hand, when Senator Robert Kennedy of New York was assassinated in June 1968, his good friend Senator Henry Jackson of Washington, a Democrat, flew from Saturday morning services in St. Patricks Cathe- dral, New York City, to CMC. Already scheduled to deliver the commencement ad- dress Gaeksonls wife was a 1955 graduate of Scrippsl, Jackson gave a moving eulogy for the fallen senator, which was also a rousing call for the reform of America, thoroughly Democratic in its emphasis upon poverty programs, Civil rights, Child care, public health insurance, and gun control. The students hearing Jacksonls speech belonged to the most ideologically unsettled college generation since the Civil War. Now in midcourse, the war in Vietnam had Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 181 The Group Plan envisioned the governance 0fthe Associated Colleges as a shared enterprise 0n the Oxford model, with the presidents sitting as a coordinating council. profoundly shaken the image ofAmerican society; and since CIVIC in its official ideol- ogy envisioned itself as directly connected to the best possibilities of American civili- zation, the ordeal of that civilizationemuch less its alleged complicity in an unjust and unwise war-was doubly unsettling. CIVIC, after all, saw itselfnot on the margins of American society but at the center of Americas hopes and values. A high propor- tion of CMC graduates served as officers and enlisted men in the conflict. As in the case of the Korean War, moreover, there was always the threat of the draft. On the other hand, despite the participation of some CIVIC students in anti- Vietnam demonstrations toward the end of the decade, the undergraduate profile de- scribed by David Boroffin his December 1959 article in Harper's remained essentially consistent throughout the 19605. The majority of CMC men continued to major in either economics or political science, and the majority of this majority looked forward to careers in business and finance. Promotional pamphlets from the decade such as The Kin ome and Managers of Tomorrow: What the Corporate Executive Should Know About Claremont Men's College, while underscoring the public affairs oriene tation of CIVIC and its liberal arts tradition, continued to promote the College as a source of business leadership. Two graduates in economics from the mid-decade- George Roberts, ,66, and Henry Kravis, ,67-would in short order emerge as com- manding figures on Wall Street. On the other hand, CMC students, while maintaining a steady profile, were not exempt from the profound Changes of value and lifestyle that characterized the de- cade. Alumni reminiscences of the early and mide196os, solicited by Ladell Pay11e,J1-., in 1970, frequently repeat a sense of transition. Many of the regularly scheduled theme dances, so important to the 19503, survived into the early196os but were a thing of the past by the end of the decade. November 1964 witnessed the last great prank in the style of the 1950s, an incident in Las Vegas involving the Knickerbockers, which made the second front page of the L05 Angeles Times. iSoon, demonstrations would replace pranksJ Even Stinkyis, the famed CMC hangout at the corner of Foothill Boulevard and Mountain Avenue, ended its twenty-two-year life span in 1968. A member of the Class of 1967, then serving as an Army captain of infantry in Alaska after a tour of duty in Vietnam, remembered his freshman year in 1963 as re- plete with traditions from the 19505: freshman orientation tincluding a shaved headi, serenading the Scrippsies, dinner with mandatory coat and tie. Yet within the year, these traditions faded because, as this particular graduate put it, iiin 1964 and 1965 a different caliber of man started to attend CIVIC. He was no longer a war babyf He was much smarter tor at least he thought he wasi. These traditions died for lack of care on the part of the students as well as a new direction of academic interest and group de- sires. They got their kicks in a different way. Actually, the hazing of freshmen lasted another year before the administration Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 18 3 ended all such practices for not being in conformity with the California state anti- hazing law, which prohibited recipients of state scholarships from attending any insti- tution where hazing practices tended to degrade freshman or fraternity initiates. llLooking back, reminisced another alumnus of the era, an entering freshman in Sep- tember 1964, llit seems to me that the place changed a great deal in those years, but then maybe it wasjust me that Changed. At any rate, when I was a fineshman7 the atmo- sphere seemed very boola-boola, like I was told it was when the school first opened. . . . My class was the last that was shaved, since, as we all know, college students have been getting less and less tractable for a long time, and the Class that followed us sim- ply wouldnlt put up with it? The reference here is to the fact that the freshman Class of1965, not satisfied at the tonecl-down nature of the orientation, simply refused en masse to wear coats and ties to dinner in Collins Hall. By the end of the decade, students frequently insisted on playing recorded rock music in Collins Hall during meals, which discouraged faculty attendance by rendering the dinner hour, in the words of one faculty member, llan un- guided tour of Pandemonium. The refusal of the freshman class of 1965 to wear coats and ties to dinner during their period of initiation signaled a continuing motiffor the decade: a struggle for stu' dent power. A strongly anti-authoritarian generation had arrived on the college scene, at CMC and elsewhere throughout the nation. Alumni reminiscences sent to Payne in the summer of 1970 are almost uniformly hostile to the administration. George Benson pitted himself against this new mood. Throughout the country, Benson told the faculty on 21 January 1966, students llseem to want a free university with no restraints. College administrators were concerned llthat student bodies do not become as they are in Asia and Latin America. Again and again, as in his opening convocation speech in the Jfall of 1967, lWVho Runs Claremont Menls College?,, Ben- son took a firmly traditional line in the matter of collegial governance. A year later, again in the opening convocation speech, Benson returned once more to the fray. Stu- dents who wished to promote change, Benson noted, should be sure of their facts, should make proposals that are financially feasible, should pay reasonable attention to the Viewpoints of others, and should realize the implications of the policies they are advocating. The student proposal to eliminate failures from transcripts, for example, was ill considered since it would compromise the ability of CIVIC students to get into graduate school. The elimination of ROTC, another proposal, would risk even more militarism in American society. Good manners, Benson enjoined, Tare still a very important lubricant on the social mechanism. An intricate and intermittent struggle for increased student power, meanwhile, was continuing. Among other things, students did not like required convocations, the absence of students on faculty and trustee committees, and what they considered the 184 Clm'emont IVIcKemza College lack of due process in the administration of discipline, in which minor offenses were tried by the student court, while a faculty body heard all major complaints. In May 1965, the faculty announced that seven of its major committeeseadmissions and fi- nancial aid, college development, curriculum, honors, postgraduate study, religious affairs, and study abroadewould henceforth include student members. On 26 Au- gust that year, student activist Lucien Levesque recommended the establishment of ajoint faculty-student collegejudiciary board. Levesque also appended to his recome mendation numerous restraints on the exercise of disciplinary power. The proposal was studied, but got nowhere. Two years later, a thoroughly radicalized Levesque run- ning for student body president was saying: llThe time has come for student govern- ment and the student body to get off our collective hind ends and use the physical force of 740 men to bring about the radical changes necessary in the community? Even more surprisingly, the outgoing student body president Ray Drummond blasted the administration in a speech at the end of his tenure. Too many people like Jack Starkfl Drummond thundered, urun too many of the affairs of the school. The follow- ing fall, the ASCMC Senate censured the board of trustees for the trustees, blatant reversal of the expressed will of an overwhelming plurality of Claremont Menls Col- lege students to assess each student one dollar per semester for a Minority Student Scholarship Fund? More hopefully, 21 goals conference held the previous spring brought students and faculty into two days of dialogue on such subjects as educational content, course structures and teaching methods, the grading system, extracurricular activities, stu- dent government, and various administration policies. A Committee on Student Rights was formed in the late spring of 1968. Consisting of three students Chosen by the ASCMC Senate, three faculty members elected by the faculty, and two adminise trators appointed by the president, the committee was Charged with examining the entire question of student governance at CIVIC. In the fall of 1968, a revised tand somewhat liberalizedl Associated Students constitution was drafted; and on 6 No- vember 1968 the CMC Committee on Student Rightsestudents George Britton, Fredric Shaffer, and Lucien Levesque; faculty members John Dunbar, Winston Fisk, andjohn Roth; and dean of students Clifton MacLeod and clean of the faculty Harold McClelland-after meeting all summer and fall, issued an ambitious thirty-page re- port that, among other guarantees, set forth student rights to due process. Specifically, the report urged important restrictions on the practice of summary suspensions, calling for the presentation of evidence before a mixed-panel College Judiciary Board, which included students and faculty, before such a suspension could be made. The report also condemned the practice of double jeopardy-which is to say, a student beingpenalized twice, on campus and offefor off-campus misbehavior. While emergency situations did exist, 110 student should summarily have his room Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 185 A BOVE : Lawyer, citrus grower, and banker Russell Pitzer had in the spring of 1946 matched Donald McKenna'sfozyL-nding grant, which made possible the opening of the College. Like M cKemrm, he would live to see a C laremont college named in his honor. RIG HT: N0 singleftgure more deserved the title Founder than Robert Bernard. For more than twenty years, Bernard had kept alive the vision ofa third college at C laremont. Thirty years after the founding of CMC, Bernard participated in the comnrzemomtive ceremonies. searched by college authorities, nor should college authorities use academic threats or intimidations to assist Civil authorities in off-campus investigations. More ambi- tiously, the report urged the creation of a general student-faculty legislative body. While setting forth a number of student rights, the report also set forth student obliga- tions, especially in the matter of on-campus civil behavior. On the other hand, Disci- plinary proceedings should be instituted only for Violations of standards of conduct formulated with significant student participation and published in advance through such means as a student handbook or a generally available body of institutional regula- tions? The CIVIC Committee on Student Rights was not an officially recognized com- mittee of the board of trustees. It was, rather, an ad hoc committee of faculty, adminis- trators, and students. Yet most of its recommendations eventually became part of administrative practice. Sex, drugs, rock n roll, and demonstrations seemed to get most students in trouble. It was a measure of the decade that it began with a rather pious symposium entitled uSex and Morals on Campus, on 20 October 1960 topinion was for morals and against sex on campusl, escalated into the Great Panty Raid of1963, and continued through 1964 with sex as an almost compulsively discussed question, especially after a Novem- ber scandal involving students and Showgirls in Las Vegas. tProfessor John Israel, tongue in cheek, proposed in a letter to the editor of The Collegian on 20 February 1964 that the Associated Colleges open a brothel to eliminate all the distractions cre- ated by male and female students pursuing each other or being pursuedj The rebel- lion culminated in the demand by many students in late 1968 that the College allow them open house visitation rights in their rooms twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week, as voted by the CMC Associated Students Senate on 30 October 1968, after a poll showed that: 462 students or 91.3 percent favored such an option. Benson thought this might have been the single most damaging thing to happen in CMC history, had it been adopted. On the other hand, even in a decade of sexual revolution, old-fashioned romance was still in evidence. One student, Class of 69, writing to Ladell Payne in 1970, re- membered sitting up all night with a young lady on Mount Baldy for six and a half hours, waiting for the total lunar eclipse ofNovembe11967, sitting and doing nothing except reinforcing each others idealism. Sex, drugs, rock 'n, roll: certainly rock ,n, roll, especially when played louclly on high- Fidelity equipment, put strains on dorm life. One student reminisced to Ladell Payne that the gentleman next door seemed to play llWooly Bullyn twenty-four hours a day. Mid-decade witnessed a crisis of misappropriationecollege silver, China, con- diments from Collins Hall, chairs from McKenna Union-bordering on felonious theft. A student government officer, The Collegian reported on 18 November 1966, was caught carrying a college chair to his on-campus dorm room. At its meeting of Achievement and Controversy, 196oe1969 ,, I87 June 1969 the trustees confronted yet another dorm crisis: a demand, presented by student body president Larry Gilson, for coed living in the dorms. CIVIC men, Gilson argued, should live with women as people rather than View them as possible con- quests. Dress, behavior, decorum, and grades could be expected to improve in a coed situation. The trustees were not impressed with Gilsorfs arguments. Meanwhile, a new temptation, drugs, had also become a problem. Occasionally LSD was the culprit, as in the case of the student under its influence who stole a car and took ajoyride to San Clemente in February 1968 the was suspended for a year but escaped criminal penaltiesl But in most instances it was marijuana, an Open topic of discussion on campus by 1967 and a rather amusing scandal in March 1968 when a member of the CMC student court was arrested for possession after local police, picka ing him up for a malfunctioning taillight, found paraphernalia and suspicious mate- rial. tThe student was acquitted in court on grounds of illegal search and seizures The faculty minutes for 8 June 1967 report: 8Dr. Benson reminded the faculty that marijuana is a dangerous drug, and the use of it carries heavy penalties. In April 1968 the director of the Associated Colleges Counseling Center urged students to cut down on their use of drugs and to be discreet about public usage to avoid confronta- tion with civil authorities. By April 1970 Dean Clifton MacLeod was admitting to La- dell Payne that while the use of dangerous drugs, LSD and the acids, had declined appreciably, somewhere between so and 80 percent of the students have used, or are using, marijuana. On the other hand, it would be a mistake to depict the decade tespecially the sec- ond halD as totally drug-crazed and disruptive, although old-guard faculty and staff, looking back a decade or two, might have been tempted to voice such an opinion. Many student crises were relatively innocent, such as the question of whether CIVIC should close down its student-run bookstore in favor of an all-Associated Colleges facility. Presidential assistant Jack Stark was outspokenly in favor of CMC main- taining its own bookstore on campus. A central bookstore, Stark argued, could repre- sent a dangerous monopoly, uinsensitive to the market. Besides, the CMC bookstore was a place where students and faculty met in an informal atmosphere connected with books and the life of the mind. George Benson openly wondered whether a large- scale, Associated College-wide bookstore really had an adequate market in the re- gion, including off-campus business. After much controversy, the larger bookstore prevailed and opened in October 1968 with a semi-psychedelic sign over the entrance of its temporary quarters proclaiming CLU STERS FIRST STAND. Despite the disappearance of the theme dances of the 19505 and early 19605, the annual ROTC Military Ball was held, with President Benson attending in uniform; and students still enjoyed an extensive varsity and intramural program as well as an array of cultural events and social activities. The Model United Nations, the Stag Pep 188 C laremom McKemm College Band, the Glee Club, the radio station KCMC, the Four College Players treplacing the CMC-Scripps Siddonsy, the Claremont Forensic Society, the Stags Service Orga- nization, the Ski Club, the Business Club, and other organizations thrived. The Ayer yearbook continued to attract talented students, as did The C laremont Collegian, the Eve-campus newspaper publishing from 1966 onward. Students still flocked to the playing Helds, and the CMC-Harvey Mudd Stags con- tinued to field credible teams. Yet by 1965 the Stagst glory days in football were, tempo- rarily at least, over. That year, the football team tunder the direction of new head coach Don Stalwicld lost to Pomona 29-0, lost to Cal Lutheran 35-0, lost to Occidental 34- 0, lost to UC Riverside 16-10, lost to Redlands 14-3, lost to La Verne 37-7, and lost to Whittier 28-3. Only a 54-7 victory over Cal Tech prevented total humiliation, bool - ending the Stagst 6-0 win over the University of San Francisco at the start of the sea- son. Nearly a decade earlier, Robert Bernard and other members of the CMC faculty had warned it would be dichult to sustain the Stags as a football power. Their ar- gument seemed to be borne out, as other Stag teams-in water polo, cross country, tennis, golf, and wrestling-performed more credibly. In 1966-67 the Stag basket- ball team, coached by Ted Ducey, won the SCIAC championship. In 1967 the Stag swim team, coached by Dez Farnady, took the NAIA national championship; and the golf team, coached by dean of students Clifton MacLeod, took the SCIAC title. Despite revolutions of value and practice among the many, a notable number of CMC students continued to attend the College Church, which since 1949 had been the headquarters of the Associated College-wide Chaplaincy program. By 1969 the Chaplaincy program included Roman Catholic, Jewish, Episcopal, Christian Scien- tist, and Latter Day Saints classes, clubs, and services. Predominately Protestant in makeup, the CIVIC student body nevertheless from the beginning sustained a notice- able Catholic and Jewish population. Islam and Buddhism were also consistently rep- resented, usually by foreign students, albeit not in large numbers. Thanks to support from Colonel Seeley Mudd, a visiting professorship of Christian ethics and philoso- phy tinitially held 011 a Visiting basis by Dr. Ralph Tyler Flewelling, formerly of the School of Philosophy at U801 was established in late 1951. Mudde $25,000 was soon followed by an offer of $60,000 for the same professorship by Dr. ArthurV. Stoughton, provided that the funds were matched. In the fall of 1952, Dr. Frank Vanderhoof, a graduate of the San Francisco Theological Seminary, an ordained Presbyterian minis- ter, and a recent PhD. in the history and philosophy of religion and ethics from C0- lumbia joined the faculty as an assistant professor of Christian ethics on the Mudd- Stoughton bequest. Since 1952, then CIVIC students had the benefit of both classroom teaching 1n the Judeo- Christian tradition and the Chaplaincy resources of the College Church, where such innovative clergymen as Dr. Howard Thurman 0f the Church of the Fellowship Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 189 AB OVE: GarnerA. Beckett, Chairman of the board of trustees, 1946 6 5. RIGHT: ChesterA. Rude, chairman 0fthe board oftrustees, 1965- 68. of All Peoples in San Francisco Hater at Boston University a mentor of Martin Luther King, JrQ and Dr. Alan Watts, dean of the American Academy of Asian Studies in San Francisco Hater the leading philosopher of Christian Zeni, were wont to be invited to share the pulpit. In the mid-196os Dr. J. Robert Meyners, a University of Chicago bachelor of divinity and a doctor of theology from the Chicago Theological Seminary, held the Stoughton professorship and felt confident enough in the presence of relie gious value at CMC to take on-at least to qualifyethe most prized notion in the CMC philosophy, individualism. Good naturedly sparring with economics professor Procter Thomson in the March 1965 Individualist, Meyners challenged Thomsons tongue-in-Cheek aphorism iiGreed is good? which Thomson used to suggest a basis of enlightened self-interest in humaMeconomiC affairs. Paradoxically, Meyners came ' up with a very CMC-like refutation, in which he defended a higher individualism based on a philosophy of personalism in human relationships. iiWe are who we are, Meyners declared, iiby Virtue of relationships of kinship and interdependency. The moment we become isolated individuals we become nobody. We then surrender to the system and become units in an organizational machine. Adroitly, the CMC philos- ophy of responsible individualism had been challenged and, from new premises, re- afhrmed. This in many ways can be taken as a symbol of the entire decade as far as undergrad- uate life was concerned. Things fell apart, but the center held. All in all, the more things changedeand they changed plenty in the 196os!ethe more things, if not re- mained the same, then at least adhered to some element of sameness and sanity. Col- lege life, after all, continued to be college life, possessed of its own satisfactions and continuities. Here was the time in a young person,s life to dream, to prepare for the future, and to discover oneself, alone in study or in the companionship of the dorm. iil lived in Green, remembered William Hutchinson, ,69, and it was a very Close-knit group. And in my first two years it was little different from a fraternity, except that freshmen could be assigned. . . . We lived together closely and tolerantly. We had a music major, an accountant who loved the Rolling Stones and Rachmaninoff, prefera- bly loudly and late at night, and a rugby player thoroughly conversant With contempoe rary poetry the loved Kazantzakisi. His major was computer sciences. We learned quickly tnot always painlesslyi t0 forebear with each other. It seems tremendously long ago, those four-plus years, and our amusements were so simple and wholesome. My freshman year we piled many bodies into a few cars and went to Rosarito Beach for a weekend. For Easter we went camping in the Grand Canyon. We played months of bridge and more bridge. One fall we had a round-robin tournament that continued for two and a half months, with a complicated system of scoring, called Donny points to determine individual prowess. It was named after, indeed, founded by Mike Dona- van, who gave a fine party to celebrate the end of football season, which ended with a Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 191 bridge table on Parents, Field at 7:00 A.M. by candlelight, playing what must have been the 150th or 200th hand of the nighttday. We had keggers known far and wide tas we fondly saidy as Green Hall Revivalsean occasion known for a certain amount of droll- ery, sermons, testimonials, and of course baptisms, and large quantities of beer. We celebrated each others birthdays. CMC undergraduates 0f the 19403 and 19503 would have understood completely! Teaching these young men and administering the College in Which they were taught was a faculty and staff reaching new levels of professional competence and esprit de corps, if not affluence. In December 1959 David Boroff, writing in Harper's, described the CMC faculty as consisting ofiiseasoned pros. Of the twenty-five full-time faculty on staff as the decade opened, the majority were of this caliber: such seasoned pros as W. Bayard Taylor, dean of the faculty and professor of finance; Stuart Briggs, dean of administration and associate professor of accounting; Walter Buckingham Smith, James G. Boswell Professor of American Economic Institutions; George Gibbs, asso- ciate professor of accounting; Winston Fisk, professor of government; S. Leonard Dart, professor of physics; John Dunbar, professor of English; and Orme Wheelock Phelps, senior professor of economics. Still on staff, albeit on leave, was Gottfried Thomas Mann, professor of history. These senior figures had by the 19605 become in their own way quasi-founders, given the important role they played in formulating the CMC point of view and communicating it to the CMC community and the outside world. In this regard, I. Anton de Haas and Orme Phelps played very important roles as spokesmen for the College and formulators of its ethos. Emeritus since 1958, J. An- ton de Haas passed away on 6 October 1963 at the age of eighty. More than any other faculty member, this energetic, charismatic Dutchman trecruited from a full profes- sorship at the Harvard Business SchOOD suggested in and of himself a level of acae demic excellence toward which CMC strove. Other faculty members reaching the associate professor level were also making their reputations: Harold McClelland and Procter Thomson in economics, Paul A1- hrecht in psychology, Martin Diamond in political science, Herbert Hoskins, J11, in English, John Ferling in mathematics, and James Rogers in history. William Stokes came as senior professor of comparative political institutions in 1958. Economist McClelland, a 1959 Harvard PhD. and an expert in taxation, primarily at the state and local levels of government, was due to emerge in the 19605 as a respected academic leader, serving as dean of the faculty from 1963 to 1970. Witty, sardonic, with the gaunt good looks of a 19403 star of film noir, Procter Thomson ttheJohn C. Lincoln Professor of Economics and Administration since 1962i mesmerized students with bravura classroom performances, possessed as he was of an uncanny ability to make the ortho- dox seem unorthodox and the unorthodox seem perfectly normal. Thomsonis Laws 192 Claremont McKemm College tnineteen economic propositionsT either shocked or delighted, depending upon whether they were taken literally or tongue in Cheek. Law I tGreed is goocD was shocl - ing enough. Other laws 01, The larger the island of attainment, the longer the coast- line of desire; IX, Bad economies makes bad ethics; X, The remedy for poverty is money; XIX, A11 Charity tends to corrupt, and absolute Charity corrupts absolutelyy Clearly were designed to provoke furious discussion among undergraduates. In a witty magazine article, HGod Bless You, Ebenezer Scrooge? Thomson provocatively dis- puted the overt economic message of Dickensk A Christmas Carol. Thomson. also wrote rather chiseled poetry equally sardonic and skeptical. By 1966, the up-andecoming men and women of the late 19505 had moved into the ranks of lead faculty; and a number of recent appointmentseI-Iarold Rood in political 6 science, Robert Fossum in English, John Both in philosophy, Ricardo Quinones in comparative literature, Langdon Elsbree in English, Apostolos Athanassakis in clas- sics, Leon Hollerman in statistics, Charles Lofgren in American history, Charles Lowry and Robert Pinnell in chemistry, John Snortum in psychology,Ja11et Myhre in mathematics, Durward Poynter in German, Barbee-Sue Rodman in history, John Ise rael in Far Eastern history, and W. Craig Stubblebine in economicsewere launching distinguished careers. Then there were the major appointments of the era, faculty who came as full pro- fessors: William Anderson in public Hnance, Chester Jaeger in mathematics, Harry Jaffa in political philosophy, Loyda Shears in psychology, Jack Merritt in physics, and Arthur Kemp in money and credit. Appointed in 1953 after service with the Hoo- ver Commission and the National Association of Manufacturers, Arthur Kemp, the Charles M. Stone Professor of Money and Credit and a fervid defender of the gold standard, wrote numerous articles for Modern Age and other publications on mone- tary theory, welfare economics, and other topics. Kemp also served as treasurer of the Mont Pelerin Society tan international organization of leading economists founded in Switzerland in 1947 to foster the values of classical liberalismT and was active in the Philadelphia Society, another group of classical liberal economists and philosophers. Through the writings of Kemp in Modern Age and Harry Jaffa in National Review, CMC emerged in the 19605 as one of the headquarters of the conservative intellectual revival then under way in the United States. William F. Buckley, Jr., was a frequent guest lecturer on campus. In 1967 the faculty lost William Stokes to a premature death by heart attack. The loss of such a respected scholar, however, was offset in terms of academic reputation by the stunning appointment of Dr. Leo Strauss as Distinguished Professor of Politi- cal Science. At Chicago, Strauss had mentored Martin Diamond and HarryJaffa. The presence on the CMC faculty of the worlds leading Classical political philosopher added to the academic stature of CMC by a quantum leap. Whatever had been the Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 ABOVE: Jonathan B. Lovelace,Jr., chairman 0fthe board of trustees, 1973 76. RIGHT: Edwin H. Corbin, chairman 0fthe board ofmcstees, 1968-73. nature of conservatism at CIVIC before Strausss arrival, it was soon to be corroborated by the presence on the faculty ofone 0f the greatestesome say the greatestepolitical philosophers on the planet. Equally gratifying was the designation by Time in its 6 May 1966 cover story T'Great Teachers of Martin Diamond, Professor of American Political Institutions 0n the Burnet C. Wohlford Foundation, as one of the ten best college teachers in the United States. Claremont Menls College, near Los Angeles, read the Time story, has only 626 students, but it also has Bronx-born political scientist Martin Diamond, 46, who has turned an offbeat set of experiences into a classroom asset? The story went on to describe Diamonds early involvement as a socialist street-corner speaker, a merchant seaman on a gasoline tanker during the war lwhere he read innumerable books While on watch as a radio operatorl, and, after the war, a personal assistant to socialist guru Norman Thomas. At the University of Chicago, studying under Leo Strauss, Dia- mond moved from Marxism to classical liberalism. When he tried to knock Henry Millerls writing in a recent Class, Time observed, lone student blurted: 'Dammit, you had your Henry Miller periodelet me have minef ;, Time praised Diamonds teaching style, mixing ua fund of anecdotes from unlikely sourceseG. B. Shaw, Dean Martin, labor picket lines, with the serious writings of De Tocqueville, Lincoln, Aristotle, and Locke? Above all else, Time praised Diamondls commitment to the Classroom, espe- cially, as Diamond put it, his commitment to llthe ungifted kids who have character and gutsel sweat like hell with them. The recognition of Martin Diamond by Time underscored the fully emergent pro- fessionalism of the CIVIC faculty by the mid-196os, with University of Chicago gradu- ates dominating the economics and political science departments. George Benson still exercised at strong degree of control and continued to serve as chief recruiter tin March 1965, for example, Benson headed east on a two-week trip to recruit eight new facultyl; but in September 1960 a faculty manual had been published that set forth rights, obligations, and policies in various areas, including sabbaticals, along with a table giving the range of faculty salaries by rank. The faculty had also secured an im- portant beachhead in the matter of appointments, promotion, and tenure, if not out- right control of the process. Diamonds recognition by Time reinforced teaching as a requirement for promotion and tenure. On the other hand, teaching alone could not win promotion, with the exception of the appointment in English composition. De- spite the Time article, however, and an article in The College-Rater in January 1968, ranking CMC eighteenth among private colleges in the nation, faculty salaries con- tinued to remain an issue. By 1962, the average faculty salary at CMC for a teaching load of nine hours was $8,425. CIVIC had a C rating from the American Association of University Professors for its full professor salaries and a B rating for its assistant and associate professor salaries, which greatly disturbed Benson. By 1963 full professor Achievement and Controversy, 196oe1969 195 salaries had inched up, giving CMC a BB rating on the AAUP scale. By 1967 CIVIC was still at the BB level, on par with Pomona, ahead of Scripps and Pitzer, and slightly behind the Graduate School and Harvey Mudd. As usual, the faculty continued to tinker with the curriculum through the 19605, ever in search of perfection. Business administration became business economics in academic year 1960-61, then in academic year 1964-65 was combined with the for- merly separate majors of accounting and economic theory to form a single economics major, with the option of a sub-concentration in accounting. In academic year 1958- 59, government, pre-legal, and international affairs were combined into one major, public affairs, with an option for seven different sub-concentrations within the major. In academic year 1962-63, public affairs became government, then became political science in 1965-66. In academic year 1963-64, the humanities major split into sepa- rate majors in literature, history, philosophy, fine arts tcoordinated with Scripps Col- legel, and classics. A formal psychology major was included in academic year 1965- 66. Separate majors also emerged in management-engineering, the sciences, and mathematics. The most notable year of curriculum reform tor at least Changell was academic year 1966-67. A four-course system was introduced; and the faculty modi- fied the graduation requirement of a comprehensive examination by delegating to the departments all details of administration, including timing, balance between written and oral work, and whether the examination be given at all. The growing diversity of the faculty provided the impetus toward a growing diver- sity of majors. The arrival of Robert Possum and Ricardo Quinones in 1963, for ex- ample, enabled the literature faculty to develop a strong major. A number of the old- line faculty were disturbed by these developments, most notably Stuart Briggs. IlThe delinite goal of the College, Briggs was arguing in late 1969, Ilwas to be a liberal arts college with an emphasis on business and public administration. People like myself, Jordan, Phelps, and others-and of course Dr. Benson himself-were all devoted to this idea. . . . The beginning of my disillusionment with the role of this College in the Claremont Group came when we gradually phased out the idea ofbusiness and public administration and gradually phased in the idea of being strictly a liberal arts college in competition with Pomona? Briggss reservations imply the question: How was the Group Plan working? A short answer might be: It was working well enough, all things considered, but it was also showing points of stress. The Baxter Medical Building, the Honnold Library, thejoint Buildings and Grounds department, the Baxter Science Building and the tri-college joint science program, Faculty House, the McAlister Religious Center tcompleted in 1958-59, and the Pendleton Business Building talso completed that yearl-there were signs aplenty that the Group Plan as first envisioned by James Blaisdell, mod- eled on Oxford, was succeeding. Dedicated in October 1952, the Honnold Library .196 C lm'emont McKemm College AB OVE: Donald R. Wheeler, chairman 0fthe board of trustees, 1 976 - 79. L E FT: Richardj. Flamson III, chairman 0fthe board of trustees, 1979 -90. flourished under the direction of scholarelibrarian Dr. David Davies, a distinguished authority on Elizabethan and Stuart England and the history of British colonialism, who in 1964 won a coveted Guggenheim Fellowship for research in England. Two members of the CMC board of trustees, Edward Lyman and Donald McKenna, were elected president and secretary respectively of the I-Ionnold Library Society which, between 1954 and 1962, donated more than 6,000 books to the central collection. Longtime member of the Board of Fellows Will Clary, meanwhile, donated some 2,500 volumes relating to Oxford University and its colleges, the largest collection of its kind outside of Oxford itself. In the fall of 1962 plans were announced for yet another cooperative venture: the 706-seat Garrison Theater, designed by architect S. David Underwood and Millard Sheets Designs Inc., whose principal, artist and designer Millard Sheets, was a member of the Scripps faculty. The theater was ready for use by the 1963-64 academic year. Of equal importance to thesejoint-use facilities had been the founding of Harvey Mudd College in 1955 and Pitzer College in 1963, bringing the total number of COI- Ieges, if one counted the Graduate School, to six. In the founding of Harvey Mudd and Pitzer, CIVIC trustees and George Benson played important roles; indeed Pitzer, initially an all-womens college oriented toward the social sciences, was first envi- sioned as a companion college for CIVIC. George Benson was one ofits founding trust- ees and chaired the committee to select its first president, CIVIC English professor and dean of facultyJohn Atherton. Jack Stark served as temporary assistant secretary to the Pitzer board. CMC also extended to Pitzer the use of Collins Dining Hall for four years, together with offices for the president, secretary, and director of develop- ment for the new institution. CMC director of admissions and registrar Katherine Lowe was also seconded to the fledgling college. At its meeting of10 September 1963, the CMC board of trustees gave its general approval to a joint science program with Scripps and Pitzer, then in the planning stages. In April 1962, the trustees of the various colleges and the Fellows of Claremont Cole lege updated their Agreement on the Organization of Claremont College of 1959, which in turn had updated the Operating Agreement of 1941 and the Agreement on the Size of the Colleges of 1950. Approved by the various boards, the new Articles of AH'Iliation were puinshed on 20 April 1962. In this document, the coordinating entity became known as the Claremont University College, whose Board of Fellows would now elect a president for the coordinating entity. A provost would still be drawn on a rotating basis from the ranks of the presidents of the other colleges. Another new en- tity was also created, The Claremont Colleges Board of Overseers, composed of all regular members of the boards of trustees of each of the member colleges. Meeting once a year, the Board of Overseers would be an advisory body. The Intercollegiate Council remained in force as a working intercollege committee. Less than ayear later, 198 C laremont McKenna College the Board of Fellows further rehned the coordinating entity. Claremont University College now became Claremont Graduate School and University Center, effective 28 January1963. On the other hand, strained relationships now and then surfaced among the col- leges, especially in the early years between the fledgling, sometimes bumptious CMC and stately Pomona, secure in its size, Finances, and reputation. George Benson was especially sensitive to what he believed to be resistance by his alma mater to the growth and flourishing of CMC; indeed, for a time Benson dropped his Pomona BA. from his curriculum Vitae, Claiming that he did so only to prevent being introduced as the president of Pomona when he gave speeches. iiThe complex administrative struc- turef wrote David Boroff 0f the Group Plan in December 1959, has attracted wide interest among professionals; a local joke has it that any student who can explain the modus operandi of the Associated Colleges automatically gets a degree. Boroff was being facetious, 0f courseebut not entirely. As a unique experiment in collegiate federalism, the Associated Colleges required tuning and Ene-tuning de- cade by decade. On 4 April 1956, for example, the Board of Fellows authorized the termination of the provisions in the operating agreement between CMC and Clare- mont College requiring that Claremont College review CMC faculty appointments and budgets. The CMC board of trustees accepted this modification at its board meeting of 27 April. Relations among the colleges, with the exception of the Pomona- CMC tensions, which were progressively ironed out during the 1950s, tended toward cordiality. tAt its Parents and Founders Day Convocation, 18 March 1967, CMC would award President E. Wilson Lyon 0f Pomona the honorary degree Doctor of Lawsj The Group Plan, after all, had passed the point of no return. On 13 May 1957, for example, at a dinner meeting of the Friends of the Colleges at Claremont, held at the California Club in Los Angeles, guests heard President Lyon 0f Pomona, Presi- dent Hard of Scripps, President Benson of CMC, President Platt of Harvey Mudd, Dean Luther J. Lee, Jr., of the Claremont Graduate School, and Robert J. Bernard, managing director of Claremont College, celebrate the Group Plan as something des- tined for the ages. Three years later, however, at a joint meeting of the boards of trust- ees 0f the Associated Colleges, held on 19 October 1960 at the California Club, the mood was somewhat more somber, especially in the address of academic consultant Paul Davis, Vice president for development at Columbia during the presidency there of Dwight David Eisenhower. The Claremont Colleges, Davis argued, had yet to es- tablish its collective reputation nationally or internationally. This was not because the union had not achieved a notable level of excellence, which it had, but because the Associated Colleges had failed to introduce itself properly to the American academic educational establishment tDaVis suggested that someone of the stature of James Conant or John Gardner be retained to write a report on the ventureL had failed to Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 AB OVE: Robert A. Day, chairman of the board 0ftmstees, 1990 9 96. RIG HT: Robertj. Lowe, chairman of the board 0ftmstees, 1996 -present. develop a graduate school of the highest excellence, and had not created a staff whose sole function and responsibility would be the advancement of the Group Plan. Davis's reference to the Graduate School underscored a problem that would domi- nate George Bensonls mind through the early 19605. When initially established in 1925, Benson argued, the Graduate School was intended to be a cooperative enterprise among the colleges. Of late, however, the Graduate School was developing its own faculty, to the point that distinguished scholars in the colleges no longer had the op- portunity to offer graduate courses. Benson was especially perplexed when CIVIC associate professor Gerald Jordan received a fulletime appointment to the Graduate School in March 1961 without prior consultation with CMC, and was within less than two years promoted to full professor, despite the absence of a publication record. llClaremont Graduate School is no longer a cooperative graduate school? Benson wrote acting president Will Clary on 28 March 1963. It is a series of small dictator- ships by Claremont Graduate School-appointed cliques? Tensions subsided, however, in April 1966 as 120 Fellows, trustees, and spouses made a pilgrimage to the mother of all federated collegial institutions, Oxford Univer- sity. Seven years earlier David Boroff had called Claremont llthe Oxford of the Orange Belt, noting its collection of Oxfordiana in the Honnold Library and the fact that President Lyon of Pomona College, a former Rhodes scholar, served as editor of the journal American Oxom'an. At the j oint meeting of the trustees at the California Club on 19 October 1960, Board of Fellows member Will Clary, who served as acting presi- dent of the Claremont Colleges in the early 19603, waxed almost mystical in making the Oxford-Claremont comparison, so comforting to the AngIOeAmerican Protestant imagination. Now, six years later, the trustees of the Claremont Colleges were sitting with their spouses at the long refectory tables in the paneled and vaulted Great Hall of University College on the chilly night of 14 April 1966. After a Latin grace, they dined by candelabra, toasting the Queen and the President of the United States and enjoying the vintages 0f the University College cellar and the cuisine of its kitchen. After dinner, as Madeira and cigars passed, they were addressed by Sir John Maud, master of University College, and Sir Kenneth VVheare, the vice chancellor. Later, at a symposium in London, Claremont and British educatorsehistorian Alan Bullock, an honorary fellow of Merton and VVadham Colleges; historian J. Steven Watson, chairman of the history faculty at St. Andrews; A. L. P. Norrington, president of Trin- ity College; SirJohn VVolfenden, Chairman of the University Grants Committee; Lord James of Rusholme, vice chancellor of York; Sir Sydney Caine, former vice chancel- lor of the University of Malaya, now at the London School of Economics; Ian Philip, former secretary of the Bodleian ancl tutor in history at Queens College, Oxford; and othersecondueted a lengthy symposium on British and American higher educa- tion, later published in book form, which was a flattering testimony to the aspirations Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 201 202 of the Claremont Colleges for a place teventuallyi alongside the great institutions of England. Benson returned in a rather exhilarated mood from this pilgrimage to the Anglo- American academic heartland. The next year the Constitution of the Claremont Colleges was further revised and published in the ongoing effort, now buoyed by memories of the Visit to England, to bring an amalgam of Oxford and American fed- eralism to Claremont. Significantly enough, the first fully Hedgedresearch institute at CMC-the Institute for Studies in Federalism, established in 1957ewas concerned with the intriguing question of how, whether at Oxford, in the United States, or at Claremont, autonomous entities could be federated for their own and the common good. As early as 1950, Benson had been looking to the model of the research institute as a way to bring an element of pure research into an undergraduate college. In Decem- ber 1950, for example, Benson suggested to Colonel James G. Boswell the establish- ment of the Boswell Institute of Foreign Relations. In 1954, with the financial assis- tance of marine engineer and inventor Frederick I-Iibberd, Benson established the California Congressional Recognition Program, a nonprofit corporation associated with CIVIC, that approached the level of an institute. Also in 1954 CMC launched its Summer Institute on Freedom and Competitive Enterprise, which brought distin- guished scholars to Claremont for a week-long seminar. In thinking about research institutes, Benson had the example of the Blaisdell In- stitute for Advanced Study in World Cultures and Religions at Claremont College. Institutes encouraged undergraduate teachers, which most of the CIVIC faculty were, to do primary research; hence they had the advantages of a graduate program without deviating from the primary mission of CIVIC. Institutes, Benson realized, would also allow CMC to pursue its focus on public affairs. Hence the creation of the Institute for Studies in Federalism in 1957, thanks to gifts and pledges of $250,000 made by trustees Wohlford and Phillips and the Relm Foun- dation of Ann Arbor, Michigan. Institute funds allowed Benson to make four impor- tant faculty appointments: Latin Americanist William Stokes of the University of Wisconsin; Federalist Papers scholar Martin Diamond of the University of Chicago; Harold McClelland, an expert in local Finance; and Russian historianJames Alan Rog- ers, recently research fellow at the Russian Research Center at Harvard. Also affili- ated with the Institute were Douglas Eldridge, Lincoln Professor of Public Finance; Winston Fisk, associate professor of economics; and Procter Thomson, professor of economics. In 1960 public Finance expert Roger Freeman, vice president of the Insti- tute of Social Science Research in Washington, DC, came to CMC to serve as re- search director of the Institute. In December 1961 the Institute produced its first book, Essays in Federalism, with contributions by Benson, Diamond, McClelland, Claremont McKenmz College John M . Payne Ueftk vice president for development, joins donor Roy P. Cracker in the Cracker Reading Room in Bauer Center. Over the years, Payne would raise millions on behalf of the developing college. Stokes, and Thomson. In 1963 the Institute received a $30,000 grant from the Lilly Endowment of Indianapolis for the purposes of hiring a full-time executive secretary. John Baker, 3 CMC summa cum Iaude government graduate in 1958, fresh from taI - ing his doctorate at Princeton, was appointed to the position. In 1968 the James Madi- son Society, a donors, circle, was formed in association with the Institute for Studies in Federalism. In September 1962, after three years of planning, the College, in cooperation with the Claremont Graduate School, launched the Lincoln School of Public Finance, a center for interdisciplinary research, instruction, and publication in the fields of taxa- tion, expenditure, and public administration. Financed by David Lincoln, 3 South- land entrepreneur with two degrees from Cal Tech, the Lincoln School facilitated a number of academic appointments, brought noted experts and elected officials to campus for seminars, and sponsored research. Also important in the 19605 were a variety of extension programs, such as the annual six-week intensive study of economics for high school teachers sponsored each sume mer by the General Electric Foundation. Each summer as well, between 1961 and 1965, the Intercollegiate Society of Individualists sponsored an institute aimed toward conservative intellectuals. CMC also issued the publication Ojf-Campus C lassroom, presenting lectures by CIVIC professors in pamphlet form. At the instigation of Martin Diamond, CMC sponsored four annual Seminars on the American Political Tradition between 1965 and 1968. Scheduled for mid-February to coincide with the birthdays of Washington and Lincoln, the seminars brought to campus noted Egures for two to three days of lectures, entertainment, and socializing. The seminars began on 9-11 February 1965 with Binding Up the Wounds, dealing with the Civil War and Reconstruction, and continued through The Thirties, pre- sented 22e24 February 1966; Inflation: Prospect 0r Retrospect.7w presented 27 Febru- ary 1967; and NThe US. Supreme Court: Usurper or Trustee? presented 28-30 April 1968. The seminars were celebrity-studded. The Thirties seminar, for example, brought to campus Irving Kristol, Howard Zinn, Raymond Moley, Rexford Tugwell, Upton Sinclair, and actor Edward G. Robinson, who gave a reading. Having acquired his organizational skills as an activist in the Trotskyite wing of the Communist Party in the 19305, Martin Diamond was capable of organizing rather lavish events-too lavish, in fact. The seminar was cut from the 1968-69 budget and the final gathering, dealing with the Supreme Court, was poorly attended. More successful, or at least more economical, was the Public Affairs Forum, estab- lished in 1962. Over the years the forum brought an extraordinary array of public fig- ures to campus: Senator Joseph KnowIand, socialist Norman Thomas, Senator Barry Goldwater, Otis Chandler, columnist Max Lerner, Dame Edith Pitt 0f the House of Commons, Senator Eugene McCarthy, California Superintendent of Public Instruc- 204 C laremont McKenna College tion Max Rafferty, socialist commentator Michael Harrington, William F. Buckley, 11:, Roscoe Drummond, Marquis Childs, Senator John Tower, Senator Gale McGee, James Cannon tsenior editor of Newsweeld, Senator Joseph Tydings, Senator Mark Hatfield, Representative L. Mendel Rivers, Senator Edmund Muskie, Dr. Edward Teller, and Senator Karl Mundt. The list was a Who's Who of the era, some names to endure, some to be forgotten. But the speakerselecturing on campus, dining with faculty and studentsebrought with them to CMC the mood and feel of the great world of public affairs. The Public Affairs Forum, then, reinforced the identity of CMC as an academic crossroads for public affairs intellectuals and practitioners. In doing this, the forum must be given credit for helping interest Los Angeles philanthropist Henry Salvatori in CMC and its programs. A trustee of the University of Southern California and a longtime contributor to the department of geophysics at Stanford, Salvatori also liked George C. S. Benson; and it was largely through Bensorfs diplomacy that Salvatori in November 1967 made a gift of $1 million toward the establishment of the Salvatori Center for the Study of Individual Freedom in the Modern World. Despite the anguish and disturbances that marred the end of the decade and con- tinued into the 19703, the 19605 can almost be considered the refounding of the College. The physical plant, after all, practically doubled in size; the endowment was roughly quadrupled; the academic capacity of the student body increased signif- icantly; and the faculty moved into a position of national recognition as by-lines by CMC faculty began to appear repeatedly in noted journals and the national press. CMC became not a remote and struggling small college but one of the half-dozen centers of the conservative intellectual revival in the country. By the end of the de- cade, a reputable ranking service was designating CMC eighteenth among liberal arts colleges in the nation. The next decade would witness that ranking edge higher and higher into a select Circle of a half-dozen or fewer institutions. But first came a time of conflict and turmoil, of searing, controversial issues that divided colleague from colleague and saw CMC have three presidents in as many years. The progress and growth of the 19605 did not mean that CMC would be exempt from the larger turmoil of the Civil rights movement and the disruptions brought about by the Vietnam War. Achievement and Controversy, 1960-1969 205 CM C entered the 19705 cm all-male institution, prizz'ng strength ofchamcter and rugged individualism, 0n the playing field or ojf C onflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 TH E F l R ST N 0 TA B L E evidence that the Vietnam War would have an impact on CIVIC, as it would on countless campuses across the nation, came on the evening of 15 October 1964, barely three months after the Tonkin Gulf incident, which brought the United States into the Vietnam War in a new and significant way. Former Vice President Richard Nixon was speaking at Bridges Auditorium on behalf of Senator Barry Goldwater, the Republican presidential candidate. Senator Pierre Salinger was speaking for Lyndon Johnson. During the question-and-answer phase of the evening, CIVIC economics professor Procter Thomson confronted Salinger regarding John- souls policies in Vietnam. Ever adept, Salinger turned the question on Thomson. What would you do? Thomson, an economic conservative and a political moderate, proceeded to outline a coherent policy of international arbitration and American withdrawal. By the following year, October 1965, CMC opponents to American involvement in Vietnam had organized themselves into a joint student-faculty committee, with Pro- fessor John Israel playing an important role. Throughout the previous spring, Israel had been at the center of antiwar activism. At a Sunday evening debate in May, for example, held in Walker Lounge at Pomona, Israel had urged the installation of a neutralist government in Saigon, which could then ask the United States to leave, thereby allowing the United States to withdraw without loss of face. Otherwise, Israel warned, it would take more than a million ground troops to stabilize the unstable gov- ernment in Saigon. 207 208 C laremont McKemw College An equally effective counter-committee, however, the CIVIC Student Committee to Support American Fighting Men in Vietnam, was also organized. When the antiwar opponents held a torchlight parade in late October, the counter-committee twhich also marchedL together with anti-ptotester hecklerseabout 800 in allesignihcantly outnumbered the demonstrators. The success of this counter-demonstration seems to have discouraged the anti-Vietnam War movement on the CMC campus; with the exception of a few seminars organized by the Claremont Chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society, and the antiwar rally on the Pomona campus featuring John Is- rael, the year 1966 seems almost devoid of activist incident. If anything, in fact, pro-war forces seemed to be on the offensive. Political science professor Harold Rood, for example, faculty spokesman for the pro-war forces, a com- bat veterari ofWorld War II and a major in the Army Reserve, wrote an essay that year justifying the American presence in Vietnam. Entitled 'iDistant Rampart, the United States Naval Institute selected it as the best essay of the year and published it in its March 1967 issue of Proceedings. Because of the pressures of the draft, ROTC was flourishing. In 1967, more than sixty sophomores applied for thirty-three upper-division places in the program. On 20 February 1967, however, a student group calling itself The Committee picketed ROTC drill, carrying signs that said, iiForgive them, for they know not what they doii and Vietcong Sf, ROTC No. The group presented flowers to the Sixth Army com- mander, Lieutenant General James L. Richardson, who was Visiting campus that day. When The Collegian reported that Army plainclothesmen were asking for names of the demonstrators, twenty-eight faculty tseven from CMCT from six colleges sent a sharply worded letter to Colonel George Adjamian, the professor of military science and tactics. iiIf there are any further incidents of this nature, the letter stated, iiwe feel that the local ROTC unit should be disbanded. Seven days later, there was a sit-in at Sumner Hall at Pomona College, protesting the Visit of a recruiter from Dow Chemical, the sole producer of napalm for American forces. Pomona, in fact, was the center of anti-Vietnam War resistance. CIVIC was at best a sideshow. Two weeks prior to the Dow sit-in, communist activist Bettina Ap- theker, fresh from the free-speech movement at Berkeley, spoke 011 the Pomona cam- pus against the war. The following October, Pomona was once again the locus for the most successful antiwar demonstration to date: a march of some thousand students, faculty, and townspeople under the auspices of the Young Democrats for New Politics, behind a banner reading iiPeace in Vietnam. Just a few days later, however, Barry Goldwater, speaking in Bridges Auditorium, called for the bombing of North Vietnam and the mining of Haiphong Harbor. When television station KNBC arrived on cam- pus in November 1967 to Film a debate 011 Vietnam, the camera crew came prepared with its own hawk and dove signs. Students promptly produced their own signse With no coeducation and n0 parietals, dormitory life remained a relatively cloistered affair. Claremont MCKemm College iiFake Demonstration by NBC, This Sign is the Real Thingl-emocking the KNBC efforts to make CMC look like an evenly divided campus. On the other hand, CMC student Jim Kelsey, who as a freshman had helped orga- nize the Student Committee to Support American Fighting Men in Vietnam, was seen handing out armbands for peace at the Goldwater appearance. Dropped out of ROTC, bearded, a hell on a cord around his neck, Kelsey had now become an anti- war protester. On 13 November 1967, hawk CMC Professor Harold Rood debated dove CMC Professorjohn Israel, who had recently volunteered to teach a history of lndochina-Vietnam as a regular offering in the history department. iiThis is the only college in the worldfi Israel told a dinner gathering in Collins two weeks later, ilwhere someone as moderate as myself would be considered a radical? At CMC, Israel told The Collegian, there is only lia dialogue between the right and the center. Thus 1967 ended, in terms of the antiwar movement at CMC, not with a bang but with a witticism. The following year would not be so irenic. On 17 January 1968 the Associated Students Student Council voted 5-4 in favor of American withdrawal from Vietnam. On 23 February there was a demonstration followed by a sit-in at Sume ner Hall, Pomona College, protesting Air Force recruiting; two members of the Chap- lain's staff and two CMC students were involved. On 6 March John Israel debated Colonel Bowen Smith on the ROTC program. Israel was especially incensed by a let- ter sent by the ROTC department to incoming freshmen. ltlsjust another example of the growing power of the militaryfl Israel argued, Hand the threat of the military to academics today, and it's along the same lines as the use of the draft as a punitive mea- sure against free speech? The letter, Colonel Smith replied, was intended to do no more than to encourage freshmen to discuss the program with their parents before enrolling. The next month, on 22 April 1968, Israel brought before the entire faculty his antie ROTC debate with Colonel Smith. In part answering questions posed by Israel in a memo to the faculty, Colonel Smith gave a rather spirited defense of the program. ROTC, he noted, was a voluntary contractual arrangement between CMC and Po mona and the Department of the Army. Some 191 students, including Harvey Mudd students, were now enrolled. The Army provided extensive scholarships. ROTC pro- fessors were nominated by the Army but had to be approved by the president of each college. Most important, ROTC represented an opportunity for students to obtain commissions and an opportunity for the Army to have educated men and women in its ofhcer corps. On 5 June the faculty held a special meeting devoted solely to the ROTC question. By this time, Israel had restricted his anti-ROTC arguments to what he considered the privileged position of the program on campus and the granting of faculty status to ROTC instructors. ROTC retained support among the majority of the faculty. Over the summer of 1968 the presidents of the six colleges tried to work out a con- sistent disciplinary policy regarding sit-ins and demonstrations. Ironically, two CMC students charged in the February sit-in at Pomona were acquitted by the CIVIC stu- dent court, after rather brilliantly arguing their case on narrow grounds of technicality, while certain Pomona students were found guilty in their own jurisdictions. A joint intercollege judiciary was proposed, but rejected by the deans of students, with only CMC Dean MacLeod dissenting. The problem was never satisfactorily solved; and the lack of a campus-wide policy proved especially disconcerting t0 Benson. October was a busy month. The ASCMC Senate appointed a committee on educa- tional goals, which in turn established a special subcommittee to study ROTC. The general tenor of the subcommittee was hostile from the start. TWe wont get very far if we try to remove ROTC from Claremont, a CIVIC senator told The Collegian on 4 October. TBut there is a whole range of options? Most of these optionsemodifying credit, removing ROTC personnel from faculty committees, bringing the ROTC cur- riculum more under faculty controlewere negative toward the program. At CIVIC, ROTC was not without supporters and resources. On the 11th, a faculty committee recommended the continuation of ROTC. That same day, ROTC cadets, doing some demonstrating of their own, opened the gates to the drill held and hung a Visitors Welcome sign. After ten minutes of drilling, the cadets broke into small groups and engaged protesters in discussion. The results of a student poll released on the 23rd showed that 51 percent of CMC students favored keeping ROTC on campus, as op- posed to a 38 percent pro-ROTC rate in the rest of the colleges. As demonstrations mounted, statement after statement was madeeby the Alumni Association on 11 June, for example, or most notably by the administration in a state- ment released on 7 Octoberedefending the rights of peaceful dissent and dem- onstrations but condemning the disruption or obstruction of classes, drills, athletic contests or practices, scheduled meetings, ceremonies, administrative and service operations, or other activities of the College. That such warnings were necessary, even at CIVIC, became evident on 10 November when about thirty demonstrators, most of them from other campuses but also some CMC students, mounted an hour- and-a-half demonstration protesting the appearance of two Navy recruiters at the Hub. Two Pomona students, members of the Students for a Democratic Society, set fire to some N avy literature. Their cases were turned over to Pomona authorities. Stu- dent Hub manager Lucien Levesque, however, himself an activist, was rather ap- palled by the burning of the pamphlets, describing it as one of the most insidious acts of fascism I have ever witnessed. In a tie vote on the 16th, the Pomonajudiciary re- fused to convict the two Pomona students. That very same morning, two Hrebombs were thrown at Dean MacLeodis home near the campus, scorching the sidewalk in front of his house. Another Hrebomb was thrown at Collins Hall, scorching a trash bin. A fourth Erebomb exploded in an adjoining parking lot. The situation was es- calating. Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 At the Collins Hall Dining Commons, professors were encouraged to dine with students or to meet weekly for discussion at tables devoted to a single fwld ofacademic inquiry. No one took this turmoil more seriously-indeed, more personally-than George C. S. Benson. At times, in fact, in the course of moderating a particularly difficult meeting with faculty and students, Benson would become so upset that he would turn the meeting over to someone else and leave the room. Increasingly, it seemed to Ben- son in his darkest moments that everything he had worked for, the entire meaning of his adult life, was coming under threat. He had devoted the past twenty years to the creation of a college committed to the very Virtueserationalism, civility, patriotism, traditional values, and, above all else, a sense of being on the right side of public is- sues that were now coming so dramatically under threat. If you seek my monument, Sir Christopher Wren had noted of St. Paul's Cathe- dral in London, look around you. There is a certain kind of greatness, noted Benjamin Jowett, longtime master of Balliol, in being at the heart of a great institution. Such had been the path that George Charles Sumner Benson had taken. Through twenty and more busy yearsein countless meetings, fund-raising dinners, speeches, confere ences, faculty meetings, recruiting trips to the great universities of the nationeBen- son had been ever seeking to realize in the College he was leading his own deepest aspirations for public value and career. Here was a man who might have remained a research scholar and Classroom teacher throughout a productive lifetime. But here as well was a man who might have turned his attention completely to public life, most likely on the appointive level. Benson had chosen to reconcile and harmonize the two competing sides of his nature, the scholar and the activist, through the creation of a college that would educate young men for public service and, through its research programs, engage the pressing public issues of the day. The CMC Archives are filled with drafts of speeches, newspaper notices of speeches to be given, and newspaper reports of speeches already delivered in which Benson took the message of his aca- demic, administrative, and personal lifeefederalism, the defense ofliberty, the Chal- lenges of decentralization and the free marketeto almost any group that would listen. His was a faith as well as a career. His wife, Mabel, an accomplished academic in her own right who wrote the First history of the College, jointly pursued her husbands career and kept that same faith. Not only did Benson administer and fund-raise, he and his wife entertained students and faculty on a regular basis and were among the most constant donors to the College. On balance, the Bensons returned to CMC a significant percentage of their earnings. Still, there was always the attraction to politics and government. Benson th01a oughly enjoyed his role as Republican party activist and brain-truster in Southern Cal- ifornia. Before World War II, he had held an important federal position as director of the administrative division of the Office of Price Administration. Over the years, 21 Who's Who of Republican Party bigwigs passed and repassed through CIVIC, largely at Bensods behest. In December 1953, Sherman Adams, special assistant to President Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 213 Eisenhower, invited Benson to serve as director of research for the Commission on Intergovernmental Relations recently established by the 83rd Congress to recom- mend a better division of functions among federal, state, and local governments. The trustees were at first reluctant to allow Benson to leave, but Adams appealed directly to trustee chairman Garner Beckett by telephone. Somewhat begrudgingly, the board granted Benson his leaveebut only on the condition that he immediately select and train his successor. Benson spent the hrsthalfof1954 in Washington, with Dean Ba- yard Taylor serving as acting president and a special committee of trustees taking over his funcleraising duties. Benson would have remained there for an entire year at Acl- ams,s request had not the trustees insisted that he return to Claremont. Between 1954 and 1964, Benson kept alive his Washington and Republican party connections but devoted the bulk of his energies to CIVIC. When the trustees named the eighth dormitory For Benson in June 1964, it was to express, among other things, their delight in a job well done-and their relief that they had kept a man of Benson's Washington orientation almost exclusively concentrated on CIVIC and the Clare- mont Colleges. Bensonls Annual Report for academic year 1966-67 was perhaps the last time he took unambiguous pleasure in being president. Certainly, there was the sad loss of Professor William Stokes, a personal friend; but there was also the fact that 40 percent of the CMC student body was on the deans list. Less than I percent of the student body had failed during the previous year-this from a college that, ten years earlier, was annually Hunking out 10 percent of its students. Honnold Library was reporting that CIVIC students ranked second only to graduate students in their use of the library. The McKenna College Union was in operation; Bauer Hall was under construction. The Plan for Distinction was moving along quite successfully, with a total of $7 mil- lion in gifts and pledges in hand toward a $13-million goal. The College? Benson reported, has great promise for performing significant work in the United States? Even as Benson was writing these words, however, he was still smarting from the decision by Phi Beta Kappa in March 1967 not to grant CMC a chapter alongside Po- mona and Scripps. Writing to Benson on 27 March 1967, the Phi Beta Kappa secretary Carl Billman informed Benson that the Phi Beta Kappa committee assessing CMCS request believed that the College needed more upper-division programs in the hu- manities and the sciences and a stronger faculty in these areas before it could be ac- corded Phi Beta Kappa status. Benson was profoundly offended. The committee, Benson responded in a letter dated 4 May 1967 and supplemented by an even longer letter dated 29 June, failed to understand the Group Plan, under which each college was allowed to develop its specific strengths, knowing that other colleges with other strengths would supplement its effort. Even more dramatically, Benson resigned from 214 Claremont McKemm College Phi Beta Kappa, asking that his name be removed from the mailing list of the orgae nization. The intensity of Bensons response to the Phi Beta Kappa rejection dovetailed with the emotional and physical toll he experienced during the anti-Vietnam War demon- strations. Not that the College was suffering in any fundamental way. Far from it. By 1968 its total assets were in excess of $23.2 million. A campus for eight hundred stue dents was substantially completed. The academic and Financial future of the College was secure. But the incivility of the demonstrations, together with an increasing po- larization among the faculty, wore heavily on Benson, who for some years had been battling stomach ulcers. At a special trustee meeting held on 24 July 1968, Benson submitted his resignation as president, effective at the end of the following academic year, and Cited health considerations as his main reason. Significantly enough, Benson also warned the trustees that Finding a replacement for him would be a difficult task, given the current atmosphere on campus. Not only did the L03 Angeles Times cover Bensonls resignation, it published an editorial on 28 September 1968 praising what he had accomplished at CMC. iiIt will be difficult indeed, stated the Times, for Clare- mont Nleifs College to find another president like George C. S. Benson. On I April 1969, George Benson received the most welcomed tand perhaps bitter- sweetl recognition of his career, an honorary doctorate from Pomona College. Many times, in the course of building CIVIC, Benson had viewed Pomona as a privileged, frequently uncooperative college of assured resources and reputation, in contrast to the aspiring institution he was in the process of building. At the same time, as Benson himself acknowledged at a luncheon at Pomona following the awarding ofhis degree, his whole life had been pervaded by Pomona College connections. The gown he wore for the ceremony, Benson noted, belonged to his grandfather, one of the founders of Pomona and also an honorary degree recipient. His father, mother, and uncle were in Pomonals First graduating class; his six siblings and numerous aunts, uncles, nephews, and nieces were also Pomona alumni. His wife had taught at Pomona during World War 11. Since he had had the privilege ofhelping found Harvey Mudd and Pitzer Col- leges, it could be honestly said that some member of the Sumner or Benson family had participated in the founding of every college in Claremont. Ofthe relationship between Pomona and CMC, there had been misperceptions on both sides. Pomona had feared that CMC would fold, and its remnants prove a burden to Pomona. CIVIC, on its part, had fretted over the established reputation of Pomona and at times had perhaps been oversensitive. Over the past decade, however, there had been few instances when Benson and President Lyon had not been on the same side in most intercollegiate problems. Long after Wilson Lyon and I are forgotten, Benson concluded, uthese colleges will be debating questions of centralization or Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 215 R l G HT: In August 1970 the trustees turned to administratorjack L. Stark, 37, to serve as acting president. I n Fehmmry 1971 the appointment was made pernmnem. jil S ta rlz wasfully prepared to exercise an active partnership alongside her husband. A B OVE: Young and energetic, the Starks threw themselves into ajoh that eventually becmne, as in the case of George and Mabel Benson, a lifetime commitment. decentralization. There is still some centralizing needed. I do not think, for exam- ple, that the colleges can continue to let their students disturb the life of the other colleges. Thus, even on this happy occasion, Benson made reference to the troubles that had occasioned his departure from the presidency; his remark suggested that, if the truth be told, Pomona and Graduate School students were causing most of the trouble. But no matter. Bensonis work at CIVIC, for the time being, was done. He was off to an environment for which he had always nurtured an affinity, Washington, DC, having accepted an appointment from Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird to serve as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense tEducationi, with responsibility for the United States Armed Forces Institute, the dependent schoolsi program across the world, andaBen- sons special interesteROTC. Initially, so powerful and pervasive had been Bensonis presence that there was talk the search for his successor could take up to two or even three years. It took only seven months, however, for a selection committeeechaired by Donald MCKenna and com- posed of trustees, faculty, and studentseafter screening more than a hundred candi- dates, to choose as Bensonis successor Dr. Howard Neville, provost of Michigan State University. A graduate of the University of Illinois, with an MBA. from Louisiana State and a PhD. from Michigan State, the fortyethree-year-old Neville had spent the bulk of his career in academic administration, with an emphasis on extension program In ing. In retrospect, it is difficult to determine exactly why Neville was chosen. Given CMCs sense of itself, not to mention its orientation toward independent liberal arts colleges, one might have expected an appointment from someone connected to Am- herst, Williams, or a comparable liberal arts college, or someone coming from the Ivy League. Neville had spent most ofhis career, by contrast, as an administrator at Miche igan State, a large Land Grant institution. Nor was he a distinguished economist or political scientist, as Benson had been, or a published scholar in any field. Nor, given CMCis political orientation, did Neville possess Washington connections or service, although he had spent a short period of time as a consultant to the University Of Nigeria. Reporting for duty in the fall of 1969, Neville did prove himself a soothing and sometimes witty speaker, if one is tojudge from the written texts of his speeches. In a speech given to a blaCk-tie trustees-and-donors gala held at the Los Angeles Music Center on 22 October 1969, Neville described himself as a midwesterner committed to midwestern, mideAmerican values, fair play, and common sense. He also stated that he wanted to enjoy thejob. When he Visited the campus last spring, Neville told the trustees and donors, he had asked students, faculty, and trustees: Is CMC a fun Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 '11 7 place to be? I didnt mean Tun, in a raucous sense? Neville stated, libut a place one could enjoy life and living. Each believed the answer was yes, Thafs important to me, for life should not be a drudge; work it may be, but we should enjoy our work as well as our pleasure. Nevillels inauguration was held on Saturday afternoon, 21 March 1970, in the Garri- son Theater. Sir Eric Ashby, Master of Clare College, Cambridge, who had just lin- ishecl his turn as chief executive officer for Cambridge University, gave the inaugural address. Neville followed with his own remarks. With luck and with aid and assis- tance from all quartersf Neville concluded, Claremont Mens College can and will continue to grow in quality and distinction, and my pledge to you is to do all I possibly can to make all our dreams come true? By his March 1970 inauguration, however, Howard Neville, despite the continuing optimism of his speeches, was coming to realize more and more that the presidency of CMCeto his way of thinking, at least-was hardly fun or lucky. As Neville was exchanging witticisms with trustee Richard Armour at the gala dinner the previous October, it was clear the American peopleeafter the loss of44,798 American soldiers killed in Vietnam and more than half a million Vietnamese, north and south, slain, and no end in sightehad become painfully divided by the war. Thus the participation of the Claremont Colleges, including CMC, in the national Vietnam Moratorium held on 15 October 1969 transpired almost without controversy or opposition. Even at CIVIC, the antiwar movement seemed to have triumphed. The Moratorium began with the leafleting of workers at General Dynamics in P0- mona, then moved on to campus with a clay of symposia, lectures, and teachins, with Virtually every regularly scheduled Class rescheduled with the express permission of the provost and the presidents. Even the ROTC department rescheduled its regular offerings for that day and invited students to attend instead what Colonel Smith de- scribed as Ha free discussion ofvarious points ofview pertaining to United States mili- tary operations in support of the people of South Vietnam. The ROTC department, Colonel Smith informed Larry Gilson, president of the associated student body of CMC, 'lwill be closed for the clay in honor of all American servicemen from 1775 to the present who have given of their time, blood, or lives in defense of the principles of a free society. The Moratorium, which included a massive rally and march that evening originat- ing at Alumni Field at Pomona, went off without an incident. No major disruptions occurred at CMC, and the board of trustees did not have to employ the injunction procedures they had previously worked out with the law Firm of Allard, Shelton, and OlConnor. A month later, the hard-won equipoise of 15 October collapsed when on the morning of13 November 1969 three student groups, totaling some sixty students, marched on the ROTC portion of Bauer Center: one to picket outside, the other to 218 C laremont IVICKemw College A B OVE: T0 enrich and expand the dining, discussion, and lecture program, Ma mm Miner Cook Uer donated $1 million toward the construction and endownwnt ofcm Athenaeum. In Sapte11zl76r1983 the Starks, together with Bernice and Donald M cKenna, hosted a dinner at the newly completed Athemaeum in honor ofits benefactors. L E FT: Thanks to the Athenaemn, professors such as Michael Riley keated ler, an expert in film and literature, could bring such notables as actorjcmws Franciscus heated right for an evening Ofdmner and informal conversation. 220 enter the outer ofhce and remain there temporarily, and the third to enter and remain. At 11:00 AM. Dean of Students Clifton MacLeod notified the protesters that their gathering was obstructive and that those remaining were subject to disciplinary ac- tion. At this point, half the crowd left, leaving some twenty-iive or so protesters sitting on the floor. The sit-in lasted unti13200 P.M. Friday, the 15th. Like so many other events in this period, it was inconclusive. The invasion of Cambodia, however, and the killings on the campus of Kent State in May 1970 rendered inconclusiveness a diminishing option. Sunday through Tues- day, 3-5 May 1970, witnessed a second sit-in at CMC. That Sunday evening, the 3rd, some 130 demonstrators gathered in front of the ROTC facility in Bauer Hall. Their intent was to occupy the building, but a group of CIVIC students blocked their efforts. In frustration, one demonstrator threw a rock through a window. Lacking support, the group withdrew to McAlister Center to draw up plans for another protest. At 5: 10 AM. Monday, the second assault began. Once again, some Fifteen CIVIC students, locking arms, tried to protect the building. Once more, the protesters, this time numbering about thirty-five, rushed the building and were repulsed by the defending students. Once again, the protesters threw rocks, broke two more windows, then retreated back to MCAlister. In their third assault, the protesters, having been twice repulsed from the ROTC headquarters, seized the second floor of Bauer Center. Protesters demands included a reversal of the CMC policy of notifying local draft boards when students changed their status; the divestment of investments in war- related industries; and the removal of ROTC. Throughout the day, President Neville met three times with the five other college presidents regarding the crisis. At 4:15 that afternoon, Dean MacLeod advised the demonstrators that they were in violation of college rules and would be cited to their respective judicial boards. He further advised them that continued occupation would make it necessary to issue a court order. At 7:30 that evening, President Neville met with the students, and they presented him with what they called compromised demands? an emergency meeting of the execu- tive committee of the board of trustees to discuss investment policy for CMC, draft deferment policies, and the abolition of ROTC. The protesters also wanted CIVIC to join the other Claremont Colleges in declaring an official strike on Thursday to protest the Cambodian War. Neville agreed to notify the chairman of the board of trustees of these demands; but he refused to call for a Thursday strike at CMC. He also threat- ened the protesters with legal sanctions if they continued their occupation of the sec- ond floor of Bauer Hall. At 11:30 that night, the protesters departed. On Wednesday, 6 May 1970, Neville received a petition signed by 425 CIVIC stu- dents calling for support of a national strike. After a two-and-a-halfehour meeting, the CIVIC faculty issued a communique urging its membership to honor student requests for a general strike and to cancel Classes for Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, using the C laremom M cKenna College time to engage in discussions against the war. Neville approved of this decision. dIt is my personal Feeling, he informed the trustees in a memo dated 9 A.M., Thursday, 7 May 1970, chat the action taken by the faculty will play a significant role in keeping activities on an educational basist . . . It is also my opinion that the faculty action has taken the play away from the small radical faction that has caused most of our prob- lems to date and who are intent on disruptions rather than anything constructive? Thursday evening, some 2,500 students, faculty, and staff from all the Claremont Colleges marched to the Montclair Shopping Plaza to protest the killings at Kent State. The following day, Friday, 8 May1970, was devoted to teaCh-ins throughout the campus and a letter-writing campaign that produced more than 4,000 letters to vari- ous government leaders. Teaeh-ins continued throughout the following Saturday, drawing some 2,000 participants. On Monday the 11th, Neville met with the faculty to negotiate a variety of academic options for completing the interrupted work of the semester. Students doing passing work could withdraw from any Class prior to 18 May 1970, but would receive no academic credit for the semester. Students doing passing work could also request an incomplete from their instructor, with all incomplete work due before 6 November 1970. A student might also select two of his courses to be graded on a passtfail basis, provided that they were not in his major field. Graduating seniors who had completed their senior theses might have the option, with the agreement of a course instructor, of being graded on work already done. By Wednes- day, 13 May 1970, Neville was reporting the resumption of Classes and normal life on campus. He also praised the mediating and moderating role taken by the faculty and the sincerity and overall good behavior of CMC students during the general strike. On Commencement Day, 7 June 1970, in his liCharge to the Graduating Class, Howard Neville was equally bullish on CIVIC. 1 hope the College will continue to serve society well, Neville stated, liancl you can be proud of her forever. At the same time, we who stay behind will expect the best from you, the graduates? Whatever his expressed sentiments, Neville himselfhad no intention to be among those staying behind at CIVIC. At some point in the spring, he had begun looking for anotherjob. Eleven days after commencement, on 18 june 1970, Neville announced that he was resigning the presidency of CIVIC in order to take a position at another institution, to be identified at a later date. Three weeks later, Neville announced that he had accepted the position ofvice chancellor for business and finance at the Univer- sity of Nebraska. Four days after he first announced his resignation, Neville met with Ladell Payne in his office on the afternoon of 22 June 1970 and, in the course of describing the pres- sures he had been under over the past year, revealed a frank ambivalence toward CIVIC and the Claremont Colleges. Like George Benson, Neville resented the reluctance of other Claremont College presidents to discipline their offending students. Neville Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 IQ lv 1 Three CMC al'bmmi lost their lives in the Vietnam War. ARMY FIRST LIEUTENANT JESSE L. CLARK 111,,65, an ROTC graduate, on 12 April 1966, hit a mine while on patrol and died the following day. Lieutenant Clark received the Bronze Star for gallantry and the Purple Heart. CAPTAIN STEWART R. MOODY, ,67, another ROTC graduate and a second-generation Army officer serving With the First Air Cavalry Division, on 3 January 1970, went down with his helicopter at the age of twenty-four. NAVY LIEUTENANT hcj WILLIAM A. PEDERSEN, ,68, on 15 September 197ohvolunteering t0 Hy an extra ten days until his replacement could arrivehalso went down with his helicopter. chided the CIVIC faculty on the same count. Should he ever have sought to exercise his right of summary suspension of a student, Neville speculated, the Faculty most likely would not have backed him. Many of the demonstrating students, Neville opined, acted like four-year-olds and could have used a good spanking. They sang songs outside his window at night, threw epithets at him in the middle of the street, made threatening midnight telephone calls. llItls not been a living and a life, he con- fessecl of the past year, its been an existence. Its not the style of living to which Ild like to become accustomed. Neville was especially bitter that the search committee had failed to inform him when the job was offered, so he claimed, that the presidents of the Claremont Colleges had previously agreed to try to offer admission to a minimum of 10 percent African- American students for the incoming freshman class in September 1969. Obviously, this was an ambitious, most likely impossible, goal; the failure to meet it had exacer- bated an already tense racial situation, which had also motivated his resignation. The First sign at CIVIC of an increasing sensitivity about race occurred in December 1961 when a minstrel show presented by the Stag Glee Club was picketed by represen- tatives of the NAACP as being Klhumiliating and derogatory to the Negrollethis, de spite that the show was using whiteface instead of blackliace. The CIVIC administra- tion, meaning President George Benson, held Firm on the issue. Benson, in fact, came dangerously close to lecturing when he cited iian unfortunate failure ofa sensitive mi- nority group to understand what the American tradition is. We would guarantee fun- damental rights of minorities, but minorities have no right to dictate to us what we must do. No group, for that matter, has the right to tell the American people what cultural forms we should or should not have. During the 19605 an increasing number of African-American students were at- tending CMC. In 1963 Larry Moss, an African-American, was elected sophomore class president. Ray Drummoncl, an AfricaneAmerican, was elected student body president for the academic year 1967-68. By 1968 there were some eighty African- American students enrolled in the various Claremont Colleges, seventeen of them at CIVIC. Organizing a Black Students Union tBSUl, these students began to advance agenda on a number of fronts. All in all, ten major demands were made, including a 10 percent quota for entering classes; the end to off-campus segregated housing; the recruitment of more African-American faculty members, administrators, and personv nel; the acquisition of more black literature and related subjects by the I-Ionnolcl Li- brary; and the establishment ofa Black Studies Center. It was a militant time throughout the nation, and Claremont was no exception. On 22-24 February1968 the Black Student Union sponsored a Conference on Urban Un- rest at CMC which brought to campus such militant ngres as Professor Charles COWfZiCl mad Renewal, 197oe1979 223 The Athenaeum was also available for dinner dances and other undergraduate events. I n firs! propashrzg the Athenaeum, Donald MCKemm said that he wanted it. to function, in part, like a good London club. Hamilton, Chairman of the department of political science at Roosevelt University and coauthor of Black. Power: The Politics of Liberation in America. Other speakers included activists Ron Karenga and James Brown, former football star with the Clevev land Browns. 1n the aftermath of the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, J11, on 4 April 1968, sensitivities intensified throughout the campus. CIVIC faculty member Barbee-Sue Rodman formed a Committee on the White Problem ltcommitted to the task of either eliminating or nullifying racial prejudice and cultural bigotry within the white communityeand the political, economic, and social conditions connected with them. Some fifty people came to the Committees first meeting on the 26th. Four hundred CMC students attended an open meeting between Benson and rep- resentatives of the BSU held the day following Dr. Kings assassination. Benson was presented a set of BSU demands by freshman Andy Andeck, who then left the stage. ilThis is carrying the angry young man business too far, Benson responded. llYou just dont get anyplace if you arent willing to discuss and negotiate. Bensons response drew a round of heavy applause. Benson went on to say that there was a real question whether the College could afford a proportional student body. We have to face the fact that if we were to try to do that now, we would have no money left. A straw poll on one BSU demand, that students not be allowed to live in segregated oH-campus housing, showed that most students favored leaving the choice up to individuals. On the other hand, CIVIC students subsequently voted to allocate two dollars per student from student fees toward minority scholarships and were outraged when, over the summer, the trustees overturned their vote, objecting to the mandatory nature of the assessment and pointing to the fact that students were already supporting minor- ity scholarships through their tuition. In June 1970, meanwhile, the Intercollegiate Administrative Council established a Committee on Minority Student Relations, made up of faculty, administrators, and six students, two of them from the BSU, charged with taking up a variety of minority-related issues. In December 1970, stu- dents presented a request in favor of a fee increase of five dollars per semester, the proceeds to be used for minority scholarships. uIn the discussion that followed? read the trustee minutes for 10 December 1970, uthere were a number of trustees who 0b- jected to the increase on the principle that it was unfair to tax any student, minority or not, if he was opposed to having his fees increased for this purpose. . . . 1t was also argued that considering the time and circumstance, it would be inadvisable to turn down such a request so rationally presented. Following discussion and amendments, the motion was passed to approve the student request for a fee increase of $5 per semester . . . subject to the proviso that the increase be rescinded no later than one year from the date it becomes effective. The student body was encouraged to organize a voluntary fund-raising effort to help achieve its objective. In its first proposal, the BSU demanded an autonomous Center for Black Studies, Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 N to m supported by a yearly stipend of from 10 to 15 percent of the annual budget of each of the Claremont Colleges. The Center would be considered a separate and equal entity within the Group Plan. liThe Center for Black Studies, stated the proposal, will be a focal point for new knowledge about Black reality and a major instrument for the dissemination of that knowledge. It will be a research center as well as a teaching center, but its most important function will be the generation of the new intellectual apparatus: the values, the concepts and criteria, the modes and procedural guidelines which must support the Black Mans new perception ofhimself. A year of debate and negotiation ensued, centered on the deliberations of the Inter- collegiate Committee on the Black Studies Center composed of six trustees, six fac- ulty members, eight students From the BSU, the provost, and the provost-designate. On 3 April 1969 the Committee issued its Report ofthe Intercollegiate Cormnittee 0n the Black Studies Center. The report called for a Black Studies Center that would be part of the Claremont University Center. It would be guided by an advisory board drawn from four groups: academicians from outside the Claremont Colleges who are knowledgeable in black studies, laymen, two representatives of the Board of Fellows of Claremont University Center, and students. The director would hold academic rank within Claremont University Center. The Center would also have a dean of stu- dents and a black studies faculty. At CMC Harry Jaffa, professor of political philosophy, led a movement against the report on the basis that it was negotiated in a uprevailing atmosphere of Violence and threats ofviolence. On 25 February 1969 two bombs exploded on the Claremont cam- puses: one in a womenk restroom at Scripps, the other in a mailbox at Pomona. The Pomona explosion maimed and partially blinded a secretary, Mary Anne Keatley, the wife of CMC undergraduate Robert Keatley, a varsity football player. At a meeting of the faculty of Claremont Melfs College with the leadership of the 'BSUZ, Jaffa argued in a cover letter to the board of trustees dated 18 April 1969, 'lwe were asked in a manner betokening the utmost contempt, whether we wished to see the Colleges burned down this summer, 01 next summer. Six days later on the eve of the next faculty meeting, Story House was burned. A subsequent arson investigation theorized that the fire might have been started by a steam pipe. Later investigations, however, indicated that the steam pipe was for return water and could not have started the fire. No culprit for the February bombings was ever apprehended. These inci- dents, together with the BSU'S threatening language that was countered by resistance from faculty such as Professorjaffa, created an atmosphere ofpoisonous hostility last- ing throughout 1969. This tension replaced the Vietnam War as the major source of unrest and activism at the Claremont Colleges. The CM C faculty was itself deeply divided over the Report of the Intercollegiate Committee 011 the Black Studies Center. Presidential assistant Jack Stark was advanc- 226 C I aremont McKemw C allege ing the model ofan independently incorporated BlackStudies Center with a predomi- nately black board but with three members from the Board of Fellows. In the Stark proposal, the Center would be responsible for raising its own funds. Individual col- leges would determine if courses from the Center would be accepted toward degrees. A group offaculty led by Martin Diamond, meanwhile, was advocating faculty control over the Center. The Diamond group opposed an autonomous center and offered in- stead the model of an intercollegiate program with courses offered through regular departments. The CMC faculty favored Starks proposal, 38 to 29. The education committee of the trustees, however, Favored the Diamond proposal. President Louis Benezet of the Claremont Graduate School and University Center and the Board of Fellows, meanwhile, were working on a broader approach to the problemethe establishment of a Human Resources Institute. The proposed Institute would be composed of three units: a Black Studies Center, to be developed immediately; a MexicaneAmerican unit, also to be developed as quickly as possible; and a Center of Urban and Regional Studies, concentrating on inner-City problems and ethnic minorities. In an effort to bring matters to a resolution, the trustees and presidents of the col- leges quickly accepted President Benezetls proposal, and by the Fall of 1969 the Black Studies Center of the Human Resources Institute of the Claremont Colleges was list- ing twentyethree courses, most of them already in existence and cross-listed. Fifty- six CIVIC students were taking courses in Black studies, thirty in Mexican-American studies. Dr. Martin O. Ijere, associate professor of economics at CIVIC, was teaching three economics courses listed in the Black Studies program. The following year, the Black Studies Center issued an impressive brochure depictingblack students and fac- ulty at the Center and throughout the Claremont campus and listing present and pro- posed programs. President Howard Neville, meanwhile, was doing his best to cope with the quota issue. Two years earlier, on 30 May 1968, the presidents of the Claremont Colleges, speaking in response to the demands of the BSU, had pledged themselves to offer admission to a minimum of ten percent black students for the classes entering the undergraduate colleges, beginning in September 1969. By May 1970, however, the BSU was protesting the uinsincetity and sluggishness in regard to black admissions, of CIVIC. llNot only has CMC failed to admit ten percent black students to its fresh- man classf, the BSU protested in an open letter dated 19 May 1970, llbut it has also failed to offer sufficient financial aid to the nineteen students who were admitted. The CIVIC admissions office responded that it was using the same nationally recog- nized financial aid formula for offering aid to African-American students as it did for offering aid to white students. Four. days earlier, accusing both CIVIC, with its black freshman Class of eight, and Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 227 A H...NWQHNSQN, :DQMJJJMS; '1 MQQDLQCK Mainng-UGHES - ;. ... .... . .- , CAPTAIN CLARE , VONT-MENS COLLEEG The CM C team performed impressively in the spring 1970 General Electric College Bowl series, thus showcasing CM C for the flTSt time on national television. Harvey Mudd College, with a black freshman class of one, of Ian insult and a direct attack upon the black racefl the BSU demanded that a subcommittee for admissions be formed at CIVIC consisting of Bert Hammond, a black faculty member, and three black students from CIVIC and Harvey Mudd. IiThis group? the BSU demanded, Hwill consider the applications of prospective Black freshmen and transfer students for both Colleges. They will submit their decisions to the regular admissions oflicers, who will make changes onlyin the presence of the subcommittee. Dealing with such exorbitant demands put enormous strain on President Neville, who nevertheless directed Dean of Admissions Emery Walker and his staff to process any applications in his office, putting aside all deadlines. Neville also authorized Bert Hammond to work with Walker and his staffin this process. lilfany of these applicants meet the standards of admission? Neville wrote the African-American students of CIVIC on 20 May 1970, iithey are to be offered admission. There are no additional funds. Neither the president, nor the admission clean, nor the committee chairman has the authority to exceed the budget approved by the board of trustees. But, if quali- fied, the students will be offered admission. Secondly, I am directing Dean Walker to keep open past the May 1 deadline the time for commitment for any of the black stue dents now accepted but for whom no hnancing is available? In a memorandum dated 16 May 1970, Dean of Admissions Emery R. Walker, J12, vigorously protested the BSU Charge of depopulationfl More than a hundred black candidates had applied to CIVIC in 1969, Walker pointed out. uStretching standards as we were committed to, we accepted thirty-seven. However, our budget estimate would allow us to offer aid to no more than twenty-two. Twenty entered, nineteen with aid, and our financial aid budget, although increased from $181,000 in 1968-1969 to $195,000 this year, is over-spent by more than $5,000. In his report to the board on 23 May 1970, Walker reported that more than 40 percent of freshman financial aid in the next academic year would be spent on minorities. In a memorandum to Garner Beckett dated I June 1970, replying to Beckett's concerns over the 10 percent quota, Neville wrote: We are committed to a greater racial diversity, but it is not fair for our 1 success to be measured against a percentage which is only valid insofar as it represents the black population of the United States? Seventeen days later, Neville announced his resignation. To replace Neville, the trustees turned in August 1970 to a thirty-Hve-year-old admin- istrator, Jack L. Stark, CIVIC ,57, and asked him to serve as acting president. For the past few years, Stark had become increasingly visible as troubleshooter for both Ben- son and Neville. In a number of crises relating to Vietnam, drugs, and the Black Stud- ies Center, Starkhad shown himselfto be a courageous and skilled negotiator, capable of saying no when necessaryabut capable also of necessary and healing statesman- Conji'ict and Renewal, 1970-1979 N N NO 23 O ship, as in the case of the Stark Proposal for the Black Studies Center, which became the conceptual basis of the Human Resources Institute. Wry and laconic, adept in funderaising, financial and campus planning, student relations, and alumni affairs, Stark represented the new breed of professional academic administrators who had emerged since World War II to manage the rapidly expanding, multi-billionedollar higher education sector. He was, in short, a skilled corporate strategist thoroughly de- voted to his alma mater. Born in the small town of Urbana, Indiana, raised in Fort Wayne, El Cajon, and San Diego, Stark had majored in literature and minored in economics at CIVIC, lettered in basketball for one year, and served as president of his sophomore class and vice presi- dent of the student body during his junior year, meeting defeat when he made a bid for the student body presidency. His wife, Jil Harris Starkeborn in Japan, raised in Portugal, Hong Kong, and London-had majored in English and international rela- tions at Scripps, where she had served as student body president. As undergradu- ates, the two had shared an interest in the College Church; indeed, at one point, Jack Stark was divided between accepting a Rockefeller Fellowship to divinity school this grandfathers on both sides were ministersi 01'joining the Marine Corps. He Chose the Marines. After a three-year tour of duty, Stark left the service to take a masters degree in economics. While arranging to have transcripts sent to graduate schools, Stark ran into Pete Welsh, who suggested that Stark take a position as alumni director at CMC and work partetime for his graduate degree at the Claremont Graduate School. Stark agreed. A year later, in 1962, Stark became administrative assistant to Benson. Over the next ten years, Stark earned a reputation as a level-headed, savvy administrator. He was point man, in fact, in the long-range planning and fund-raising that character- ized the entire decade. Such an appointmenteof a non-Ph.D. administrator to an acting presidency- might easily have been expected to be temporary. A presidential search committee was appointed composed ofstudents,facu1ty, trustees, and alumni, Chaired by trustee Thomas Lowe. After an exhaustive six months search, the committee, to everyoneis surprise, recommended that Jack Stark be the permanent president. uWhat interests me, even amazes mef noted Richard Armour, Pomona professor and CIVIC trustee member of the presidential search committee, his that we could have come to such an unusual choice after following such usual procedures. Other colleagues, cumulatively, offered further explanations. CMC was a busi- ness-oriented institution. It had almost $28.7 million in assets and an $8.7 million market value in endowment. Educationally, CMC sought to produce a product very much resemblingjack Stark: a trained executive, that is, with a taste for public affairs. At this time of crisis, CMC had the confidence to turn to itselfeto its own tradition, Claremont McKemw College In September 1977, at the thirty-yea'r convocation, C M C faculty and stajfwith twenty years or more ofservice gatheredfor a group portrait. 03mm row, seated, left to 17'th Stuart Briggs, Leonard Dart, Eva Ballard, George C . S. Benson, Katharine Lowe, Orme Phelps, and. Bill A'rce. LSecond row, standing George Gibbs, H erb H oskins, john Fe'rling, Pete Welsh, Louise Merritt, Chem Garcia, Emery Walker, Robert Rogers, and Hal Painter. 07113171 row, stcmdingUack Dunbar, Winston Fisk, Leon Hollermmz, cmdjohn Payne. 23 7 values, and style of leadership-to negotiate its way through the still-tumultuous 197os. Procter Thomson, a CMC economics professor and member of the search committee, stated the CMC case pithily to the Los Angeles Times the day following the announcement of Starks appointment. KIt is no longer true, Thomson observed, if it ever was, that a man has to serve an academic apprenticeship in order to adminise ter a college well and wisely. The held abounds With a lot of pompous, eloquent char- acters, who are really supreme nuisances when all is said and done. This man has a common sense that saves him from that fate. Almost immediately, Stark revealed in his public statements both the hard-nosed administrative and the quasi-ministerial side of his makeup. IIThere has been public concern lately, Stark wrote in The Individualist for the spring of 1971, about the lack of power in the office of the college president. The office is characterized as a pawn caught between divergent pressure groups. At Claremont Menis College, this is not an accurate Characterization. There is power in the presidents office. Helping Stark exercise his authority were Pete VVeIsh, secretary of the board of trustees, and such top staffers as Emery Walker, dean of admissions and Financial aid; John Payne, Vice president for development; Katharine Lowe, registrar; Dean of Stu- dents Clifton MacLeod; and Orme Phelps, who in 1970 had succeeded Harold McClelland as dean offaculty. By then Emery Walker had become a nationally recog- nized figure in the admissions Field. At the end of the decade, in 1978 and 1979, he would be honored with the top service awards of the College Entrance Examination Board and the National Association of College Admission Counselors. In 1970 Bar- bara Condit, a certified public secretary, joined Starks staff as administrative sec- retary. In September 1974 Condit was Chosen Outstanding Secretary of Southern California by the National Secretaries Association. In time, Condit would rise to an assistant Vice presidency. In 1974 Clifton MacLeod became dean of administration; and Stark named H. Dennis Gray, assistant dean of the college at Princeton Univer- sity, dean of students. In 1970 Stark had turned to CIVIC alumnus TimJoh11son,I71,to take his place as hnancial ohcicer. After four years in office, Johnson went off to Hare vard to complete an MBA. Mike Rothman, 72, another CMC graduate, replaced Johnson in 1974 and served until 1982 whenefollowing his resignation to accept a position in industryeRothman was replaced by yet another CIVIC alumnus, Freder- ickWeis, ,65. Thus four CIVIC alumni in a row served as chieffinancial oHicers OItheir alma mater. In August 1979 Stark appointed longtime registrar Katharine Lowe as a special assistant working on the accreditation report and the renewed Phi Beta Kappa application. To replace Lowe, Stark turned to Patti Meyers, a 1975 graduate ofScripps who had spent the previous year as Lowes assistant and undei'study. Ofprimary importance to Starks success was the active role played by his wife,Ji1. C laremont McKemm College Attractive, well traveled and educated, an avid outdoors woman, gracious at entertain- ing and social life, Jil Stark was very much the paragon of the Scripps woman of her era, fully prepared to exercise an active partnership alongside her husband. Like George and Mabel Benson, the Starks entertained frequently at their home in Clare- mont, and Jil Stark was a lively participant in her husbands busy social life. It was in the Athenaeum project, however, that Jil Stark made the most public in- vestment of her energies. Since the Starks retained their private residence, the former Presidents House became the Athenaeum in 1970. Throughout the 19705, working as a volunteer alongside the first full-time professional director, faculty spouse Bon- nie Lofgren tfollowed by Margo Ryan, who later married Claire Peck and became a trusted, Jil Stark provided energy to an increasingly intricate program of guest speak- ers WVilliam Buckley, Admiral Elmo Zumwalt, Irving Kristol, George Bush, William Manchester, Dean Rusk, Elie Wiesel, Walter Heller, Milton Friedmani and dinners, as well as smaller luncheon and dinner parties for language tables, the Economics Association, the James Madison Society, ROTC cadets, athletes, honor societies, keepers of kosher, visiting parents, international students, and a myriad of College- sponsored guests. Each academic year opened with a festive evening party; and occa- sions such as Halloween, Thanksgiving, Christmas, Hanukkah, Easter, Passover, and other national and ethnic holidays were equally commemorated with dinners for as few as ten or as many as one hundred. Working With Athenaeum directors, Jil Stark took special pleasure in preparing menus and table settings for the more than ten thousand meals served annually in the Athenaeum program. In endowing the Athe- naeum program, trustee Donald McKenna had envisioned a blend of his memories from the Claremont Inn in the 19205 and Harvard in the 19305, together with the solid comforts of a nineteenth-Century London club. Arranging for speakers, planning menus, organizing art shows, and making as many members of the CMC community feel as fully at home as possible, Jil Stark helped translate Donald McKennais vision into a solidly successful program. The appointment of Orme Phelps as dean of faculty in 1970 brought to this promi- nent position a founding faculty member Oflong service and great popularity. As dean of faculty, the crew-cut, pipeesmoking Phelps, resplendent in tweed jacket and bow tie tthe perfect picture of a college professor of that time and ergo, backed Jack Starks transition from acting to permanent president. Throughout the 19705 the CIVIC fac- ulty continued a process notably under way since the previous decade: recruitment, diversification tincluding an increasing number of women scholarsi, pride in good teaching, and publication. In this last regard, economist Arthur Kemp and political philosopher Harry Jaffa emerged as major intellectual leaders of the conservative movement that would, by the end of the decade, attain the White House itself. In its Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 233 On 20 September1977, ProfessorRica-rdo Quinones, $5cial CIVIC mace in hand, led the procession into Bauer Lecture Hall for the opening convocation. issue of 6 July 1979, National Review published a cover article on Jaffak thought by Harvard graduate student Charles Kesler, who described Jaffa as the Tforemost inter- preter of the American political tradition. Also on campus in academic year 1971-72 was the eminent political scientist Sir Denis Brogan of Cambridge University, named as the Erst George C. S. Benson Pro- fessor of Public Affairs. The author of more than thirty books, Sir Denis had studied American history at Oxford undervisiting professor Samuel Eliot Morison of Harvard and done graduate work at Harvard after taking his degree. An honorary fellow of Cor- pus Christi College at Oxford, Sir Denis belonged to the distinguished faculty of Pe- terhouse College at Cambridge. The appointment of Sir Denis Brogan further rein- forced the OxfordTCambridge imagery that had hovered around CMC-indeed, all the Claremont Collegesesince the inception of the Group Plan. A new academic star, meanwhile, emerged on the horizon in 1970, as assistant prOa fessor of philosophy John Roth was included in the volume Outstanding Educators ofAmerica, together with two other CIVIC scholars, Martin Diamond, professor of American political institutions, and Clyde Eriksen, associate professor of biology. Also gaining national attention that year was another junior CMC scholar, Edward Haley, assistant professor of international relations and a former foreign affairs re- search assistant to US. SenatorJoseph Tydings of Maryland. Haleyjs book Revolution and Intervention, a study of American relations with Mexico during the presidencies of Taft and Wilson, had just been published by MIT Press to favorable reviews. Two years later, the National Institute of Anthropology and History in Mexico City awarded Haleyk monograph the Sahagun Prize, the Mexican equivalent of a Pulitzer. Slowly and subtly, one faculty generation was replacing another. In 1974 Stuart Briggs, a founding faculty member in accountancy and longtime dean of students, retired. For some time, Briggs had been a favored guest of twentyeEfth-anniversary alumni reunions, where he was wont to dazzle one and all with his renderings of cole lege and comic songs. Three years later, two other Jfounding faculty, John Dunbar 0f the English department and George Gibbs of economics and accountancy, also retired. A flash flood in Nevada took the life of physical education professor and longtime basketball coach Ted Ducey in September 1974. The next month, on 5 October, the gymnasium of CMC and Harvey Mudd College was dedicated in Ducey,s honor. More than 250 students, faculty, staff, and alumni attended ceremonies honoring the popular professor and coach, who had brought the Stags to four conference champi- onships. Cancer took Procter Thomson in early 1975 at the premature age of fifty-five, depriving CMC of one of its most engaged and charismatic professors. Later that year, in June, Professor Emeritus William Bayard Taylor, longtime dean of the faculty, passed away at the age of seventy-eight. Martin Diamond collapsed and died in a Sen- Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 235 ate hearing room in Washington on Friday, 22 July 1977, after testifying on the role of the electoral college before Senator Birch Bayhs Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments of the Senate Judiciary Committee. On the verge of accepting a profes- sorship at Georgetown, Diamond was Efty-eight. At the time, he was on the faculty at Northern Illinois University, having resigned from CIVIC in 1971 due to differences of opinion with his colleague Harry Jaffa. Faculty member Ward E.Y. Elliott later saw in these deaths, and in a number of premature deaths that followed, values characteristic of the CIVIC spirit. Wasnit Ted Ducey driving his truck down to rescue somebody when the flood got him? Elliott asked. Somewhere, in addition to the glowing descriptions of the way CIVIC people lived, there should always be some moving descriptions of how they died, doing what they believed in to the end. Procter Thomson, the one who told us that igreed is goodf not only taught his last semester, but went to the Economics Association meeting and helped out with departmental recruitment. He then came home to mix up a huge batch of martinis, to his own special recipe, to be consumed at his funeral weeks later. As one admirer put it, iI-Ie was there in spirits, Procters Chicago-school colleagues assure us tas he would have himself, had he livedl that such behavior, though it might look altruistic to a non-economist, was actually his way ofmaximizinghis current per- sonal utility, and was in perfect observance of his own laws. Maybe. But, if so, words like greed and personal utility mean something broader, deeper, fuzzier, and more sub- tle to economists than they do to ordinary people? George C. S. Benson, by contrast, continued to exude the life force. In 1972 Benson returned to the faculty from Washington to take up a teaching and research professor- ship in the Salvatori Center for the Study ofIndiVidual Freedom in the Modern World. In October1975 the Hoover Institution Press published Benson's Amoml America, coe authored with colleague Thomas Engeman, a study dealing with political corruption and shaky ethics in many sectors ofAmerican life. Through the 19705, Benson settled into what had been his profession before World War 11, college professor. He re- mained, however, an active force and continuing influence with the board of trustees. In recognition of his lifelong service to CIVIC, the trustees named Benson chancellor of the College in the spring of 1979. Benson was not the only former president to return to CIVIC; also that year Gordon Bjork, former president of Linheld College in Oregon, joined the faculty as professor of economics. A-Phi Beta Kappa graduate of Dartmouth and 21 Rhodes scholar, Bjork had taken his PhD. at the University of Washington and spent six years as president of Linheld. Badly scarred by the Igoos-style dissension at that campus, Bjork, a well- published scholar, transferred his flag to Claremont along with his English wife twhom he had met at Oxfordl and their four children. In 1977, Jack Stark named Bjork 236 C laremont McKenna College AB OVE: In September 1988 the Carnegie FozmdationforAdvancement of Teaching namedjohn K. Roth, Russell K. Pitzer Professor ofPhilosophy and chair of the department of philosophy and religion, Professor of the Ykar. Roth was chosen from afield ofjive hundred United States and Canadian nominees. L E FT: Writer cmdfaculty member Ruben M artinez brought depth and diversity to the CM C department of literature which, by the 19905, had attained national distinction. the firstJonathan B. Lovelace Professorin Economics, a Chair established in honor of his father by trustee Jonathan B. Lovelace, Jn, chairman of the board of trustees from 1973 to 1976. With the return of Orme Phelps to the faculty in 1974 after four years of successful service as dean of the faculty, President Stark appointed as his successor another dy- namic young faculty member, a type of energetic younger scholar increasingly promi- nent at CIVIC as the 1970s progressed. Born in England in 1938, Alan I-Ieslop had served as an officer in the RAF before going on to Oxford, where he took his degree in history at Magdalen College. After a brief stint in the business world with the Impe- rial Tobacco Company, Heslop won a fellowship at the University of Texas, where he took his doctorate in political science in 1967 and was offered a position at CIVIC. De- laying his appointment for a year, Heslop spent 1967-68 as an American Political Sci- ence Association Ford Foundation Congressional Fellow, working as an intern in both Houses of Congress. It was the beginning of a lifelong involvement in practical polie tics as well as academia. In 19727 after a mere four years on the faculty, Heslop was named Don and Edessa Rose Professor of Politics. The following year he was appointed founding director of the Rose Institute for State and Local Government. In short order, Alan I-IesIop was to become the very model of the politically engaged academic, a role pioneered by George C. S. Benson. Through his work with the Council of the California Congres- sional Recognition Plan, the Rose Institute, the California Republican Party State Central Committee, and the Republican Cal Plan Committee, for which he was like- wise named executive director in 1972, Heslop became the senior Republican aca- demic advisor and strategist in the state. In time, I-Ieslop would play a major role in redistricting and, as a member of the steering committee for Proposition 140, advocat- ing term limits. Passed in November 1990, Prop 140 significantly altered the way Cali- fornia practiced its politics. For the time being, however, in the early 197os, Heslop concentrated his efforts on a number of CMC-based projects. In 1971 I-Ieslop became chairman of the depart- ment of political science. In 1974 President Stark named I-Ieslop dean of the faculty; and inJanuary 1976 Stark appointed I-Ieslop executive Vice president of CIVIC in addi- tion to the deanship. Stark described the position as his second in command. I-Ieslop served as executive Vice president little more than a year, however, resigning in June 1977 to return to fullvtime teaching and research at the Rose Instituteeand to his increasing responsibilities on behalf of the Republican party in California. Colin Wright folIowed Heslop as dean of the faculty. Wright earned his doctorate at the University of Chicago and was teaching economics at Claremont Graduate School prior to accepting an appointment to CIVIC. In 1983 Wright went back to 238 Claremont McKenna College teaching and was appointed the Norwood and Frances Berger Professor of Business and Society. Other younger faculty, meanwhile, were also making their mark. Laura Schreib- man, psychology, did pioneering work in the field of behavior modihcation and ther- apy for autistic, psychotic, and retarded children. Psychologist John Snortum con- ducted pioneering research in the social and psychological aspects of police and prison administration. A clinical psychologist specializing in the criminaljustice sys- tem, Snortum was the hrst tenured faculty member to hold the George C. S. Benson Professorship of Public Affairs, established at the time the founding president left for Washington. Backed by a major grant from the John M. OIin Foundation, William Craig Stubblebine, economics, established a research and teaching program in law and economics, anchored in a newly formed Study for the Center Of Law Structures. In the spring of 1979, Stubblebine was named the first Von Tobel Professor of Political Economy, a chair established by the Von Tobel family of Las Vegas, owners of the largest home-furnishing center in the western United States. Robert PinneII, chemis- try, performed pioneering research on protein synthesis. G. I. OerryI Eyrich, econom- ics, and Janet Myhre, mathematics, emerged as highly respected corporate and gov- ernmental consultants. In addition to her duties as professor of mathematics, Myhre served as director of the Institute of Decision Sciences, another CIVIC research and consulting center. In the Winter of 1979 the National Endowment for the Humanities selected Ward Elliott, political science, as a Distinguished Scholar, charged with teaching a special summer seminar at CIVIC, Crime and Punishment: Images of Man and Law? for college and university teachers from throughout the nation. Harvard University Press, meanwhile, published Ricardo Quinoness The Renais- sance Discovery of Time in 1973, a study that placed this recently tenured Harvard- trained scholar in the forefront of Renaissance studies. By the end of the decade, Qui- nones was'serving as Chair of an English department equal to any among the Clare- mont Colleges. Michael Riley, associate professor of Film and literature, was guiding the department into the field ofcinema studies-a far cry from the old days ofpolitics and economies. In the spring of! 1978, Efteen-year veteran Robert Possum, an author ity on American literature, was named Josephine Olp Weeks Professor of Literature, succeeding the retired John Dunbar; Dunbar had been the first to hold CIVICYS First endowed chair in literature, established in 1970 in honor of Mrs. Josephine Weeks of Bel Air and Laguna Beach, a longtime friend and donor of the College. The Ene glish department lost a longtime member in February 1979 when LadeII Payne, J12, accepted the presidency of RandolpheIVIacon College in Ashland, Virginia. Earlier in the decade, Payne, a specialist in American literature, had conducted extensive interviews with more than forty trustees, faculty, and staff from the founding era as Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 33 9 AB OVE: British-bom, aformeroijaar in the RAF, Oxford- and University offlkxar educated, Alan Heslop UeftL the Don and Edessa Rose Professor ofState and Local Government, helped change the way California governed itself. R 1 G HT: joint science professor Robert Feldmeth directed the attention of CM C to the developingjield ofenvz'ronmental biology. Among his many interests and causes, Feldmeth championed aqua- culture as a means ofbringing protein to impoverished populations. N N m4 - u n ma ; preparation for a history of the College through the 19605. Although the project never reached final form, Paynes interviews and manuscript history, together with Mabel Bensons earlier historical essay, reinforced a growing sense of heritageeof signifi- cant time passed and a generation passing, of an era in transitioneslowly emerging in the communal consciousness of CIVIC. When Ricardo Quinones, in full academic regalia, official CMC mace in hand, led the procession into Bauer Lecture Hall for the opening convocation on 20 September 1977, he not only afforded a photographer the occasion for one of the most enduring of all CIVIC images, he also presided over an event that surprised everyone by its success and good feeling. After more than a decade of dissension and strife over Vietnam, the Black Studies Center, ROTC, drugs, dorm conduct, and the like, an era of goodwill ' was returning to campus. The entire ClVlC communityefaculty, staff, and stu- dentsewas waking up and realizing the fragility ofhuman institutions and the neces- sity of rationality and civil conduct in college affairs. Improved admission standards, as well as an increasing diversity of students, were creating a noticeably more sophisticated student body. tIssues of The Ayer from the 19703 show a growing diversity of graduates as the decade progressesl The 235 freshmen and 32 transfer students enrolling at CIVIC in the fall of 1970, for example, boosting the total student body to an alletime high of 831, represented thirty-Eve states and eighteen foreign nations. CMC was still a predominately California institution, with 552 Californians enrolled, 437 of them from Southern California; yet 258 were from other states. CMC was not yet a national institution, but it was on its way. The CMC team, for example, performed impressively in the spring 1970 General Electric College Bowl series, thus showcasing CMC for the first time on national television. Showing the strain and frustration of the years 1967-71, President Jack Stark made the suggestion tperhaps tongue in cheek, or perhaps merely to provoke a responsel at the opening convocation in September 1971 that students were in general apathetic to student government and it should perhaps be abolished. liVVe, the officers of the Associated Students of Claremont Menls College, student government officials wrote Stark on 29 October 1971, in order to maintain our sanity, must speak up about the general attitude of the College administration towards student government at CIVIC. This years student leaders are continually beingjuclged by the student leaders of the past. We are a new and different group of people and Wish only to be judged on our own successes or failures? The letter went on to complain that student leaders were not being asked to represent CIVIC at intercollegiate, alumni, or parents, meet- ings. The clean of students, moreover, was considering taking away the free dormitory room allocated the ASCMC president for one semester. llWe remind you, the stu- dents continued in their letter to Stark, ilthat this year for the first time in the past four years, we had a complete tunnel for the Pomona-CMC Jfootball game. We also remind Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 241 you that this year there has been a social life at CIVIC to talk about tmany dances and dormitory partiesl The students might have been peeved. But they wanted to come in from the cold- to call a halt to the ritualized alienation brought to college campuses by the pressing political issues of the era and the revolution in value and lifestyle that the entire nation was experiencing. The letter to Stark by the ASCMC was in reality a peace offering. The reference to renewed social life, in fact, revealed an almost suppressed nostalgia for the 19505, when the entire academic year seemed a highly orchestrated progression of social events. This struggle to reassemble a sorely tested sense of community con- tinued through the decade, nurtured by tamong othersy Dean of Students Dennis Gray and his succes501',Jerry Garris, who served from 1977 to 1984. Garris, in fact, was especially Close to Jack Stark and became a universally admired campus presence, as did Garriss assistant dean, W Torrey Sun. Sun later succeeded Garris as dean of students when Garris followed Ladell Payne to Randolph-Macon College, where Garris became dean of the faculty. Backed by the majority of faculty, students, and trustees during the time of trouble, the ROTC program gained strength throughout the decade, even after the cessation of hostilities in Vietnam and the end of the draft. CIVIC, after all, was attractive to the kind of young man considering a career in the Army: young men such as ROTC battalion commander Cadet Lieutenant Colonel Larry Brisky, for example, a twenty- four-year-old graduating in May 1978 with honors in ROTC, philosophy, and history. A former enlisted man in the Army Security Agency, holder of the Legion of Valor and the Bronze Cross, Brisky had won one of fifty coveted Enlisted Man ROTC scholar- ships. At his graduation and commissioning, the history and philosophy departments, together with ROTC, jointly named him their most outstanding student. William Crouch, '63, meanwhile, an ROTC graduate who had decided upon the Army as a career, was making steady progress up the ranks, en route to four-star general. ROTC did not merely survive at CIVIC, it went on the offensive. On 28 October 1978 Captain James Bush, assistant professor of military science, wrote a brilliant, nationally recog- nized essay on the values of the ROTC program in terms of Character formation and executive experience either for those wishing to make the military a career or for those heading into leadership roles in civilian life. By that time, CMC ranked alongside MIT and Princeton in per-capita students on ROTC scholarships. By that time, the fall of 1978, 17 percent of the CIVIC students participating in ROTC were women. Three years previously, on 24 April 1975, the trustees of Clare- mont Menis College, following three years of intensive discussion, authorized the admission of women, thereby bringing CIVIC to a new plateau of identity. Serious discussion of the issue had begun in July 1972. The following September econom- ics professor Procter Thomson, 3 member of the subcommittee on admissions of the 242 C laremont McKenna College AB OVE: Appointed to CM C from Harvard in 1968, government and political science professor Ward E . Y. Elliott paid special attention to the evolution and development Ofstualent-faculty culture at the College. In 1988 Elliott published Rise of Guardian Democracy, a defmitive study 0fthe Supreme Court and voting rights. LEFT: John Snortum, the George C. S. Benson Professor ofPublic Ajfairs, won international attention in the 19805 with his pic nearing research into the social control ofdmnh driving. academic affairs committee studying the question, neatlyeand with his usual wite summarized the issues CMC faced 0n the coed question. The moment admissions director Emery Walker mentioned CMC, Thomson observed, he had to spend uthe next hour explaining that its not a monastery . . . Ht isl far easier to peddle a coed college? Then there was the fact that llwider selection clearly promises increased quality, lal chance to rid ourselves of the marginal 15 to 20 percent of men we now take. The one Klsticky wicket'l involved in going coed, Thomson argued, was the pub- lic relationslfunderaising problem. CMC had spent twenty-five years promoting itself as one kind ofinstitution. lfit went coed, it would have to Change its name and would therefore have to start all over again. One of the things Thomson most feared were the tasteless lunches, long cone Claves, and mountains of paper while making up our minds. Unfortunately, such things could not be avoided; for Tliomsons iisticky wicketli remained a persistent cone cern. Two years later, on 10 July 1974, development director John Payne was urging caution, despite the two years of surveys, visitations lAmherst, Dartmouth, Prince- ton, Yale, Hampshire, Clare Collegel, and debate. By this time the trustees were de- termined to resolve the coed matter at a special meeting the next April. Taking for granted that a name Change would have to accompany the decision, Payne urged cau- tion. An April decision would not give CMC time to secure a major gift worthy of a name change. Even more, Payne Jfeared a split among the trustees, which was also had for fund-raising. - Trustee Donald McKenna, who Chaired the subcommittee studying the issue, was also skeptical, although he largely kept his counsel twith the exception of a very frank letter he typed to trustee Ned Bailey 0n I7July1974l. Like Payne, McKenna was afraid of a split on the board. The argument from trends and ethics twhich is to say, women had a right to attend CMCl was not that convincing to the canny, skeptical Scotsman. Could CIVIC, McKenna asked, which had experienced such destabilization on the issue of minority quotasea major cause of Nevillels resignation, in McKennas opine ion-now deal with yet another minority and yet another quota? McKenna was ada- mant against a 30 percent quotakap for females, should ClVIC decide to admit women. llEither we go coed or we clonlt, McKenna argued, or we are going to suffer from a minority who will have minority problems, and we may get female students who are more like the activist feminists than the leaders of the future whom the advo- cates of coeducation tell us will be the ones who will actually come to CIVIC if we open our doors. In the long run, however, certain compelling arguments surfaced and resurfaced and eventually won the adherence of a majority of the board of trustees. As early as 29 May 1973, in fact, these very same arguments propelled the subcommittee on admis- sions of the academic affairs committee to come down solidly in favor of admitting 244 Cla-remont McKenna College women. The admission of women, first of all, would increase the total number of highly qualified applicants. This would soon be necessary, since statistics were indi- cating that the pool of eighteen-year-olds would sharply decline in the coming years. Second, women were increasingly Finding law, business, and government attractive professions; hence, the admission of women at CIVIC would not involve a change in the fundamental orientation of the College. Third, the number of male applicants in- terested in an all-male college was limited and declining. Ifit did not go coed, CMC could face a crisis of recruitment that would erode the academic gains of the past de- cade. Fourth, a national trend toward coeducation had developed. Yale, Princeton, Dartmouth, Williams, and Amherst had all gone coed. Harvard, Brown, and Notre Dame had achieved the same goal through amalgamation. Haverford had aligned it- self Closely with Bryn Mawr. In the early stages of discussion, there had also been talk of a similar CMC-Scripps alignment. Fifth, court decisions could conceivably compel CIVIC to go coed whether it wanted to or not; the college would otherwise lose tax support and state scholarships. Of parallel importance: the vast majority of the CMC student body favored coedu- cation. A student-opinion survey, completed in March 1975, before the crucial trustee meeting of 24 April, showed that 73 percent of the CIVIC student body favored coedu- cation; 16 percent were unfavorable; and 11 percent were undecided. Student reasons were a little more idealistic than the more pragmatic reasons surfacingin subcommit- tee deliberations. Students, the Associated Students of Claremont Menls College wrote the trustees, favored coeducation for three reasons. Women had a fundamental right to attend CMC, and their exclusion was discriminatory and unjust. iiThe unnat- ural social situation, created by CMCS all-male Character, does a great disservice to the student by not allowing him an unstrained, informal social atmosphere in which women can be regarded as friends and equals? Finally-here the students agreed with the subcommittee-llthe applicant pool will be enlarged, and the quality of the student body increased by the admission of women? For the rest of his career at CIVIC, Jack Stark considered the admission of women among the most important decisions in the history of the College. This decision had highly personal implications for Stark as well; he and his wife had privately decided that if the coeducation proposal were defeated, they would announce their intention to step down from the leadership of CMC. For three long years President Stark, with Jil Starks support, kept the College focused on the coed issue. Neither was prepared to continue investing energy in an institution that decided on the past and rejected the future. In the long debate, CIVIC was fortunate, moreover, to have as Chairman of the board Jon Lovelace, a man devoted to process. Under Lovelacels guidance, the board cle- cided that all constituencies would be consulted on the coed issue. Such an issue, Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 245 AB 0v E : Through his Timmy books and his teaching and public seminars, the Korean- born Chae-Jin Lee, BankAmerica Professor ofPacijic Basin Studies and director 0fthe Keck Center a scholarjiuent in Korean, Japanese, C hinese, French, and English strengthened CM C '5 growing orientation to the Asia PaciJQc Basin. RI G I-IT: A Rhodes scholar from Dartmouth, Gordon Bjork was in 1977 named by President Stark theflrst Jonathan B. Lovelace Professor in Economics. moreover, the board believed, could not be decided by a simplemajority. It would re- quire, rather, a two-thirds vote. The long process of extensive consultation did not suit Starks more direct style of management; but until the very end, Jack and Jil Stark publicly resisted the temptae tion to state their opinions ofhcially on the coeducational issue. Privately, however, there was little question in the minds of students, faculty, alumni, and trustees that Stark was a strong advocate for CIVIC going coed. Stark, after all, Erst officially raised the question to the board of trustees and established the study committee under the leadership of trustee N ed Bailey. On Thursday, 24 April 1975, the trustees voted to admit women to CMC. The vote was 28 for coeducation and 13 in favor of maintaining the status quo. The two-thirds majority had been met. The dramatic split that Donald McKenna and John Payne so feared did not materialize. The first group of entering women were scheduled to enroll in academic year 1976e77. On 15 March 1976, seventeen-year-old Kathleen Evans of Lakewood, Colorado, sent in her commitment deposit reserving a place in the class entering CMC the fol- lowing fall. The daughter of a mining engineer, Evans had been raised at various places around the United States and in Australia. Like her father, a graduate of the Colorado School of Mines, and her older brother, a professional metallurgist, Evans tthen in her senior year at the Wheat Ridge High School in Lakewoodi looked for- ward to a career in mining engineering, metallurgy, or mineral economicsehence her enrollment in a joint CMCeColorado School of Mines fiveeyear dual-degree management-engineering program. After three years of concentration in economics, mathematics, and sciences at CIVIC, Evans was scheduled to transfer to the Colorado School of Mines for two years of engineering. Following the successful completion of this Eve-year program, CMC would award her a bachelor of arts and the Colorado School of Mines, a bachelor of science. On the receipt of Evansis deposit, the CMC public relations engine went into oper- ation. Kathleen Evans was flown to CMC as a guest of the College, where she met with President Jack Stark, faculty, students, and staff, took a tour of the campus, at tended classes, and was interviewed by KNBC-TV for its i'On Campusi, program on channel four. Miss Evans typifies the student Claremont Menis College strives to admit? Jack Stark told the press. iiShe is goal-oriented and highly motivated. We are delighted she will be attending CMC in the fall. In the spring 1978 commencement, six transfer studentseBarbara Christman, Maria Payne, Deborah Hasty, Mary Ei- land, Catherine Higgins, andJenniferJonesereceived their CMC degrees, and long- time registrar Katharine Lowe was declared an honorary alumna. Appropriately, radio commentator Pauline Frederick gave the commencement address at the Sunday, 21 May 1978, afternoon ceremonies in Badgley Garden. ConJQict and Renewal, 1970-1979 247 The presence of women at CMC brought change to the Classrooms, the residence and dining hallseeand the playing fields. To accommodate women athletes, a joint program was established with Scripps and Harvey Mudd, competing under the name the Athenas in six intercollegiate sports: volleyball, basketball, swimming and diving, track, cross-country running, and tennis. Within two years, CMC had its first female athletic superstaresophomore Kathleen Evans. The Hrst woman to be admitted to CMC won letters in cross-country, volleyball, and track, was honored with a place on the AlleSCIAC womens crosSacountry team, and was elected captain ofAthena track. Junior Deborah Packer, meanwhile, a psychology-philosophy major, was achieving national rank in bicycling competition. Her coach, Professor Steve Maaranen, ,69, considered her one of the Finest women riders in the country. The CMC cycling program, one of the first of its kind in the country, was directed by an alumnus who expressed the ideals ofa scholar athlete. In 1967, as a CMC under- graduate, Steven Maaranen had competed in the Olympics in Mexico City. After graduating from CMC and serving in the Army, Maaranen took his PhD. from the Claremont Graduate School, researching at Oxford his dissertation on British foreign policy in the 19305. Returning to CMC as a faculty member, Maaranen also organized and coached the pioneering cyclist program. With the prospect of the 1984 Los Ange- les Olympics, President Stark, authorized by the board of trustees, was quietly pursu- ing the possibility of constructing a velodrome ta concrete banked bicycle raceway, surrounded by 3,000 to 4,000 permanent seatsl for the 1984 Olympics. The veloclrome would be built on eighty acres of land east of CMC between Sixth Street and Foothill Boulevard, east of Claremont Boulevard, property pledged to the College by Consoli- dated Rock Company, if the site were to be selected as an Olympic venue. Stark and the trustees envisioned CMC becoming an international center for cycling after the Olympics. While the project never materialized, it did underscore CMCs commitment to a full spectrum of sports in its athletic programe-and t0 the notion of the coach- teacher, well versed in physical education or an academic subject. Another such man was baseball coach, athletic director, and classroom professor of physical education Bill Arce, holder of a Stanford doctorate in education. Arce considered himself first and foremost an educator, with baseball as his subject and the formation ofyoung men through baseball as his deepest professional commitment. As founder of the CMC athletic program in 1958, as baseball coach, and as athletic director, Arce insisted that CMC sports remain linked to the classroom and the building of character. Since 1962, moreover, Arce had spent summers coaching in Holland, Italy, Sweden, Belgium, En- gland, Germany, France, Spain, and Czechoslovakia in an effort to export this quint- essentially American game to Europe. He also served as Chairman of the US. Olym- pic Baseball Committee, a member of the board of directors of the US Baseball 248 C luremomt McKemm College AB OVE: I n 1987 Oxford University Press published not one but two books by constitutional historian C harles Lofgren: Government from Reflection and Choice, a collection of six essays on war-making powers underthe United States Constitution, and The Plessy Case, cm examination 0fthe constitutional issues surrounding a pivotal nineteenth- century Supreme Court decision. LE FT: Marie-Denise Shelton, professorof French, brings a dynamic and engaged style to the classroom. 250 Federation, and a member of the board of directors of Babe Ruth Baseball. On several occasions Arce helped coach the U.S. All-Star teams in world championship competi- tion in Colombia t197ol, South Korea and Taiwan t1976l, and Italyt1978l. In 1976 Arce was inducted into the Coaches Hall of Fame and received the Roy P. Crocker Award for Merit from CIVIC. In 1962 Aree recruited John Zinda as football coach. Like Arce, Zinda considered himself an educator and character former, using football to make better men. Basket- ball coach Ted Ducey was likewise committed to this ideal until his untimely death, as was swimming coach Des Farnady and golf coach Cliff MacLeod, longtime dean ofstudents. Before his retirement in 1976, athletic trainer Frank ClGunnylll Sacks up- held the same ideal. So beloved was Sacks that in 1972 students voluntarily raised a purse to send him and his wife to Hawaii. On the night of 28 January 1978, alumni gathered for an evening celebrating Saeksis fifteen years as trainer. More than 150 alumni testimonial letters were presented to the genial figure. 'lAnkle taper, Chauffeur, chaperon, parent, friend, and confidantfj wrote Ron Kasdorf, I77, Ileyou were all these things and more. Through water polo, meanwhile, a Stag specialty, CIVIC entered the Ivy League, competing against Brown, Yale, and the combined All-Star 0f Harvard-MIT at Brown University in Octobe11975.Very shortly, the Stag water polo team was besting the best of the Ivy League. The late 19605 and the decade of the 19705 witnessed an extraordinary investment in long-range planning; indeed, in retrospect, the years 1968-78 constitute a decade of continuous planning. Published in pamphlet form in 1968 as CMC 1979, A Policy Statementfor the Future: C laremont Mews College, the McKenna Report tersely set forth a long-range plan that would in the course of the next decade receive Five elabora- tions. These variations on a theme came in two formats, reports and plans. The reports were basically briefsewhich is to say, argumentseon behalf of Clare- mont McKenna as well as descriptions of its present status; hence they dealt with ideals, goals, and action programs and could thus be considered part of the decade- long planning process. In 1972, for example, the College submitted a forty-six-page IProf'lle of Claremont Menls College 1952-1972 as part of its proposal to the Ford Foundation. Three years later, in preparation for its reaccreditation by the Western Association of Schools and Colleges, CIVIC produced a second lengthy description of itself, running to fifty single-spaced typewritten pages, which was also, in part, an evocation of its ideals andgriorities. Formal planning, meanwhile, continued through the PITFALLE Plan of 1973, the Bates Plan of 1976, and the EDGE Education, Development, Growth, Excellencel Plan of 1979. The accrediting commission that visited the campus on 12 December C laremont McKenna College 1975 was presented with an early draft of the Bates Plan as well as a lengthy selfestudy. The PITFALLE Plan of1973 tPlanning Implementation Task Force to Achieve Long- range Leadership in Educationi was a diffuse and comprehensive effort involving Hf- teen committees and a number of individual reports. The Bates Plan of1976, by con- trast, was written almost completely by Dr. Margaret Bates, a Harvard-trained planner assigned to CMC as a Carnegie Administrative Fellow as part of a program set up by the Carnegie Institution to develop women academic administrators. The EDGE Plan of 1979 followed the comprehensive college-wide techniques of the PITFALLE Plan 0f1973, supplementing diverse committee reports with sophisticated statistical surveys. Cumulatively, then, in both its plans and reports CIVIC was assessing and rein- venting itselffor the future. A number ofconcernsecurriculum, the Athenaeum, the recruitment of students, the nature and scope of the residential program, the increas- ing demands on the physical plant, and the ever-present necessity of fund-raisinge- appear and reappear like leitmotifs in symphonic music throughout this decade of assessment and planning. Interestingly enough, faculty-related issues did not seem to be as present on the collective CIVIC mind, with the exception of the continuing and self-evident question of faculty compensation. By the 19703, the faculty had won for itsehC a relatively stable and accepted role in the de facto governance of CIVIC. The major plans of the decade, in fact, were equally driven by the faculty, the trustees, and President Jack Stark. When faculty issues did surface, however, they surfaced as curriculum issues, es- pecially in the PITFALLE Plan of 1973. On the field of curriculum, after all, faculty Fight their most heartfelt battles. The curriculum is second only to questions of tenure and promotion as an expression of identity and value. In his contribution to the PIT- FALLE Plan, then-Dean of the Faculty Orme Phelps outlined a condition of curricu- lum variation and flexibility that must be seen as a response to the student-power movement then at the height of its momentum. A faculty committee chaired by Pro- fessor Charles Lofgren, for example, was advocating the elimination of the three- course foreign-Ianguage requirement, the reduction of humanities requirements from six to four courses, and the reduction of social-science requirements from four to three courses, together with an increased receptivity to individually crafted majors: the Lofgren Proposals. All in all, the Lofgren Proposals reduced the minimum of sev- enteen required courses to eleven. Also to be eliminated: Saturday classes, a point of increasing contention among faculty and students alike. The Lofgren Proposals were enacted by academic year 1970-71, two years before the PITFALLE Report was actu- ally published. A further amenity to the curriculum came with the adoption of a semester-abroad program conducted at Franklin College in Lugano, Switzerland. Since it came from a single writer, the Bates Report was cogent and comprehensive Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 251 Returningfrom Washington in 1972, where he had served as deputy assistant secretary of defense heducatiow, George C . S. Benson, a lion in winter, assumed a teaching and research professorship in the Salvatori Center for the Study of Individual Freedom in the Modern World. in its assessment of challenges, especially coeducation and the residential program, but rather short on recommendations. It was difficult, after all, if not impossible, for an outsidere-even one as well trained and on such a prestigious program as a Carne- gie Administrative Fellowshipe-to make policy for an institution. On the other hand, in its analysis of the anticipated decline of eighteen- to twenty-two-year-olds in the coming decade, the Bates Plan reinforced the decision to go coeducational. Convened by the trustees in the spring of 1978, the EDGE committee twhich in- cluded Donald McKenna, John Payne, Professors Edward Haley and Charles Lof- gren, as well as President Jack Stark, a number of trustees, and two studentsy assem- bled the most comprehensive, program-oriented plan ever produced at CIVIC. The buildings and grounds program, for example, listed twenty-three ongoing projects and priorities, some of them resulting from the now-aging plant and others CiReevaluate campus lighting in view of attacks on people after darlw resulting from a changing social climate. Once again, as he had so many times in the past, trustee Donald McKenna took to his faithful upright Royal typewriter and in this instance tapped out a letter to Jack Stark, chairman of the board of trustees Jon Lovelace, and others, dated 18 September ogestions for the future. Among other things, Mc- 1978, containing many pertinent sui3 Kenna wanted women trustees Cthe inew womani of the next twenty years may have a lot to contribute to our board's viewpoint, plus we need to represent a growing seg- ment of our student bodyU; a more competitive recruitment of high school students, including an early admission program and a high school-level remedial program avail- able to prospective students; better training of students to use the library iMcKenna recommended a special course in bibliography and researchy; resident tutors in the dorms, 0n the Harvard model; and the expansion of Athenaeum programs. All this-and more-would take money. Even as the EDGE committee was con- ducting its deliberations, CIVIC was pushing to successful conclusion, six months ahead of schedule, its Project 80 campaign. Begun in July 1975 and chaired by George C. S. Benson, now returned to the faculty, Project 80 set as its goal the raising of $18,450,000 by 31 December 1980 to offset the growing tuition gap between what it cost to educate a student in a private college environment and what a student, even one from an affluent background, could reasonably be expected to pay. By the 19705, President Stark pointed out, the average tuition gap was in excess of $2,500. In the ease of CMC, it was $3,000. Endowment, moreover, was not keeping up with infla- tion-a fact that would be even more painfully apparent by the end of the 19705, when inflation rates went ballistic. The team behind Project 80 included Benson, Stark, Payne, Stanton Pete Welsh, vice president for college relations, and Dixon Arnett, vice president for public affairs research. Alumnus and longtime CMC administrator Pete Welsh saw the ventures success as a direct result of the fact that CIVIC had not Conflictand Renewal, 1970-1979 253 crumbled in the 19605. During the turmoil of the sixtiesf Welsh told a newspaper interviewer 0n 25July 1980, We maintained our standards. We have never subscribed to the theory that the students know best how to run the school. We have always de- manded high grades and quality work? The entire decade of the 19705, culminating in Project 80, represented a stunning financial achievement, as CIVIC doubled its endowment. Year by year the fund-raising success of the 19705 testified not only to the welI-honed development program guided by vice president John Payne but, more important, to the fact that the reputation of CIVIC was extending beyond alumni and trustees to a wider and wider audience. Whereas gifts in previous years tended to come from founding trustees and parents, gifts now came from many with no prior CIVIC connection. Corporate giving, more- over, showed a notable increase. In early 1971, for example, San Gabriel and Pomona Valley developer and restaurateur Paul MCNutt, neither an alumnus nor a trustee, made a gift of 129 acres of land in North Claremont valued at $519,000. It was the third-largest gift in the history of the College. Altogether, CIVIC raised $1,610,490 that year. In academic year 1971-72 the College raised $2,101,869. In academic year 1973- 74 it raised $1,657,539. That amount included a gift in April 1974 of $300,000 from retired South Pasadena financial executive Roy Crocker, a trustee since 1962 and a life trustee since 1970, toward the endowment of a professorship in American history, a goal at CIVIC dating from the 19405. The next year, Security Pacific National Bank p1edged$100,000, the largest single corporate pledge ever made to CMC. When Project 80 was announced in March 1975, CMC already had $8.3 million in hand toward its $18,450,000 goal, thanks to a $1-million gift from Mr. and Mrs. Donald McKenna, a second $1 million by Mrs. Don Hayden Rose toward the endowment of the Rose Institute for State and Local Government, half a million in gifts and pledges by other trustees, $130,000f1'0m the Irvine Foundation, $62,500 from the Tuohy Foun- dation of Santa Barbara, and other gifts. And so it continued through the rest of the decade: $4,063,636 for academic year 1976-77, and $2,589,652f01 academic year 1977-781With $5,500,064 raised, academic year 1978-79 became the best development year in the history of the College. Two million of that came from Mr. and Mrs. John Uale Dengler of Del Rio, Texas, and a gift of $1,082,333 came from the Harry G. Steele Foundation. Other large gifts that year included $100,000 from the Kresge Foundation toward construction ofa new stu- dent services center; $150,000 from trustee H. Norwood Berger of San Marino and his wife toward the endowment of a chair in business and society; and $100,000 from the Chicago family of alumnus Steve Crown. The $2-million Dengler gift, the second largest in the history of the College, showed how CIVIC was acquiring a reputation beyond the borders of its immedi- ate community. A graduate of Hamilton College in upstate New York and Columbia, 254 C la-remont McKemm College Joining the president's stajfin 1970, Barbara C ondit Uighw rose to cm administrative vice presidency I 11 August 1979 Stark appointed longtime Registrar Katharine Lowe Uefw to serve as special assistantfor accreditation and the Phi. Beta Kappa application. where he took an MA. before World War II, Jack Dengler had no CMC connection beyond the fact, perhaps, that he was the kind of businessman with public-sector ine terests that CIVIC intended to produce. Dengler first heard of CMC through an ad in the Wall Street Journal promoting CIVIC life income trusts in which assets were granted to CIVIC, which the College invested, passing on the income to the giver for life; when the giver died, the principal. reverted to CIVIC. By making a gift while they were alive, donors received an income tax deduction. By taking funds from their es- tate, they reduced their estate taxes. It took three years of discussion with Dengler and his wife to work out the details. He liked CIVIC students, Jack Dengler noted. While students elsewhere were rampant with long hair and dope and everything else, your students look normal and healthy and believe in some of the more conventional values ofAmerican culture? ByJuly198o, six months ahead Ofschedule, Project 80 had raised $21,113,318 in gifts and pledges from 3,500 contributors, well beyond the $18-million goal. During the campaign, CIVIC averaged more than $4 million a year, ranking it eighteenth in the nation out of 588 liberal arts colleges in terms of total gifts for the decade. Satisfied with their progress, the trustees ended Project 80 six months early, $2.6 million ahead of their goal. Trustee Marion Anderson chaired a dinner dance at the Bel Air Country Club on 31 May 1980 to celebrate the successful campaign. Comedian I-Ienny Young- man served as master of ceremonies. There was a lot to smile about. In addition to the fact that CMC had not gone soft in the 19605, the success of the research institutes was also cited as a distinguishing feature of the College. The insti- tutes Offered opportunities for graduate-level research in an undergraduate environ- ment and for applied research in a college describing itself as connected to the real world while remaining a liberal arts institution. By the spring of 1976, President Jack Stark was citing four institutes around which CMC was building its research identity: the Salvatori Center Jfor the Study of Individual Freedom in the Modern World, the Rose Institute for State and Local Government, the Applied Financial Economic Center, and the Institute of Decision Science. The Salvatori Center had been founded at the end of the 19605 with a generous $1-million gift from Los Angeles phi- lanthropist Henry Salvatori. On 27 June 1975, at a formal dinner held in the Los Ange- les Music Center, an equally impressive $1-million gift was presented by Eclessa tMrs. D011 Haydenl Rose, the first woman trustee of CIVIC, to endow the already existing Institute of State and Local Government. Alan Heslop had First proposed the institute in a four-page memorandum dated 4 October 1971, which Heslop expanded further in a second twelve-page, single-spaced, typewritten memorandum to Stark dated 1 December 1972. Of all the fields of political science, Heslop claimed, none has 256 C laremont McKemm College fared worse under the behavioral regime of recent years than the study of state and local government? Concurring with Heslop's argument, Stark moved rapidly to establish an institute aimed at the study of state and local government. Within two years, Heslop and his associates had completed the California Data Base, one of the nations most complete political and demographic databases, and had begun work on similar databases for Nevada, Oregon, and Washington. tVery soon, this California Data Base would make Heslop arguably the most influential political scientist in the state, at least as far as practical politics was concernedJ A trustee since 1972, Edessa Rose had already in 1971 endowed along with her late husband the Rose Professorship of State and Local Government, which was the actual beginning of the Institute. With her $I-million gift, the Institute was named in her honor. The presence at the black-tie dinner of California Attorney General Evelle Younger, front-runner in the Republican primary for governor and a longtime friend of Mrs. Rose, testified not only to friendship but also to the increasing importance of the Institute in statewide politics. The following September the CIVIC board of trustees unanimously approved the establishment of the Applied Financial Economic Center under the directorship of A. James Meigs, a I-Iarvard- and Chicago-trained economist with experience at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, the New York Stock Exchange, First N ational City Bank, and the Argus Research Corporation; John Rutledge was named associate di- rector. The Center was established to provide professional services in Financial fore- casting, economics, operations research, econometrics, and political science to firms and individuals in the business world who enrolled in the Center as associates. The Center was, in short, an entrepreneurial venture directed by specialists in monetary economics, banking, and business forecasting, designed to match CIVIC faculty re- search skills to the needs of business and government. In time, the entrepreneurial aspects of the Applied Financial Economics Center, later renamed the Claremont Economics Institute, would propel it toward its own separate incorporation, which occurred in January 1979. The CMC outreach societies, meanwhileeRes Publica, the James Madison Soci- ety, and the George C. S. Benson Societyecontinued their programs. Not only did Res Publica sponsor an impressive roll call of lecturers throughout the decade tin- cluding William Manchester, Senator Claiborne Pell, and attorney F. Lee Baileyl, it also issued the quarterly Res Publica, which published the prepared texts of speak- ers and other essayists. The work of CMC professors appeared alongside the essays of such notables as Senators James Buckley, Walter Mondale, and Joseph Montoya; man of letters Clifton Fadiman; Dixy Lee Ray, assistant secretary of state for oceans and international environmental and scientific affairs, later governor of Washington; Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 257 On 24 Apri11975, the trustees voted to admit women to CM C . A year later, seventeen-year-old Kathleen Evans of Lakewood, Colorado the daughter ofa mining engineer became theJQrst woman to accept admittance to CMC. Representatives Morris Udall, Shirley Chisholm, and Robert Drinan; Arthur Burns, Chairman of the Federal Reserve; Werner von Braun of the US. National Aeronautics and Space Administration; Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansheld; Harvard psychi- atrist Robert Coles; and Oxford economist Sir Roy Harrod. All in all, the impressive figures represented in this slender quarterlyreconfirmed CMCts success in inventing and sustaining itself as an intellectual crossroads in the field ofpublic affairs. CMCys capacity to sustain this reputation was enhanced even further in 1973 with the endowment of the Jonathan B. Lovelace Lectures, established by the chairman of the CMC board of trustees and the longtime chairman and president of the Capital Research and Management Company of Los Angeles. Focused on hAmerican eco- nomic policy in the framework of international economic conflict? the Lovelace Lec- tures were designed to provide a platform for bringing the thoughts and expertise of prominent economists to Southern California: figures such as John T. Dunlop, La- mont University Professor of Economics at Harvard and chairman of the presidents National Committee on Productivity, who lectured on inflation in the fall of 1974. Throughout the 19705, CMC continued to advance its identity as a liberal arts college devoted to public affairs. Under Stark, the College made a specihc effort to change the strongly right-wing image established by George Benson to a more modere ate or center-right image. This concern about a balanced image was reflected in the campus speaker programs, but the majority of the off-campus fund-raising events still primarily featured conservative spokesmen. hAfter Stark became presidentf noted Professor Ward Elliott, CIVIC generally stopped celebrating anything philosophical, doctrinal 01' ideological at its grand events, Jaffats birthday and retirement excepted. Henry Kissinger was a partial exception, but more because he was a celebrity than because he had a kindred ideological position. In any case, there was a loud Korean wedding going on in the next room, and no one heard what he said. Philosophia was not perennis at CIVIC occasions. Straussian probity lingered on in the government de- partment tnot ecom, but, Jaffats events apart, CMC made little effort to show it off. On 24 October 1973, on the eve of the XVatergate crisis, the CMC trustees made a major bid to persuade President Richard Nixon to locate his library on the CMC cam- pus. Aprospectus was issued setting forth the suitability of CMC to the Nixon Library and Vice versa. For a college not yet thirty years old to make such a bid bespoke not only CMCS close identity with public affairs but also its sense ofitself as the key aca- demic expression of the Southern California Republicanism, rising in the postwar era, that had energized and sustained Nixonts political career. The Watergate crisis broke, and the proposal for the Nixon Library was never officially submitted to the Nixon Library Committee. When Nixon stumbled, CMC had an equally compelling advocate, Governor Ron- ald Reagan, a frequent visitor to the CMC campus. When Reagan left OHice in 1974 Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 'J 59 Thefreshman class arriving in academic year 1976-77 represented a new depa rture for the thirty-year-old College. Now, CMC undergraduates7and soon alumni and alumnae7w0uld morefully represent the changing world 0fthe 19705. and began his siXayear quest for the presidency, his ties to CMC deepened. In Novem- ber 1978, for example, Reagan was the major speaker for the Starksi annual presiden- tial dinner, held at the Beverly VVilshire in Beverly Hills. It was a stellar turnout. Hear- ing the Gipper discuss TTWhatever Happened to Free Enterprise? the audiencea including Mr. and Mrs. William French Smith, Mr. and Mrs. Evelle Younger, Mrs. George Brock, and Mrs. Clark Gableaperhaps sensed the imminence of the White House itself. The following year, 011 the evening of 3 October 1979, the grand dame of American conservatism, Clare Boothe Luce, was the speaker and guest of honor at yet another presidential dinner at the Beverly Wilshire. It was an equally glittering blacletie eve- ning, with more than two hundred CMC supporters gathered to hear Ambassador Luceis speech, iAre These the Good Old Days Now? and to see her presented with the Claremont Mens College Public Service Award. By this point, with the election a year away, the CMC gathering was sensing the White House not as a possibility but as an inevitability. The very same forces that had converged in the rise of CMCa Southern California, the private sector, the Republican partyawere once again tas in the election of Richard Nixom converging to put one of their own, Ronald Reagan, into the White House. The 19805 would be their time. Within a year, President Rea- gan would be writing George Benson regarding the many CMC alumni serving on his staff at the White House. Of course, occasional dissonances jarred the general CMC sensibility. In the spring of 1975, for example, the outgoing director of the Black Studies Center tthen in the process of being dismissed for participating in a May 1975 sit-in protesting budget cutsi offered a teaching contract to the noted African-American activist and Marx- ist theoretician Angela Davis. While the Visiting appointment was disconcerting to many-a fiery far leftist, communist even, teaching within a stones throw of CMOePresident Jack Stark urged caution. It was not, after all, a CMC appointa ment. On the other hand, CMC funds did go into Miss Daviss $5,000 stipend for her class, BlackWomen and the Development of the Black CommunityfiYet the incident ultimately represented a theatrical throwback to the tensions of the late 19605 and early 19705, rather than a signal of the resumption of that periods racial tensions. The trustees, in short, could survey the entire course of the 19705 with the knowl- edge that while CMC had been disturbed and challenged by the Vietnam and Civil rights tensions flooding into the decade from the 19605, no major damage had oc- curred. Far from it: CMC had become a wiser and more inclusive place. Women held positions on the board of trustees and more than held their own in the undergraduate student body, which had itself become noticeably diverse. Despite the serious issues facing it, the faculty had not permanently split, at least in any profound and debili- tating manner, on issues of curriculum and governance. Institutes and professorships Conflict and Renewal, 1970-1979 261 aplenty had been endowed; and the campus had been upgraded and developed ta pri- mary trustee responsibilityi. Trustee Howard Marguleas, for example, brought in the last building project of the decade, the Frank W. Heggblade Center, a 5,ooo-square- foot facility housing the dean of students, student activities, and alumni affairs. Named in honor of Marguleass fatherys longtime business partner, Frank W Hegg- blade, a cofounder of the agricultural company that later became a subsidiary of Ten- neco, the Heggblade Center was the result of Marguleasis appointment to the board of trustees in 1975, itself the result of Marguleas and Jack Stark becoming friends through the Young Presidents Organization tYPOi. On the other hand, there was the occasional contretemps, as in the case of the suit filed by former trustee Frederick I. Richman in January 1973, protesting that a full professor had not been appointed to the Frederick I. Richman Professorship of Philos- ophy, a position then held by John Roth, with whom Richman disagreed on a number of issues. Rather than have a donor name a professor, Jack Stark persuaded the trust- ees to eountersue to force Richman to take back the endowment. This successful counter-suit was the first of its kind in a California court. Stark then went out and raised a second endowment for the philosophy chair. As the decade wore on, a number of the great trustees of CIVIC history passed on. Founding and longtime Chair Garner Beckett died in 1974, as did Frank Badgley. Life trustee James Patrick died at the age of sixty-seven in October 1975. Trustee Roy Croeker died in February 1977; trustee Modestus Bauer in April 1979. Perhaps the most dramatic passing was that of Russell Pitzer in the summer of 1978, just months short of his one-hundredth birthday. Here truly was a trustee without whom there would have been no CIVIC. Although he was too frail to be in attendance, Pitzer was fully aware of the thirtieth anniversary dinner held on 25 March 1977 honoring found- ing trustees Robert Bernard, George C. S. Benson, Burnet Wohlford, Herman Erkes, Henry Mudd, Donald McKenna, and Pitzer himself. New trustees, meanwhile, continued to enter the ranks, men and women who in their careers and their willingness to serve expressed the social and economic vitality of Southern California and, increasingly, the entire Southwest, from which CIVIC was drawing its fundamental strength. Frederic Marquardt, for example, editor of the Ari- zona Republic, the well-known Phoenix-based newspaper, joined the board in 1970, as did RichardJ. F Iamson III, executive Vice president of the Security Pacific National Bank and an alumnus from the Class of 1951, together with another alumnus, Robert Day, ,65. In 1972 Edessa UVIrs. Don Haydeni Rose ofSan Marino, attorney and philan- thropist, was elected the first woman trustee, followed by the appointment in 1974 of Priscilla Fawcett of Rancho Santa Fe, a graduate ofVassar, the mother of a 1966 gradu- ate, and with her husband the donor of Fawcett Hall, one of the two residential towers at the College. In October 1976 Stuart T. K. HoeClass of 1957, president of Capital 262 C laremont McKemm College At the 1978 commencement, Registrar Katharine Lowe Uefd was declared an honorary alumna and six transfer students Ueft to righw Barbara C hristman, M aria Payne, Deborah Hasty, Mary Eilcmd, and Mot shownJ Catherine H iggins amljewmiferjones received their CM C degrees. 264 Investment, Inc, of Honolulu, a graduate of the University of Michigan School of Law, a member of the Hawaii House of Representatives, and a former regent 0f the University of Hawaiiebecame the first Asian-American trustee. In the fall of 1979 Marion Anderson of Bel Air, wife of CMC life trustee John Anderson and in her own right an officer and director of financial, banking, insurance, and agricultural enter- prises, became the third woman trustee. Trustee leadership through the decade was equally impressive. Los Angeles banker Edwin Corbin, retired executive Vice president of Security Pacific National Bank, served as chairman from 1968 to 1972, succeeded by Jon Lovelace, Jr., a Princeton graduate and chairman of Capital Research and Management Company of Los Ange- Ies. In mid-1976 Donald Wheeler, 8 Pomona-based developer and a graduate of Poe mona College, succeeded Lovelace. In the fall of 1979 Richard Flamson 111, Class of 1951, became the first alumnus to serve as Chairman of the board of trustees. Flamsons election signaled the arrival of the alumni as a major force in the identity and governance of the College. Alumni, after all, were what it was all about. The edu- cation ofyoung men-and now young men and womenefor successful careers in the world had never lost strength as the primary goal of CIVIC. Increasingly, as news of alumni came back to the College and was reported in the new publication Prolee tes- tablished in 1977I, it was becoming clear that the CIVIC experiment, judged in terms of its alumni, had reached a new level of maturity. Beginning in the late 19705 and continuing through the run of Profile through the 19805 and 19905, CIVIC would more and more define its image in terms of its alumni. Sam Bader, ,50, for example, had founded his own executive recruitment agency in New York. Michael BagnaII, 553, was serving as vice president of Finance and treasurer of Walt Disney Production. Ray Remy, ,59, had been appointed deputy mayor of Los Angeles. Richard Paul, I61, was starring in his own ABC television program, Carter Company. Up in Olympia Leopold F. tRickI Schmidt, 63, was president and chief ex- ecutive officer of the Olympia Brewing Company thaving trained, one suspects, at a number of TGIF beer bustsI. Wayne Ott, 63, had taken a PhD. in civil and environ- mental engineering from Stanford and was now a founding official with the US. Envi- ronmental Protection Agency. Los Angeles deputy district attorney Stephen Kay, 64, had successfully prosecuted the Charles Manson murders. Westan Naef, Jn, I64, by contrast, was serving as associate curator in the department of prints and photographs of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City, with a special charge over the Alfred Stieglitz Collection of Modern Photography. Larry Gilson, I70, meanwhile, a former staff assistant to Vice President Walter Mondale, was serving as a special assis- tant to President Carter. In Arizona Dan Cooper, '71, a graduate OfArizona State Uni- versity Law School, was helping organize legal services for the Navajo nation. His classmate Robert Goldich, 71, was a national defense specialist with the foreign afe C laremont McKemm College fairs and national defense division of the Congressional Research Service at the Li- brary of Congress. Actor Robin Williams, 73, was attaining national fame as the star of ABC's Moria and Mindy. Dorrance Smith, 73, was producing news programs for ABC television. David Dreier, !75, had attained election to Congress at the age of twenty-eight. The Reverend Rich Cozart, 76, was among the youngest full-time pas- tors in the Southern Baptist Church. What had these men learned at CIVIC? It is hard to tell. Each personbs experience is unique. Yet the stated and public ambition of the College-public affairs and private enterpriseecould not have been irrelevant to their formation as undergraduates, al- though it must be admitted that Robin Williams twho never finished his degreea did represent a most unusual variation on the CIVIC theme! Herein lurked a paradox. ' CMC got to be good because it remained focused. But the better it got, the better its faculty and the student body it recruited, the more diverse became the talents, re. sources, and interests of the CMC community. This paradox would not fully surface in the 19803 because the next decade, as symbolized by the Reagan era, represented an almost absolute triumph of the original CMC ethos that had energized and shaped the emergent College. In the 19905, however, the paradox of focus and excellence would reassert itself, although not in a Violent or disruptive manner. If the 19705 had proven one thing, it was that nonenegotiable conflict was a dead-end, whether in antieVietnam War protesting, minority studies and admissions, curriculum changes, 01' other questions. As strong as CMC might be, it had its limits. There yet remained much to be gainedeor lostein the decade to come. Confiict and Renewal, 1970-1979 265 With the 19705 camefemale undergraduates and an increasing diversity Like America itself, CM C was becoming a mosaic ofcuhu'res. Room at the T010, 1980-1989 WITH TH E PRO S PE CT of coeducation growing more certain, discussion of a name change for Claremont MEWS College began as early as 1975. Jack Stark, how- ever-himself an alumnus and thus recognizing the sensitivity of a name change among alumniedid not wish to rush the issue; hence six years, worth of alumnae, more than two hundred in all, took their degrees as women graduates of an explicitly named men,s college. By 1979, when women constituted 23 percent of the undergrad- uate student body, this situation was growing increasingly incongruous. Besides, the name of the College was discouraging women applicants, as well as some male appli- cants, under the impression that CMC remained an alI-maleinstitution. 1d0 not en- joy the snickers I get when mentioning my alma mater in business situations? alumna Anne Simon, ,80, wrote chairman of the board Richard Flamson III around the time that demand for a name change was intensifying. 81tis contradictory to announce to the women students that they are part of the milieu when the very name of the College belies that fact? On 24 January 1980, dean of admissions and financial aid Emery Walker, who bore the brunt Ofconflict over the existing name, wrote a memo to Jack Stark urging a name change on the basis that uClaremont Menhs College was never a very good name for the Collegeetoo long, too specihcally male, too confusing? 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S 00:33 00 05:03. 0?? 0:, 303 03305 000033 730.9000 300.0 $533 30000 30000 00 00:0m0 3 30 $031000. E0 3003 30033003 0300 30 $800000 00000003: m3 300 3:00 500 3:03030? $9000 030 303 300030 0030 $03 33. 0000 30 v00? 30 3003 W700 W0003:m? 0003000030. 003 3 0 :30? 300000 mew 30 03303 :300V mew 0 000203 03m 030000003 ?FWmES 00:0M0 library, for the Athenaeum. Of equal importance, he brought in millions of dollars in other gifts: the C. M. Stone Professorship, for example, and the Robert J. Bernard Field Station. As a trustee, moreover, Donald McKenna had guided the development of the College at critical points through numerous meetings and letters. He had been, in short, the sane, steady, stabilizing principle of continuity 0n the board. He was, moreover, the epitome of the educated businessman CMC sought to produce; indeed, in his own distinctive, sometimes quirky way, McKenna remained the scholar he had once sought to be when pursuing his doctorate in English at Harvard. At no point, however, had he bestrode the stage or made the public speeches. As a trustee, he left that task to George Benson. Between him and Benson there was the mutual respect of men who had come of age together, at Pomona and at Harvard, and had learned to respect each other's gifts. For all his vaunted ancestry, George Benson was in signifi- cant measure a self-made man, having worked his way up from a hardscrabble Ukiah boyhood. McKenna, by contrast, was from wealthebut unspoiled. The McKenna family was too cagey, too skeptical to allow itself to be seduced by its prosperity. The McKenna clan believed in work and service. While Benson was oratorical and gran diloquent, McKenna was reserved and laconic. Benson preached. McKenna wrote letters. Benson charged down the center. McKenna attacked matters more obliquely. Benson was ruffles and flourishes; McKenna, a distant bagpipe heard in the fading light ofa September Scottish twilight. In late September 1981 the committee made its recommendation to the board of trustees; and on 15 October 1981 the board of trustees voted 34 t0 5 to change its name to Claremont McKenna College. Young 8: Rubicam was engaged to assist the College through the transition. On 15 October 1981 Claremont Men,s College officially be- came Claremont McKenna College. This is not a break with the pastf, noted Presi- dent Jack Stark at a press conference held at the Los Angeles Times Building, i'but a natural evolution. A week later, 22 October 1981, the entire student body took the day off to celebrate the name change with a picnic lunch, athletic contests, Scottish bagpipes and danc- ing, an aerial flyover displaying the new CMC banner, a faculty-student softball game, lateeafternoon entertainment, and a gala dinner in Collins Hall, ending with a blues concert in McKenna Auditorium. At the completion of this event, Donald MCKenna, together with President and Mrs. Jack Stark, embarked upon a ten-city, Io,ooo-mile toureSeattle, Portland, San Francisco, Honolulu, San Diego, Phoenix, Chicago, New York City, Washington, D.C., and Deliveremeeting with alumni groups over cocktails and hors d'oeuvres for remarks by Stark and McKenna and a ten-minute au- diovisual presentation. All in all, some 1,500 alumni, parents, and friends were intro- duced or reintroduced to the man whose name their college now bore. For homecoming, 14 November 1981, an equally impressive alleday gala attracted Room at the Top, 1980-1989 269 Rather easily, women assumed their place in the undergraduate student body. 350 alumni, parents, faculty, and guests for a similar array ofbagpipe music, Highland drills and dancing, entertainment, a Stags football game with the University of Red- lands, and a kegger-cocktail party on the lawn. Dressed in Western garb, Donald MC- Kenna continued tirelessly throughout the day, the cocktail party, the dinner, and the evening talent show. Climaxing these name-change celebrations was a black-tie presi- dential dinner for four hundred guests held on 19 November 1981 at the Huntington Sheraton Hotel in Pasadena, with lifetime trustee William French Smith, now attor- ney general of the United States, as speaker. Twenty members of the McKenna family flew in for the occasion. It was a htting beginning for the decade. The 19803 would see Claremont McKenna not only change its name but edge its way into national ranking and reputation. The year following the name change, applications increased a startling 22.8 percent, dee spite the national drop in eighteeneyear-olds. The Class of 1986 was the last class to be recruited by Emery Walker, Jr., who for twenty-five years had directed admissions for both CIVIC and Harvey Mudd. With Walkerls retirement, the two colleges disbanded theirjoint admission ofhce, and Linda Davis, former director of admissions at Emory University in Atlanta, was named dean of admissions and financial aid for the CMC program. By this time, CIVIC had won membership in the company of the top fifty to sixty colleges in the country as determined by US. News 69 World Report and USA. Today. In December 1981, moreover, the Senate of the United Chapters of Phi Beta Kappa voted to approve CMCS application for a Phi Beta Kappa chapter. By this time, ClVlC had a more traditional departmental organization leleven departments, four of them jointly operated with other collegesl, a varied curriculum, high median SATs in its incoming freshman Classes, and, of special interest to Phi Beta Kappa, an impres- sive track record in graduates who had gone on for higher degrees: I27 Ph.Dfs, 4501aw degrees, 339 M.B.A.,s, 415 mastefs degrees of various sorts, 41 M.D.ls, and 124 other forms of postgraduate certihcation. On Thursday, 21 April 1983, at afternoon ceremo- nies in Bauer Lecture Hall, CMC inaugurated its Tau of California chapter and initie ated twenty-one students. John Smith, Clark Professor of Philosophy at Yale, gave the keynote speech. thcers 0f the new Tau of California chapter included CIVIC Presie dent Emeritus George C. S. Benson, president; Professors John Roth and John Poynter, vice president and secretaryetreasurer, respectively; and Emery Walker, 11., the former dean of admissions, historian. Another Phi Beta Kappa, Professor Ricardo Quinones, served as event Chairman and introduced the charter members of the new chapter. It was another milestone. By the end of the decade, on 9 May 1989, dean of admissions and Hnancial aid Rich- ard Vos was reporting that 67.6 percent of the incoming freshman Class was from the top 10 percent of their high school. Combined SAT scores had soared to 1,270. The 19905 would see CMC edge even further toward the top in the ranking sweepstakes. Room at the Top, 1980-1989 271 This increasingly capable and academically engaged student body, as might be ex- pected, began to bring an equally increasing number ofhonors and distinctions to the College. First ofall, thanks to the generosity of donors, CIVIC was by then enjoying its own rewards system. Each year approximately thirty incoming freshmen received cash awards from funds established by Donald McKenna, trustee Harris Seed and his wife Ann of Santa Barbara, and the Alice Tweed Tuohy Foundation of Santa Barbara. In 198ojunior Christopher Townsend, 82, became ClVlCls first Truman scholar, win- ning a $5,000 scholarship from the Harry S. Truman Foundation. By 1986 three more CIVIC studentseDaVid Eastis, 85, Laura May, 86, and Diane Silver, ,88ehad also won Truman fellowships. Established in 1968 by the Thomas J. Watson Foundation, the Watson Fellowship Program granted generous stipends to hfty college graduates for a year of travel and study following graduation. Between 1977 and 1984 seven CMC graduates won Watson fellowships. In 1986 John Jones7 ,86, a summa cum laude major in philosophy and religion, won 21 Watson fellowship for travel and study in Spain to pursue research on the life and writings of the sixteenth-century Spanish mystic Fran- cisco de Osuna. Two years later Michael Baillif, :88, a literature major, won a Watson fellowship to study attitudes toward the blind in England and Sweden. Baillit was himself blind and intended to enter law school upon his return. tI-Ie is currently prac- ticing in Washington, D.GJ Academic year 1984-85 was a banner year: CIVIC students won a Marshall scholar- ship and 21 Rhodes, the two most prestigious academic awards in the United States. Established by the government of Great Britain after World War II, Marshall scholar- ships were awarded to thirty college seniors in the United States each year. Iln 1963, it should be pointed out, CIVIC had a Woodrow Wilson scholar, a Marshall scholar, and a Danforth scholar. The Wilson award went to Patrick Riley, the Danforth scholar was David Forrest, and the Marshall scholarship was awarded to Mark Matovich. In 1956, moreover, Hugh Gallagher had been named a Marshall scholam A three-year graduate in psychology and philosophy, Michele Walsh, 85, of Tucson, Arizona, be- came the third Marshall scholar in CMC history; and anotherArizonan, Paul Schulz, I85, CO-Captain of the baseball team, majoring in economics, became its first Rhodes scholar. CIVIC was one of the few institutions in the country to have undergraduates named Rhodes and Marshall scholarseand the smallest in the nation to have that distinction. The following fall Michele Walsh matriculated at Queens College, Ox- ford, where she studied psychology, philosophy, and physiology, preparatory to a doc- torate in clinical psychology. She would also find time to row with the womenls crew at Queens serve as captain of the Queens womenls soccer team, and play water polo and cycle on university-wide teams. Paul Schulz, meanwhile, enrolled in Oriel, where he was assigned digs with a working fireplace and a View of the cloistered quadrangle ofhis college. Majoring in philosophy, politics, and economics, Schulz would also Find 27?. C lm'emont McKemw College time to row and play soccer. The presence at Oxford of these two CMC graduates, both holding highly competitive and prestigious awards, powerfully reinforced the Oxbridge metaphor ever present at the Claremont Colleges. Here was proof positive that CIVIC graduates were competing and winning alongside graduates of the great institutions of the nation. In contrast to the activism of the 19603 and the lifestyle rebelliousness 0f the 19703, student life at CIVIC in the 19803 followed the national trendeit became more in ward, more private, more organized around the personal preparation for career. CIVIC was expensive, after all, costing approximately $10,000 a year in 1980 and rising stead- ily throughout the decade, and academically demanding. If the 19803 were to be about anything, they were to be about money. Money seemed to be the preoccupation of the nation: getting it, spending it, curtailing its inflation, or borrowing it from federally insured savings and loan associations, many of which would go bust by the end of the decade, their managers heading off to jail, their investorseeven their uninsured de- positorseheading off to the poorhouse. A survey of The Ayer in the 19803 reveals a growing concentration on personal interests and achievements among undergradu- ates, as the yearbook became less focused on college-wide activities and more and more a display vehicle for individual students who designed their own pages, or for focused groups of friends who did the same. In April 1984 the Associated Students of Claremont McKenna College issued a re- port calling for the total refurbishment of the McKenna Student Union complex. The reports description of the McKenna Auditorium, the Hub, the Gallery, and the re- maining rooms in the complex evoked a facility that, thirty years after its opening, was shabby and only minimally used. The Heggblade Student Center accounted for some of this neglect, since it was accommodating ASCMC activities previously headquar- tered in the McKenna Student Union complex. But part of the blame could also be placed on a certain level of desocialization Characteristic of the decade. On the other hand, community feeling at International Place, located in the Mc- Kenna Student Union complex, was experiencing a surge in Vitality. Established in 1977, International Place was the I-House of the Claremont Colleges, its programs keyed t0 the support of the growing number of international students at Claremont, six hundred and more by the 19803. Open daily from nine to Five, International Place offered assistance with off-campus housing and transportation, help with cultural ad- aptation, information about college and community services, and similar activities. Its weekly luncheon discussions averaged one hundred and more in attendance as students ate various ethnic cuisines and listened to lectures from Claremont Colleges faculty and guest speakers on an array of internationally oriented topics. Around four thousand attended the annual international festival of music, food, and exhibits spon- sored by International Place. Room at the Top, 1980-1989 273 A college for men had become a collegefor all. The highly successful athletic program was another exception to the inward focus of CIVIC campus life. ClVIC entered the 19803 with a three-semester RE. require- ment, to be fulfilled by a wide range of Choices tincluding Nautilus and weight train- ingl, together with a full array of noncredit intramural activities, some of them coed, and team competition in the Southern California Intercollegiate Athletic Confer- ence. California was entering its health and fitness phase, a movement that it would export to the rest of the nation, and CIVIC was no exception. Whereas students of earlier generations had frequently complained regarding mandatory RE. require- ments, they now accepted physical fitness as part of the California way of life. Two hundred Hfty men and women, for example, in a student body of 800, were enrolled in the Nautilus program. Men competed in eleven intercollegiate sports Ifootball, soccer, water polo, crosscountry, basketball, swimming, wrestling, baseball, track, tennis, and golfl; and for women there was intercollegiate varsity-level competition in volleyball, basketball, swimming and diving, track, cross-country, and tennis. Al- ready, the Stags, comprising both CIVIC and Harvey lVludd College men, and the Athenas, comprising women from CMC, Scripps, and Harvey Mudd, had established commanding positions in the annual SCIAC AlleSports Championships, which con- solidated cumulative rankings in all sports. The Stags won the overall athletic pro- gram championship nine out of ten years between 1971 and 1981; and the Athenas, despite that their program was only four years old, finished third in the 1980-81 SCIAC competition. Athletic director William Arce insisted that despite the lower ratio of women to men students, womenls sports would not have a second-class status. For some time, Arce had been lobbying for the appointment of three full-time women coaches to the PE. department. Football, meanwhile, which had been the topic of much debate in the mid-Igsos, continued to draw crowds, create ambience, win championshipseand hence justify its disproportionate expense. In 1979 football coach John Zinda led the Stags to the SCIAC Championship. In what were termed 'lsocial sports, in the debate of the mid-Igsosetennis, golf especiallyethe Stags continued to make their mark. In tennis, CIVIC went beyond the SCIAC and entered national competition. In 1979, the Stags won an NCAA Divi- sion III National Championship. Locally, within the SCIAC, the Stags, coached by Hank Krieger, professor of mathematics at Harvey Mudd, attained a 40-8 mark be- tween 1976 and 1980. Meanwhile, a relatively new sport, water poloean offshoot of CMCls strong swimming and diving programewas also edging the Stags into na- tional competition, although it would take another decade for water polo to reach its full stride. While CIVIC participated in most sports at the Division III level, it entered water polo in the early 19603 in Division I alongside fifty other programs across the nation. In the early 19805 water polo coach Mike Sutton, 72, was looking to a SCIAC championship as his first goal. The 1981 Stag team was captained by Stuart Ryland, ,81, 21 NCAA Division III All-American in 1979 and 1980. Room at the 7610, 1980-1989 275 By the mid- to late 19805 the solid performances of the 19703 and the intensifica- tions of the early198os were paying off. The 1986-87 competitive year witnessed com- manding performances by the Stags and the Athenas in SCIAC competition: for the Stags, first place in football, soccer, water polo, basketball, swimming, and tennis; for the Athenas, First place in cross-country, and second place in volleyball, basketball, swimming, and track and field. The 1987-88 competitive year was the finest in the history of the Claremont-MuddeScripps program as the Stags and Athenas won championships and produced individually ranked players in football, water polo, baseball, men and womenls soccer and basketball, men's swimming and tennis, and womens crossecountry. For the eighth year in a row the Stags soccer team, coached by Steven Davis, professor of philosophy at CMC, claimed the SCIAC athletic crown and made its sixth trip in seven years to the NCAA Championships. Stag and Athena soccer players R. J. Romero and Robyn Hollingshead won SCIAC player-of-the-year honors. By then the Stags water polo team had compiled a winning streak of seventy consecutive undefeated games in SCIAC play, had won its second consecutive SCIAC title, and had attained NCAA ranking among the top twenty water polo teams in the nation. The Stagsl leading water polo scorer, Thaddeus Montgomery, also won SCIAC player-of-the-year honors. Whether intramural or varsity, sports promoted sociability, a sense of participation; so did the Athenaeum. On 5 March 1980, Donald McKenna, prime architect of the Athenaeum program, sat down at his typewriter and produced yet another single- spaced, multi-paged letter. tThese missives had been appearing regularly since 1945 and must be considered part of the essential textual history of the Collegej This time, McKenna was writing to John Payne, vice president for development, on the forth- coming Athenaeum program. Painstakingly, McKenna detailed what was in effect the club culture of the Athenaeum: its individual rooms dedicated to various on-campus societies, its larger dining room, capable of seating up to two hundred for a dinner lecture; the special role of the director, who in McKennals opinion should be an im- presario of the arts and the intellectual life, ranking as a clean as part of the senior staff of the College. The Athenaeum building, McKenna speculated, would require at least 15,000 square feet. But equal to the place itself would be the quality of speak- ers, the availability of good dining, and the creation of an atmosphere and an identity through which undergraduates and faculty would discover their sense of connection to CIVIC. . ' The total program outlined by McKenna involved $2 million for the building and $4 million for endowment. McKenna had himself already pledged a matching gift of $2 million. Then came a pledge of $250,000 from the Security Pacific Charitable Foundation of Los Angeles in recognition of the Security Pacific executiveseGeorge 276 C laremont McKemm College Martin, Chester Rude, Edwin Corbin, and Richard Flamsonewho had served on the CMC board of trustees or had been influential in its development. tRude, Corbin, and Flamson, in fact, had each served as chairman of the board of trusteesQ This was followed by a gift of $1 million from Marian Miner Cook, widow of trustee John Brown Cook, who in 1978 had established the John Brown Cook Association for Free- dom at CIVIC, which sponsored congressional and senatorial internships, a lecture series, and a library. My husband was a creative man in his business and philane thropic interests? Mrs. Cook stated at the time of her gift. I shared many of his inter- ests, and he shared many of mine. Together we had a challenging and exciting life. I hope the Athenaeum will help students to experience similar intellectual challenges and excitement. Marian Miner Cooks gift enabled the College to reach its $4-million objective before the 31 Decembe111982 deadline established by founding trustee Don- ald McKenna. Construction began on the new Athenaeum in the fall of 1982. De- signed by Quincy Jones 8: Associates, the 15,000-square-foot facility tMcKenna was correct in estimating the required sizel was ready for dedication by September 1983. On Friday, 9 September, the Starks hosted a black-tie dinner at the Athenaeum in honor of benefactors. The general opening was an open house held on the afternoon of Sunday the eleventh. Visitors beheld an environment very much resembling that described by MeKenna in his letter to Payne three years earlier, especially in the indi- vidually themed rooms. Within a very short time, located in its new facility, the Athenaeum as fact fulfilled what the Athenaeum as promise had been suggesting since the project was first broached in the late 19605: a value-added sense of place linked to sociability and the intellectual life, ClVlCls version of what was likewise being sought by the house sys- tem at Harvard, the college system at Yale, and the eating clubs at Princeton. The Athenaeum maintained its own Chef, pastry chef, and kitchen staff, responsible for the array of special-purpose lunches, dinners, and dinner-lectures. Each afternoon tea was served between 3:00 and 4: 30. Awide array of magazines and newspapers were available in the Athenaeurn sitting room and library, and the walls were embellished with a growing collection of fine art, dominated by the Flight into Egypt by Joachim Patiner t1475-1524l, donated to the College by Donald McKenna. At the beginning of each Christmas season there was a madrigal feast, with a costumed chorus and actors. Other special events included an intermittently presented Evening in Old Viennaf, a white-tie andlor costume dinner dance. It would be impossible to list all the distinguished speakers lecturing at the Athe- naeum through the decade. Suffice it to say that theyeamong them William F. Bucl - ley, Jn, Bruno Bettelheim, Ed Rollins, Elie Wiesel, Joyce Carol Oates, Patricia Schroeder, Irving Howe, Milton Friedman, Frances Fitzgerald, Peter Drucker, Jona- than K0201, Daniel Boorstin, Mortimer Adler, Allan Bloom, Pierre Salinger, Neil Room at the Top, 1980-1989 277 President S tark and the trustees insisted thatfenmle undergradzmtes be given every opportunity to develop at CM C as equal 111embers 0fthe community. A jiourishing athletic tradition continued in new modes. Sheehan, Seymour Hersh, Ron Kovic lBom 0n the Fourth ofjulyl, Maxine Hong Kingston, Dianne Feinstein, Carlos Fuentes, Ray Bradbury, and William Styrone found themselves at the center of many an Athenaeum evening of dinner and discus- sion that would remain in the memories of students for years to come. Not only was what was being discussed important, the sheer contact between noted individuals and undergraduates had a way of encouraging undergraduates to envision themselves as equally accomplished individuals in times to come. A number of these visitors stayed for two to three days as Visiting Fellows of the Athenaeum, living in a comfort- able apartment in the building, available for more extended discussions over lunch or during classroom Visits. The Athenaeum head table was always reserved exclusively for students wishing to dine with visiting speakers. In his letter of 5 March 1980 to John Payne, Donald McKenna had written that he hoped the Athenaeum would also be keyed t0 the world of quality television and mo- tion pictures as well as offering a venue for symposia. Thus the Athenaeum organized evenings around showings of Kenneth Clarkls Civilization and I, C laudius, the BBC adaptation of Robert Gravesls novel, sponsored showings of noted motion pictures, and held symposia on such topics as ilReligion in Politics: Does America Have a Spiri- tual Mission? and llln the Streets: A Guided Tour of the Sixties? McKenna himself formed the Wordsworth Society, meeting each Wednesday in the Athenaeum over lunch, to talk about words, their origins, their connotations, and their various meane ings: a lifelong interest of McKennals since his philology studies at Harvard in the 19305. McKenna showed his interest in words in his 1988 opening convocation speech, welcoming the Class of1992. In his address, McKenna moved from academic term to academic termecomzocation and 112at1'iculati0n he particularly stressedeto tease out the subtler meanings ofjoining a college, which McKenna elaborated on through consideration of such words as interlude, aspire, consider, realize, and renew. By that time, 1988, the resocialization of undergraduate life, in terms of student participation in organized activities, could be noted, especially at the Claremont Uni- versity Center level, where the Office of Chaplains was coordinating a successful food collection and distribution program that involved some forty CMC students along with students from other colleges. By this time, the Office of Chaplains involved Jew- ish, Catholic, and Protestant Chaplains, an array of worship services, an ambitious program oflectures, Bible study, and a number ofvolunteer programs. Hillel was espe- cially active in sponsoring lectures relating to various phases ofJewish life, including the repatriation of Ethiopian Jews to Israel. As in the past, the ROTC program continued to offer a distinctive bonding for its par- ticipants, and hence an increased socialization in a decade marked by an overemphav sis on private experience. With the end of the Vietnam War and the draft, ROTC be- Hoom at the Top, 1980-1989 279 280 came increasingly a matter of free choice for students desiring either for personal growth or for career opportunities exposure to the military and the Chance to win an Army commission. By then, ROTC had diversified its program, and was offering full scholarships. Students had the option of a four-year program, a three-year program, and a two-year program involving two summer camps instead of one, as previously offered. There was also a program for veterans with enlisted service and a program run in conjunction with the Army Reserve and the California National Guard. Most important, students in the advanced program and selected students in the four-year program received academic scholarships and a living allowance, which in effect al- lowed them to work their way through CMC as ROTC cadets. Impressed by the num- ber of career officers it was gaining through ROTC, the Department of the Army had inaugurated this scholarship program to ensure a steady flow of college-trained offi- cers. In the CIVIC commissioning class of 1980, eleven CIVIC graduates applied for and received regular Army commissions. When Steven A. Greene received his regular Army commission in 1982, his father and his grandfather, both of them retired c010- neIs, were on hand for the ceremony. With the assistance of faculty members such as Ward Elliott, moreover, ROTC had been fully reconciled and reintegrated into faculty culture; indeed, Elliott and others devised an academic enrichment program in international relations and strategic studies, keyed to ROTC programs throughout the country, that would further supple- ment the education of ROTC students intending a military career. In 1982 the Secre- tary 0f the Army invited President Jack Stark to serve a two-year term as a member of its Army Advisory Panel on Reserve thcer Training Corps. tA fellow member of the panel: then-Brigadier General Norman Schwarzkopr In the late 19605, George C. S. Benson had been given an attack obeeeding ulcers by the anti-ROTC agitation. By13 May 1984, as Benson gave the ROTC commissioning ceremony speech, those days seemed long gone. In his speech, Benson stressed the value of an ROTC commission as preparation for success in the civilian world. This was also the goal of the Office of Career Devel- opment, now an expanded and autonomous entity. In times past, the Alumni Associa- tion had taken care of career counseling. Now, however, career counseling had emerged as a separate field, augmented by the economic expansion and career options of the 19805. In contemplating their futures, moreover, CIVIC graduates now had the advantage of some forty years of graduates as examples of success in the real world. Henry Kravis, i67ef0unding partner of Kohlberg, Kravis, Roberts St Company, the New York investment banking firm specializing in leveraged buyouts tBeatrice Com- panies, Safeway Stores, Owens-Illinois, and RJR-NabiscoI-eoffered an especially dramatic example of success in the financial world. Moreover, he had endowed a pro- Clmiemont McKemza College fessorship in leadership and organizational psychology, held by Martin Chemers, an authority in organizational psychology and management. On 2 and 3 March 1988 Kravis joined Chemers, Peter Drucker of the Claremont Graduate School, Warren Bennis 0f USC, Alice Eagly of Purdue, and Fred Fiedler of the University of Washington for a two-day symposium at the Marian Miner Cook Athenaeum on organizational leadership. Kravisls speech, Leadership Effectiveness: A Practitioners Perspective, was an unusually frank and open discussion. It also rep resented, in its own way, a distillation of the philosophy that had guided the creation and growth of the College. As a businessmanf noted Kravis, echoing innumerable speeches by George C. S. Benson, ll understand the need for business leaders to lead the American economy through the immense changes in the global economy and to set an agenda for us that will take us into the next century. The dire consequences for our economy, should we be left without business leadership, are obvious. I am also concerned that a misunderstood business culture in America will only be more mis- understood and further isolated without vigorous, inspired leadershipethe kind of leadership that will find acceptance in our civic culture, the kind of leadership that will help to overcome the worst misperceptions about the nature and character of American business. Benson could not have said it better. The highly successful sym- posium was repeated at the Athenaeum the following year. Both Kravis and his partner and cousin, George R. Roberts, ,66, represented the paradigm toward which the College had been directing itself for forty years. Whatever other type CMC had produced these past four decades-including its artists, clergy- men H. Robert Hector, 6;, for example, was serving as an Episcopal priest in rural Wisconsinl, doctors, architects, social workers, curators, actors, and directorseit was the businessman-leader operating at the highest level who represented the most intense and steadily maintained educational goal of CMC. True, such a figure had always been twinned with the public servant; and over the years CMC had produced a significant number of public servants, elected and appointed, including David Dreier, 75, who in 1980 at the age of twenty-eight was elected to the House of Repre- sentatives for the 35th Congressional District, which included Claremont. Yet this philosophy ofpublic service did not stand on its own. It was reflected and maintained, rather, in conjunction with business leadership and achievement. While student clubs were somewhat in remission in the 19805, activities dealing with economics and financial growth were thriving. The Claremont Economics Asso- ciation tCEAl, for example, was an undergraduate organization encompassing CMC, Harvey Mudd, Pitzer, Pomona, ancl Scripps students that sought to involve under- graduates in the details and strategies of the Enancial world as part of their extracur- ricular experience. The CEA program included an Athenaeum speakers series that Room at the Top, 1980-1989 281 Coeducation brought with it a new team, the Athenas, composed of C M C , Harvey Mudd, and Scripps undergraduates. Very soon the Athenas were winning championships in cross-country, track andjield, volleyball, swimming, and basketball. 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CMC alumni in Washington like David Dreier, ,75, and Jeffrey Eisenach, ,79, were helpful in placing student interns from Claremont and in giving them useful advice. With alumni working everywhere in the District of Columbia, the 'iold-school network demonstrated its strength in the decade of Republican control of the White House and the increasing prominence of conservative think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation, at which several alumni found employment. Though a Democrat, Gold- stein showed an uncanny ability to make the largely conservative CIVIC network in Washington work for the advantage of his students. The CMC Washington interna ship program came to be acknowledged as one of the best in the nation. Some of the Washington interns went on to careers in politics and journalism. Len Apcar, 75, a classmate of David Dreier, is now an editor at the New York Times. Mike Shear, ,90, writes for the Washington Post. Steven Merksamer, '69, served as Chief of staff to Gov- ernor George Deukmejian. George Dunn, :72, served as chief of staff to Governor Pete Wilson. Lawrence Gilson, i7o, served in the Carter White House, and T. J. Glauthier, 65, was associate director of the Office of Management and Budget in the Clinton administration. CIVIC undergraduates who envisioned themselves as successful public servants, elected or appointed, were only just beginning to have sufhcient role models among the alumni, despite forty years of insistence that CMC was oriented toward public affairs equally in the public and private sectors. True, there was Congressman David Dreier, 75, one of the three youngest congressmen in the United States; Stuart T. K. Ho, ,57, a former member of the Hawaii House of Representatives; and Ray Remy, ,59, former deputy mayor of Los Angeles and since April 1984 president of the Los Angeles area Chamber of Commerce. Other alumni had reached respectable positions in the Environmental Protection Agency, the Veterans Administration, the Energy Depart- ment, the Congressional Research Service, and the National Archives. In the fall of 1985 Profile, the alumni magazine, ran a iiVVashington Alumni Issue featuringprofiles of various CMC alumni employed in the Washington area. Among them were Ronald Lehman, ,68, special assistant to President Reagan and senior director for defense programs and arms control on the National Security staff, who also served as deputy United States negotiator for strategic offensive arms at the Nuclear and Space Arms talk with the Soviet Union in Geneva, with the personal rank of ambassador; Charles G. Bakaly III, 77, a member of President Reagans advance team; Peter Schoettle, i67, a Soviet affairs specialist at the Department of State; Sumner Benson, i61 tson of the founding presidenti, a former Soviet affairs analyst at the CIA then serving as director for economic security and deputy director for technology security in the Department of Defense; Neal Cohen, 78, a staff assistant to a congressman; Robert Mead, '63, an Air Force lieutenant colonel serving as director of special security for Air Force wemeLleeg 'Inr...h L E FT: For more than thirty years, the dehm'tive name of the College had remained an open question. At long last, after much debate, in October 1981 the trustees decided upon C laremont McKemw. Donald and Bernice McKenna received the news while at their home in the mountains ofC'olomdo. AB OVE: A week later, the entire student body took the day ohm celebrate the name change. Festivities concluded with a gala dinner in Collins Hall and a blues concert in M cKennn Auditorium. systems command; Len Apcar, ,75, at that time a member of the Washington bureau of the Wall Streetjournal; and Jeffrey Eisenach, ,79, then an analyst with the Office of Management and Budget, and later a close associate of House Speaker Newt Gin- grich. International alumni in public life included Abdlatif Al-Hamad, ,60, Finance minister for Kuwait; Rashed Al-Rashed, ,58, minister of foreign affairs and undersec- retary for the Arabian Gulf States; Phisit Pakkasem, l6o, advisor to the prime minister of Thailand; and others. tPakkasem later held the posts of secretary-general of the N ational Economic and Social Development Board and chairman of the Thai Invest- ment and SecuritiesJ Yet most alumnieto judge, for example, from the Class of 1960, gathering for its twenty-Hfth reunion at Rancho Santa Fe in October 1985ehad compiled their rece 0rds of achievement predominately in the private sector. Although one member of the class had by his own admission dropped out? the preponderance of graduates re- ported more than respectable positions in private life. Many were presidents, princi- pals, or chief operating officers of their companies. There was one municipal judge and a few lawyers; and an impressive number were in real estate or property develop- ment. must a real estate ihaclcf reported one member of the Class of 1960, iilike so many other CMCerseea lot of us in the profession? The one professor of the Class, David F. Roth, ,60, a political scientist at the University of British Columbia, also ran with his Malaysia-born wife a successful sportswear manufacturing and exporting business that took them frequently to Asia. A survey issued in June 1985 revealed that approximately 30 percent of the 7,ooo-plus CIVIC alumni held the position of Vice president, partner, or top manager in their company. Approximately 12 percent of the alumni were self-employed or were executives in firms that bore their name, a signal that they had eitherjoined the family business or founded their own company. At least half of all alumni had attended graduate school, with 46.9 percent of the alumni hav- ing earned at least one graduate degree, the two most popular degrees beinglawt1463 percentl and an M.B.A. 03.07 percentl. True, Don Hirsch, ,52, had become a private detective in Northern California; Douglas Stewart, ,62, had become a motion picture and television writeddirector; and John Achorn, ,68, Jeff I-Iudelson, 70, and Robin Williams, ,73, were succeeding as actors; but the vast majority of CIVIC alumni were exercising their leadership in business. Which, at first glance, suggested a continuing Republican orientation. Former President Gerald Ford Visited the Rose Institute of State and Local Government on 5 December 1980. Other important Republican senators, governors, and appointed ofhcials still spoke frequently in various CMC programsethe lecturers included Governor George Deukmejian; Senator Pete Wilson; Walter Stoessel, former dep- uty under secretary of state; Admiral Bobby R. Inman, deputy director of the CIA; General Brent Scowcroft, national security adviser to President Gerald Ford; Lyn 286 Claremont McKemm College Nofziger, political advisor to Ronald Reagan; and Congressman David Dreier. Yet Democrats such as Senator Joseph Biden, 11 ., of Delaware and former New York Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm were also invited to give major addresses, as was Assembly Speaker Willie Brown, Jr. President Stark strongly resisted the notion that CMC stood in any lock-step rela- tionship to the Republican party. On 24 March 1981, for example, David Landecker, ,73, wrote a letter complaining that a CMC-sponsored Santa Barbara seminar, Invest- ment Strategies for the 19805, featuring Professors Alan Heslop and John Rutledge, was little more than a carefully orchestrated advertisement for the Reagan adminis- trations economic program. Such blatantly partisan activitiesf, Landecker argued, nshould, under no circum- stances, be underwritten so directly and blatantly by CMC. Certainly, the President has more appropriate agents available to promote his plans? Worse, Landecker con- tinued, ustudents and professors with even the slightest liberal leanings will be further discouraged from coming to CIVIC. The delicate balance of the liberal arts education will be severely skewed to the detriment of CMCs students. If nothing else, the pres- ence of a few liberals on campus is Vital to honing the debating skills of the more are chetypical Stag. In his reply to Landecker, dated 2 April 1981, Stark vigorously disagreed. tiThe Reae gan economic program? Stark argued, nwhether approved in part or in full, is going to have a major impact on this country. I thought John Rutledge, an admitted advocate for the program, did an excellentjob of describing the Reagan economic plan and pro- jectingr what he believed to be the impact on investment opportunities? Starkwent on to point out that this academic year Res Publica had brought to campus Ben Bradlee, editor of the Washington Post, and Osborn Elliott, former editor of Newsweek and clean of Columbia University School of Journalism. The James Madison Society, moreover, kicked off its speakers series on municipal government with a speech by Henry Maier, the Democratic mayor of Milwaukee. The previous years graduation speaker was Paul Conrad, the L05 Angeles Times cartoonist. This years would be Mayor Tom Bradley of Los Angeles. Bradlee, Elliott, Maier, Conrad, and Bradleye Democrats all whom no one would accuse of being conservative. Stark had a point. Under his presidency, CIVIC had become, at least as far as its speaking programs were concerned, a much more eclectic place. Ronald Reagan, however, remained a special favorite. While campaigning for president, Reagan heli- coptered into CMC midmorning on 13 October 1980, where he was officially greeted by Jack Stark and Dixon Arnett, vice president for public affairs. A crowd of some three thousand, warmed up by a well-rehearsed musical review starring undergradu- ate Reagan backers, heard the Gipper make his case, despite some one hundred or so protesters heckling on behalf of the Equal Rights Amendment. On 27 October 1986 Room. at the 12119, 1980-1989 287 Reagan sent personal greetings to Claremont McKenna College as it celebrated its fortieth anniversary. Ilm not speaking merely in terms of endowments and assets, though these represent an exceptional achievement? wrote the president7 Il-but of your reputation as a fine liberal arts college where minds are broadened and deepened and students are prepared for the responsibilities of liberty? Between July 1983 andJuly1987Jack Stark, with the approval of the presidents and board Chairmen of each of the Claremont Colleges, mounted a continuing campaign to bring the Reagan Library to Claremont, on a site at the corner of Foothill Boulevard and Mills Avenue. III believe we could make a strong proposal for the library, Stark wrote CMC trustee William French Smith, attorney general of the United States in the Reagan administration, on 26 July 1983. I also believe that the organizational structure of the Claremont Colleges is well adapted to the independent nature of a Presidential Library. For the next four years, Stark maintained continuing contact with the board of trustees of the proposed Ronald Reagan Center for Public Affairs, chaired by W Glenn Campbell, director of the Hoover Institution at Stanford. Stark also wrote Edwin Meese III, counselor to the president, on 9 January 1984, on behalf of the proposal. III believe that our Oxford-style setting is especially appropriate for a Presidential Center, Stark wrote Meese. Certainly, the strength of our faculties in economics and political science, the fact that we are Within a two-hour drive of 50 colleges and universities and that we are part of a population area of 7.5 million inhabi- tants would assure the effective scholarly and public use of President Reaganls docue ments. We are also fortunate to have suitable land available. When in early 1987 announced plans to locate the Reagan Library on the campus of Stanford University began to crumble under the hostility of a sector of the Stanford faculty, Stark renewed his lobbying on behalf of Claremont, paying special attention through either direct or indirect contacts with W. Glenn Campbell; William French Smith; Edwin Meese III; Ambassador Walter Annenberg, another Reagan Founda- tion trustee; and others close to the selection process. In this effort Stark was assisted by faculty member Fred Balitzer and Howard Brooks, a former funcl-raiser at CMC and Stanford. With the collapse of the Stanford proposal, the conservatively oriented Pepperdine University in Malibu temporarily emerged as the lead contender, ale though Stark continued to press the Claremont case. In the end, however, neither Pepperdine nor Claremont was chosen. The foundation chose instead to locate the Reagan Library and Public Affairs Center as a freestanding institution in the Simi Valley, Ventura County. In retrospect, it is difficult to understand fully why such a Choice was made, given the compelling case Stark had outlined on behalf of Clare- mont, unless it was the opposition of many at Pomona College and the strong liberal reputation of the larger Claremont campus that warned off the already guneshy Rea- gan Library trustees. 288 Claren-lont McKemm College On the other hand, there remained the research centers, whichewith the encourage- ment of President Stark-came into their own in the 19805. While CMC might have lost out on the Reagan Library, it more than compensated for this loss by the develop- ment of its own endowed research institutes, whose programs increasingly made the College a center of state-of-the-art and frequently provocative front-line research. President Stark favored research institutes as a way of allowing CIVIC, an undergradu- ate college, to stay in the research game with the intensity and effectiveness of a uni- versity with multiple graduate schools. When Stark assumed the presidency, there was but one full-Hedged research institute, the Salvatori Center for the Study of Indi- vidual Freedom in the Modern World, founded in 1967. By 1989 there were seven re- search centers in existence: the Salvatori Center, the Rose Institute of State and Local ' Government, the William M. Keck Institute for International and Strategic Studies, the Lowe Institute of Political Economy tincorporating a previously established Cen- ter for the Study of Law StructuresL the Institute of Decision Science for Business and Public Policy, the Gould Center for Humanistic Studies, and the Natural Re- sources Center. Closely affiliated with CMC talthough a separately incorporated en- tityT was the Claremont Economics Institute, directed by John Rutledge, a former CMC faculty member. In the 19805, as the American economy made the transition to an information base, research increasingly became the cutting edge of economic and political develop- ment. A11 across the nation, professors were discovering that not only their knowledge but their information-gathering techniques as well were becoming more and more relevant to political decisions and the formation of entrepreneurial enterprises. This process had begun in the late 19503 and 1960s in what later became known as Silicon Valley where Stanford researchers helped establish a new technology andewith the assistance of venture capitalistsefounded a new techno-economy that revolution- ized communication and created a new, computer-driven information industry. By the 19803, application of academiC-derived data in the decisionemaking process had become increasingly characteristic of the defense establishment tthe pioneer user of such datai, the political sphere, and the private-business sector. The growth of re- search institutes at CMC both expressed this trend and in many ways helped to fur- ther it, especially in the Held of California politics and governance. CMC, operating through the Rose Institute, literally helped bring about a quasi-revolution in the way that Californians governed themselves. Beginning in 1980, Alan I-Ieslop, director of the Rose Institute, began to identify what he predicted would he the most important domestic political issue nationally and locally in the 198os-reapportionment and redistricting. Throughout the United States, Professor I-Ieslop pointed out, responsibility for redistricting belonged to state legislatures. The result was almost universal gerrymandering in every state of the Room at the T017, 1980e1989 289 In 1972 Edessa Rose became thefirst woman trustee at C M C . Long interested in state and local government, she and her late husband Don had endowed a professorship in thiSJQeld. 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By providing tools to the anti-gerrymandering move- ment, to either San Marino Republicans 01 Latinos from East L.A., the Rose Institute was striking at the status quo, the Democratic majority. The blow was made even more Vivid when in a 1982 referendum the voters of the state rejected proposed dis- tricts for being preposterously gerrymandered. In 1985 President Ronald Reagan appointed Alan Heslop t0 the National Council on Educational Research, whose goal was the shaping of the national agenda for re- search 011 public education. It advised and presented recommendations to the secre- tary of education on policies and priorities for the thce of Educational Research and Improvement. In 1986 Reagan appointed Heslop to a three-year term as chair of the council. As chair, Heslop brought the presence of CIVIC and the Rose Institute to na- tional circles. The Rose Institute, meanwhile, was branching out into other areas of state and lo- cal government. With a $1-million grant from the Department of Justice in 1985, it began a two-year research program intojuvenile crime, juvenile crime prevention, and the juvenile justice system, under the direction of Professor Ralph Rossum. Having oriented the Rose Institute to be a resource for the anti-gerrymandering movement, HesIop 110w took it in another directioneterm limitations. In 1990 he served as a member of the statewide steering committee for Proposition 140, which imposed term limits on members of the California legislature, cut their staffs, and established a number of other restrictions on elected and appointed ofEciaIs. The vot- ers passed Proposition 140 in November 1990. The next year, I-Ieslop was the coauthor of Proposition 164, imposing term limits on California congressional members. This measure also passed, but was immediately taken to court by its opponents. Whatever the delays with Proposition 164, Proposition 140 had shaken the Democratic estab- Iishment t0 the core. Assembly Speaker Willie Brown, now facing the end of his speakership and his Assembly career, denounced Heslop on numerous occasions, in- cluding an appearance in McKenna Auditorium. According to public relations direc- tor Robert Daseler, Heslop stood at the rear of the auditorium throughout Browns speech with a wolfish grin on his face. III dont think I fully appreciated Alans influ- ence? Daseler Iater stated, until I heard Brown viIifying him? On 1989 President George Bush designated Heslop to be director of the United States Bureau of the Census, but Heslop withdrew his name from consideration. In April 1994 Governor Pete Wilson appointed I-Ieslop a member of the California State Constitutional Revie sion Commissionj Funded in academic year 1980-81 with a $1.3-million grant from the W. M. Keck Foundation of Los Angeles and opened in 1983, the Keck Institute for International and Strategic Studies emphasized teaching and research in international politics, in- ternational economics, defense and military affairs, and area studies. CMC political 292 C laremont IVIcKemw College scientists William Rood and Edward Haley and economists Thomas Willett and Leon Hollerman served as guiding committee; Haley was appointed director. Of all the re- search centers, the Keck Center for International and Strategic Studies represented the formal entrance of CMC into the global arena. Soon, figures such as National Se- curity Advisor Brent Scoweroft, UN. Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick, CIA Director Stansheld Turner, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, and former government ofhcials of similar caliber were finding their way to CMC for presentations and con- ferences. Like the Hoover Institution at Stanford, upon which it was partly modeled, the Keck Center also published an ambitious series of essays on strategic and foreign policyissues. The Salvatori Center, meanwhile, now under the direction of Ralph Rossum, Tu- ohy Professor of Government and chairman of the government department, kept to its founding traditions as a scholarly think tank oriented to the analysis of federalism as a force in American political life. This first of the research centers, in fact, was the most prolific in terms of pure scholarship, as Rossum, Jaffa, Lofgren, and Elliott continued to publish in major venues. By academic year 1987-88, for example, articles by Salvatori Center-associated scholars were appearing in the Yale Lawjom'mzl, the Supreme Court Review, the William and Mary Quarterly, and other leading journals. Jaffa had completed his magisterial C risis 0f the House Divided; assistant professor of government Charles Kesler, associate director of the Salvatori Center, had completed Saving the Revolution: The Federalist Papers and the American Founding; and Ward Elliott had issued his Rise of Guardian Democracy, a definitive study of the Supreme Court and voting rights. Charles Lofgren, meanwhile, hadjust published an equally dehnitive historical study of Plessy v. Ferguson; and Dennis Mahoney, ,70, a former instructor in the government department, was serving as one of the three editors of the just-published E ncyclopedia 0f the American Constitution, a four-volume work that included twenty-three separate articles by four CMC political scientists. With the support of the Salvatori Center, George C. S. Benson continued his research into ethics in American public life. In 1989 the Center published Bensons essay Codes of E thics: Business and Government. The Center for the Study of Law Structures was founded in 1976 with a start-up grant and annual subsidy from the John M. Olin Foundation. Under the direction of Craig Stubblebine, Von Tobel Professor of Political Economy, the Center continued through the late 19705 and early 19805 to pursue an ambitious research program in politics and economies, with special attention to tax limitation. In 1986, thanks to major gifts from George C. S. Benson and the Thomas, Jr., and Robert Lowe families tThomas Lowe, 81., was the retired chairman of the Newhall Land and Farming Com- panyi, the Center was reineorporated as the Lowe Institute of Political Economy; Rodney Smith, associate professor of economics, was named director. The Institutes Room at the Top, 1980-1989 293 The Washington intern program allowed CM C undergraduates an opportunity to continue their studies while interning in Congress and otherfedeml agencies. expanded program focused on economic analyses of public policy issues, stressing the application of economic principles and forces as they related to government policy. In 1946 Benson had used the venerable term Ipolitical economy to describe the first CIVIC curriculum. Now, thanks in part to his gift, the study of political economy had an institute of its own, with Professor Ross Eckert directing research programs into law and regulation, Professor W. Craig Stubblebine studying constitutional hscal con- straints, Professor Richard Sweeney taking up questions of money and finance, and Professor Gordon Bjork investigating federal deposit insurance policy. The Institute of Decision Science for Business and Public Policy, meanwhile, un- der the direction of Professor Janet Myhre, its founder, was undertaking projects for clients as diverse as the Environmental Protection Agency, the United States Forestry Service, the Office of Naval Research, and Jet Propulsion Laboratories. The Institute stressed the application of mathematics to contemporary problems, which were mod- eled, then solved, using techniques from probability, statistics, operations research, decision theory, economics, and computer science. In February 1987, the Center for Humanistic Studies was established under the direction of Ricardo Quinones, professor of comparative literature. Support came from the Hewlett-Mellon Presidential Discretionary Fund, the Broidy Fund, and CIVIC. The focus of the new center was the exploration of three great forcesescie ence, industrialization, and Changing valueseas they affected literature and the arts since the Renaissance. In February 1989 Quinones wrote and the College submitted an ambitious hve-year plan for the Center to Mrs. Shirley Gould of Boca Raton, F101- ida, whose son was a graduate of CIVIC. Suggesting an endowment fund of$2.321nil- Iion, the proposal outlined a program of student fellowships, faculty research grants, a visiting fellows program, a resident fellows program, a monograph series, an innova- tive humanities seminar, and additions to the humanities offerings of the College. A number of these proposed humanities seminarsethe ethics of the leveraged buyout, the American tradition of philanthropy, examples of altruism in the Holocaust, the Virtues and defects of arguments appealing to diversity, the problems of bilingual- ismewere intended to give a humanistic perspective to questions that had always intrigued the CIVIC faculty. It was time, the Quinones proposal suggested, for CMC to move toward the same level of excellence in humanities research that it was achieving in economics and political science. In 1989 Mrs. Gould, her son Edward S. Gould, ,65, and her daughter Barbara Gould agreed to undertake a signihcant level of support for the Center, which now became the Family of Benjamin Z. Gould Center for Humanistic Studies, endowed by a $2- million grant from the Shirley H. and Benjamin Z. Gould Family Foundation. Already, in the spring of 1987, the Center had appointed its first resident scholar, the noted Hungarian translator and Fulbright Fellow Tamas Ungvari, who taught a course on the humanities since the Renaissance and an advanced course on Bertolt Brecht. Room at the Top, 1980-1989 295 In 1984, the seventh research institute was established, the Natural Resources Center, directed by biology Professor Robert Feldmeth. An entrepreneurial venture unfunded at the time of its founding, the Natural Resources Center represented the Colleges entry into this growing sector of social and cultural awareness, environmen- talism, with an emphasis on Southern California. Of special concern to the Center were such questions as the demand for an adequate water supply; increased soil salin- ity and drought; encroachment by development on agricultural land; the threat ofpol- Iution to ecological balance; land use and re-use; and, rather interestingly, the quality of the urban environment. The Natural Resources Center, in short, was interested in proper urbanism and suburbanism as well as the wilderness habitat. This was rather Fitting to Southern California, where millions ofAmericans had almost overnight cre- ated a vast and ambitious built environment in the midst of an ecologically delicate semi-arid habitat. In December 1986 the Richard Adams family, with their two sons John, ,68, and Richard, 62, gave the College forty acres in the Cleveland National For- est. The gift was added to the resources of the Center. In October 1990 the Natural Resource Center became the Roberts Environmental Center with the establishment ofa $3-1nilli0n endowment from George and Leanne Roberts. In June 1996 the Dallas Burger family presented to the Natural Resources Center the Burger Sierra Reserve, a 16o-acre section in the High Sierra Virtually untouched in its inventories of flora and fauna, as a permanent laboratory for the Center. Addressing the Vital question of envi- ronmentalism in dialogue with human settlement, the Natural Resources Center rounded out the research program of CMC by connecting it to a Cluster of questions that would increasingly come under public scrutiny and debate in the 19905. At the same time, the Claremont Economics Institute, while autonomous, sus- tained for CMC an equally vivid connection with the economy throughout a super- charged decade. Money, after all, was the lingua franca 0f the 1980s, as the stock mar- ket continued to soar, preparatory to its nosedive in 1987. An instinctive entrepreneur, CIVIC economics professor John Rutledge chaired the Institute, which was directed by Deborah Allen, a Duke University-trained economics PhD. recruited from the Office of the United States Comptroller of the Currency. Jerry St. Dennis, a popular economics instructor at CIVIC, worked with CEI and went on to become president of a savings and loan. The Claremont Economics Institute served such clients as Gen- eral Electric, the United Nations, Tenneco, Kemper Financial Services, and the Pills- bury Company through private consulting services. Its publication, The Main Street Journal, monitored the economy and the market, and political developments affecting economic life, with an eye toward economic forecasting. As early as October1983, for example, the Institute advised against holding equity or unsecured CDs in large money center banks because of imminent domestic and international loan trouble. 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More conventional recognition came from the summerTfall 1982 Silver Jubilee issue of Modern Age, KA Generation of the Intellectual Right,n in which the monetary theorizing of Arthur Kemp was prominently featured. In 1983 Sue Mansfield, professor of history, published The Gestalts of War, a psycho-history tracing the origins and meanings of war as a social institution. In 1989 Mansfield continued her investigations with Some Reasons for War: How Families, Myths, and Warfare Are Connected, written in collaboration with Mary Bowen Hall. In 1987 Oxford University Press published two books by Charles Lofgren: Govern- ment from Reflection and Choice, a collection of six essays on war-making powers under the United States Constitution, and The Plessy Case, an examination of the constitutional issues surrounding a pivotal nineteenth-century Supreme Court deci- sion. The following year the Free Press published Professor Charles Keslefs Saving the Revolution: The Federalist Papers and the American Founding. That same year saw the publication by the firm of Martinus Nijhoff 0f Benedetto Croce Reconsidered: Truth and Error in Theories of Art, History, and Literature by philosophy professor Myra Moss, who was also at work on an anthology of Croces literary criticism and a study of Giovanni Gentile, an Italian philosopher involved in the regime of Benito Mussolini. The year 1988, in fact, was something of an annus mirabilis for CIVIC publications. Also published that year was psychology professor John SnortumIs coauthored Social Control of the Drinking Driver from the University of Chicago Press and economics professor Richard Sweeneye Wealth E jfects and Monetary Theory, published by Basil Blackwell. The following year, 1989, political science professor Judith Merkle Riley took a break from her normal sort of publication ther previous book was Management and Ideology: The Legacy of the International Scientific Management MovementI to publish her first novel, A Vision of Light. Set in fourteenth-century England and se- lected by the Book-of-the-Month Club as an alternate selection, A Vision of Light came out of Rileys lifelong love of the Middle Ages. The following fall Riley published a sequel, In Pursuit of the Green Lion. Nor was the College itself lacking in means to confer recognition on its Faculty. Income from the $2-milli0n gift made in 1979 by John Uale Dengler and his wife, Helen Dykema Dengler, was now available to fund two Dengler-Dykema Distin- guished Service Professorships. In November 1983 Dengler-Dykema Chairs were awarded to John Ferling, professor of mathematics, and Leon Hollerman, professor of economics. The following year economist Richard Sweeney was appointed the Charles M. Stone Professor of Monetary Theory. Dean Gillette, executive director of 298 Claremont McKenna College In October 1979Jack andfil Stark presentedfo rme-r Ambassador C lure Boothe Luce with the Claremont Men's College Public Service Award. Ambassado r Luce replied with a rousing speech, Are These the Good Old Days Now? 300 Bell Laboratories in Murray Hill, New Jersey, and one of the nations betteruknown experts on communications and technology applications, received a joint appoint- ment from CMC and Harvey Mudd as the Henry B. Luce Professor of Information Technology and Society, a professorship endowed by the Henry Luce Foundation of New York. By 1986 twenty-one CMC faculty held named professorships; which is to say, almost two-thirds of the full professorships at CMC were fully endowed chairs, representing a remarkable record of successful fundraising and academic interest on the part of donors. Two other events further accentuated 1988 as an annus mirabilis ofpublication and recognition. In September the Carnegie Foundation for Advancement of Teaching and the Council for Advancement and Support of Education named John K. Roth- Russell K. Pitzer Professor of Philosophy and chair of the department of philosophy and religion at CMCeProfessor of the Year, choosing him from a held of five hundred United States and Canadian nominees. As author of Hfteen books, Roth showed that his interests ranged over philosophy, religion, American studies, and the Holocaust. Within two years of this recognition, Both had coauthored and coedited three books, served on the editorial board of the A11wricanjom'nal ofTheology and Philosophy, and served as both chair and secretary treasurer of the Southern California Intercollegiate Athletic Conference while maintaining the highest standards of teaching. For two years, Roth also served as director of the Marian Miner Cook Athenaeum. At CMC, Roth taught in a philosophy, politics, and economics program organized by Professor Gordon Bjork, based upon the Oxford program Bjork had experienced as a Rhodes scholar. As Professor of the Year, Both in January 1989 delivered a public lecture at the Smithsonian Institution entitled American Dreams and Holocaust Questions. The month following Rotlfs award, in its 10 October 1988 issue, US. News 87 World Report lifted CMC from twenty-third to eighteenth place among American liberal arts colleges. Emphasizing that such rankings of colleges were essentially arbitrary and misleading, President Jack Stark nevertheless admitted that tits better to be on the list than off? As might be expected from a college approaching its fifth decade, the CMC necrol- ogy continued on its remorseless course. On 9 June 1981, the man who along with Donald McKenna began the process of founding the College, Robert Bernard, died at his home in Claremont at the age ofeighty-seven. No one, with the exception OfJames Blaisdell himself, had been more rooted in the Group Plan or worked longer to imple- ment it than Bernard, whose career had culminated with the presidency of Claremont University Center. John Payne, longtime vice president for development and plan- ning, and later development counsel to the president and the trustees, died of a heart attack at his home in San Dimas on 23 October 1982; he was sixty-four. Mabel Gibberd Benson, one of the half-dozen founders of CMC, died on 27 July 1983. William Berg- Claremont McKemm College man, former Claremont city attorney and longtime adjunct lecturer of business law, passed on in November 1986. On 26 June 1987 came the loss of another founding Eg- ure, Professor Emeritus Stuart Richardson Briggs, 83, who had helped the College open its doors in 1946 and who had served over the years as dean of students, dean of counseling, and dean of administration. At memorial services held at the Little Bridges Auditorium on Monday, 6 July 1987, Briggs was eulogized by George C. S. Benson and by Stanton P. Welsh, ,50, Vice president for college relations. iiDean Briggs, Welsh remembered, Twas the kind of person students enjoyed socializing with, despite the fact that he was the dean of students, responsible for discipline, and a member of the faculty. He had the rare ability to deal effectively with World War II veterans who were in no mood to be fenced in with rules and regulations. This re- quired great tact, diplomacy, and uncommon good sense. He had an abundance of all three.,, The following year, on 24 August 1988, CMC lost: another longtime professor, Wine ston Mills Fisk, Burnett C. Wohlford Professor of American Political Institutions. A man of varied background, F isk had worked his way through UC Berkeley tafter stints as a lumberjack in the Trinity Alps and a crewman on a commercial fishing boat oper- ating out of EurekzO as a longshoreman and a taxi driver in San Francisco, a radio an- nouncer, and a teaching assistant. During World War II, he had served in the Mer- chant Marine, then returned to take his law degree from Boalt Hall at UC Berkeley. He then moved to Claremont, where he engaged in civil and criminal practice while completing a PhD. at the Claremont Graduate School, which he finished in 1958, six years after joining the CMC faculty as a part-time instructor. Of special sadness to the CMC facultyefor he was in the full flower of his life and research activitieSewas the death from cancer on 26 November 1988 of John Snortum, the George C. S. Benson Professor of Public Affairs and the faculty member most responsible for the psychology departmenfs emergence as one of the strongest units in the College. Backed by major grants from the National Science Foundation and the National Institute of Justice, Snortum had won international attention with his pioneering research into the social control of drunk driving. Th rough comparative studies of Sweden, the UK, Norway, and the United States, Snortum and his col- league, Professor Dale Berger of the Claremont Graduate School, had assembled impressive evidence on the ways drunk driving could be controlled through legislae tive penalties and social disapproval. A longtime believer in behavior modification tSnortum had written an article in the April 1976 issue of Psychology Today on Benja- min Franklin and behavior modificatiom, Snortum argued that it was a combination of criminal penalties and social disapproval that lowered the rate of drunk drivinge but that criminal penalties were absolutely necessary as a starting point. The British Parliament, for example, passed a law in 1967 declaring .08 percent blood alcohol as Room at the Top, 1980-1989 301 the legal criterion of drunkenness and allowing police to give breath-alcohol tests to any driver suspected of being intoxicated. Initially, Britons vigorously resisted this new law, but within twenty years social attitudes toward drunk driving in Great Britain had moved from permissive to condemnatory. Similar social transformations following the enactment of tough new laws could be found in Norway. Snortum's re- search helped create a climate in which drunk driving became increasingly crimi- nalized in California, with social disapprobation increasing as well, just as Snortum had predicted. , Unfortunately, Snortum was not around to see the widespread results of his work as the anti-drunk driving crusade spread across the country. Six months before his death, Snortum made arrangements with Robert Daseler, editor of Profile, to publish his last lecture. Illness prevented the completion of his essay, which was published in fragmented form. In this fragment, it was not Snortums theoretical formulations that caught the readers attention but his boyhood memory of chopping weeds one day at his fathers commercial tree nursery in a small town on the Minnesota prairie. Sud- denly, there drove by a young man and woman in a car with California license plates, heading west. iiAs one who had never traveled farther than Minneapolis? Snortum wrote, nit appeared to me that the guy had everything one could ask for. live often thought that eventually I got it all; too. I got my girlfriend, my California plates, and, through my profession in teaching and research, I got my license to travel? The death of John Snortum shook the campus community. Ralph Rossum, dean of faculty at the time, remarked that the usual petty bickering among professors had temporarily ceased. The calmness and dignity with which Snortum met his death, at the age of fifty-three, revealed him as a philosopher of the Stoic school. He had avoided the intra-faculty rivalries that sometimes distracted or animated his col- leagues, and he had advanced his scholarly research with quiet determination. His belief that legislation and social pressure could reduce the number of trafhc fatalities caused by drunk drivers made him push his research and his writing harder even as cancer weakened him. On 11 December 1988, Bauer Lecture Hall Filled t0 overflowing as faculty, students, and members of the Claremont community gathered for a memo- rial service. The crowd of more than five hundred frequently laughed with surprised delight as Professor Harvey Wichman recalled his friend's humor, not the least of Snortums admirable qualities. The college community seemed to recognize that an extraordinary individual was now gone from their midst. Another significant departure from CMCethrough retirement, fortunatelyewas that of Harry V. Jaffa, Henry Salvatori Research Professor of Political Philosophy. In contrast to most retirements, which tend to be ceremonial occasions glossing over conflicts past and present, Jaffas retirement was characterized by controversies that underscored both the changing times and the unfinished business, the unhealed 302 Claremont McKemw College Former CIA Director and Ambassador to C him! George Bush spent time with CM C students in the late 19705. wounds, of the disturbances and demonstrations of the late 19603. As he approached his seventieth birthday in 1988, Harry V. Jaffa was undoubtedly the most widely pub- lished and nationally respected member of the CIVIC faculty, especially in conserva- tive circles. A 1939 graduate of Yale with a 1951 PhD. tsumma cum laudei from the New School for Social Research, Jaffa had been publishing steadily since the Univer- sity of Chicago Press issued his doctoral dissertation in 1952 as Thomism and Aristote- lianism, A Study 0fthe Commentary by Thomas Aquinas 0n the Nichomachean E thics. By the late 19805 Jaffa had been the author, coauthor, contributing author, or editor of a dozen important books from major university presses and more than a hundred publications and reviews in scholarly periodicals. He was also a frequent contributor to the National Review and a Close friend of William F. Buckley, Jr. On 12 April 1984, Buckley was the featured speaker at a gala dinner in Jaffais honor at the Marian Miner Cook Athenaeum celebrating Jaffais sixtyefifth birthday and the twenty-Fifth anniver- sary 0f the publication of Jaffas classic Crisis 0fthe House Divided: An Interpretation of the Issues in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates 0959i. An avid cyclist and physical fitness buff, Jaffa was also in excellent health. Approaching seventy in October 1988, he did not wish to retire and informed President Stark of his reluctance to give up teaching. Stark, however, replied that he was powerless in this case. Jaffa had reached seventy and must retire, although Stark did arrange for a twoeyear continuation of an annual research grant to supplement Jaffas retirement income. Jaffa responded that he was being retired, and not retiring! Compounding this sensitive situation were a number of continuing concerns to Jaf- fa's way of thinking. First of all, Jaffa sustained a long-standing belief that the confron- tations 0f the late 19603 and 19703 had been mishandled. Second, Jaffa disagreed Vio- lently with points made by his colleague John Roth. Third, Jaffa felt that gay and lesbian activism represented a replay of the intimidation and accommodation of the late 19605. Given Jaffais powerful mind and his taste for controversy, the stage was set forjaffas dramatic exit from active teaching. Already, in his Final year, Jaffa was engag- ing in a contentious correspondence with President Stark in which he rehearsed and re-rehearsed his objections and resentments. The most vivid expression of his disenchantment with CIVIC, however, took the form of Jaffas valedictory lecture, iiThe Reichstag Is Still Burning: The Failure of Higher Education and the Decline of the West, delivered in Bauer Auditorium on 14 April 1989 and shortly thereafter published in pamphlet form by the Claremont Insti- tute for the Study of Statesmanship and Political Philosophy; two appendices were included, one attacking John Roth and the other taking to task the gay liberation movement. Twenty years after the event, Jaffa was still brooding over the bombing that had done grievous harm to a nineteen-year-old secretary in the Pomona College political science department, the twenty-hve fires following this event, climaxed by 304 C laremont McKenmz College the probable torching of Story House Haifa never accepted the notion that the fire had been caused by faulty wiring or overheated steam pipesl, and the threats of Violence made by advocates of the Black Studies Center. Jaffa was also incensed that John Both, in an article published in the Los Angeles Times on 12 November 1988, had com- pared the Palestinians of the 19803 to the German Jews of the 19303. Finally, Jaffa was enraged that the Student Deans Committee of the Claremont Colleges hacl con- demned a poster parodying the celebration of Gay and Lesbian Awareness Days with a counter-poster advocating Bestiality and Incest Awareness Days. Each of these points of contention had occasioned a lively correspondence be- tween Jaffa and Stark in which Jaffa implied that Stark was responsible, if only by per- missiveness, for these events. In his replies, Stark tried to maintain the dialogue as best he could l'iI-Iarry, to paraphrase Bill Buckley, I sometimes find it more difficult to try and agree with you than to simply disagree with youill. But it is obvious to any reader of this correspondence that Harry Jaffals profoundly conservative and philo- sophical sensibility was totally at odds with the emergent identity of CIVIC as a politi- cally moderate institution. 8W6 take pride, Stark writes Jaffa on 9 June 1989, iiin the fact that our faculty and our course work represent conservative as well as liberal po- litical perspectives. With Harry V. Jaffa was passing an era: an era that had perhaps ended twenty years earlier, in the times of controversy and confrontation upon which Jaffa was still dwelling. Jaffa belonged to the philosophical and conservative Right that had founded CMC and guided its first quarter-century of development. Jack Stark, by contrast, was directing a college increasingly eclectic in faculty opinion. Jaffals vale- dictory address was a painful occasion Oil Stark walked outl; but the pain could not be escaped. The evolution and development of CMC at times exacted a negative toll. The creation of a college that lasts is never an easy task. Nor is the creation of its administration simple, which is why President Stark in the 19805 chose his administrative staff so carefully. With its growing endowment, its re- search institutes, its expanded faculty and student body, its ongoing fund-raising and development program, the College was no longer an institution that the president could run with the assistance of a small staff. It had become, rather, a complex non- profit corporation, with a portfolio that would by the 19905 rank it as one of the most highly endowed colleges in the nation. Not surprisingly, the 19805 would witness the appointment of an increasingly accomplished staff for whom CMC represented not a route to the top but the top itself. A watershed of sorts was reached in November 1981 when George C. S. Benson, citing a severe attack of bleeding ulcers, resigned as chancellor of CMC and a mem- ber of the executive committee of the board of trustees. With Bensonls departure, the office of chancellor went into remission. On the other hand, as the fortieth anniver- Room at the Top, 1980-1989 305 sary of the College approached in 1986, there was one continuity in the administra- tion: Stanton tPetei Welsh, iso, vice president for college relations, an Army Air Force veteran of World War II, a member of the first entering class, and, forty years later, the number-one-ranked tennis player of his age group in Southern California. The son of a tennis professional, a graduate of South Pasadena-San Marino High School, Welsh entered CMC in 1946 and managed, among other things, to compile an athletic record as of yet unsurpassed. Marrying in 1948, Welsh and his wife, Nancy, 3 student at P0- mona, lived in the married studentsi barracks at a time when everything seemed possi ble. Welshis achievement as an athlete and student leader, together with his connec- tion to the founding optimism of CMC, led to his recruitment in 1955 by George C. S. Benson, who, over lunch at the University Club in New York, pets uaded the young general manager of McKenzie Engineering to decamp from Connecticut with his wife and three young boys and make CIVIC his career. Ruggedly handsome, assured, ever available as a tennis fourth, Welsh proved himself a skilled fund-raiser over the next thirty years. He embodied, after all, proof positive that CIVIC, from the first, was in the business of producing gentlemen. In the fall of 1983 Jon Clarke Keates, former director of special projects and associ- ate director for major gifts at the University of Chicago, joined Welsh in the develop- ment effort as the newly appointed Vice president for development. A 1966 graduate of Brown, Keates had done graduate work in English at Duke before commencing an alumni relations and fund-raising career at Duke, Brown, Washington University, and the University of Chicago. In the decade to come, Keates would direct an effort that would see CMC become a national leader in money raised per student and per alum- nus. Another staff appointee from the fall of 1983, Joseph Schreiber, a specialist in deferred giving, helped make CMC second in the nation in terms of deferred gifts per student. There is an old adage from vaudeville: Never follow a dog act with a dog act. Fund- raising, however, represents an exception. On 30 June 1980, six months ahead of schedule, CMC successfully terminated its $18-million Project 80, initiated in July 1975. N 0 sooner was this $18 million raised, however, than planning began on a $50- million campaign effort. Encouragingly, as planning commenced, CIVIC received in July 1983 the single largest bequest in its history: a $1.273-million gift from the estate of the late Madeline Kaiser of Altadena, to be used to establish a scholarship fund in memory of Miss Kaisefs father. Once again, it was the efforts of fund-raisers such as Payne and Welsh, with their emphasis on personal contact, that made the gift possi- ble. Madeline Kaiser was approaching seventy in May 1954 when, at the invitation of a CMC alumnus, she attended a College commencement. In the ensuing twenty- nine years, pleased by CMC and kept in touch with the College by the fund-raising staff, she made a number of gifts before her final bequest. 306 Clarewwm NIcKenna College Over the years, many notable speakers, such as former Secretary of State H enry Kissinger, have spoken, dined, and exchanged opinions with students at the Athenaeum. The Kaiser bequest fueled planning efforts toward the $50-million drive, called Leaders in the Making, which was announced on 9 June 1985 at the Colleges fortieth birthday bash at the Beverly Wilshire Hotel. As described that evening by trustee chairman Richard J. Flamson III, Jack Stark, and Congressman David Dreier, the Leaders in the Making campaign sought to raise $50 million between 1985 and 1990. Targeted programs included endowment for faculty t$9 millioni, endowment for stu- dent financial aid 6510.5 millioni, endowment for program development and support t$6 millioni, endowment for the research institutes $4.5 millionL capital funds for physical facilities $10.15 millioni, and funds for current operations $9.85 millioni. By 1988 the Leaders in the Making capital campaign had passed the $44-million mark. In June 1989 the campaign ended, having raised $9,417,435 more than its $50-milli0n goaL To help him administer this college on the rise, Stark engaged in an almost continu- ous act of recruitment. In March 1982, for example, he recruited Linda Davis, director of college admissions at Emory University in Atlanta, to be dean of admissions and financial aid at CMC. The following year Starkpromoted Wen-Chu Torrey Sun, asso- ciate dean for housing and student activities, to dean of students, replacing the very successful Jerry Garris twho became dean of faculty at Randolph-Macon after seven years of effective service at CMCX In December 1984 Sun was joined by Jonathan Palmer, former assistant dean for career and student services at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, who became associate dean of students and director of career development at CMC. To oversee the increasingly complex research activities of the College through its Eve research centers, Stark persuaded the trustees in September 1983 to create the position of Vice president for research, to which he appointed Dr. James B. Jamieson, 335, executive Vice president at Pitzer College since 1979. Like so many at CIVIC, Jamieson had a Brown University connection, having taken his PhD. there in 1966. His wife, Perry, was a friend and fellow Scripps graduate ofJil Stark. Amiable, compe- tent, verymuch the Claremont gentleman, Jamieson served four years in this position, plagued by its ambiguity. Institute directors, after all, were entrepreneurial and ten- ured faculty members, accustomed to a high degree of autonomy. Here were directors raising millions of dollars, affecting the political future of the state, advising major multinational corporations. Was Jamieson supposed to draw the Eve institutes into a unified structure, administered from the top, and if so, why? Or was he merely sup- posed to facilitate their development as individual entities? Frustrated with not End- ing the answer, Jamieson resigned his nominal jurisdiction over the now seven insti- tutes in 1987 and was replaced by a member of the CMC board of trustees since 1981, Dr. Donald Henriksen, a geology PhD. from Stanford recently serving as vice presi- dent for government relations at Atlantic Richfleld. Henriksen played an important 308 Clm'emont McKenna College role in bringing three research institutes into being: the Lowe Institute of Political Economy, the Family of Benjamin Z. Gould Center, and the Roberts Institute. Like Jamieson, however, Henriksen found himself mano a mano with the formidable insti- tute directors; in June 1992 he also resigned and returned to the board of trustees. At that point, Jack Stark realized that nobody except himself would ever have the author- ity to oversee the research institutes, so the position of vice president of research was discontinued. To replace Colin Wright as dean of the Faculty and senior vice president, Stark, fol- lowing the recommendation of both faculty and student committees, turned in 1983 to an outsider, Gaines Post, Jr. Post, a CornelI-educated Rhodes scholar with a doctor- ate from Stanford, was then serving as associate professor of history at the University of Texas and executive director of the Rockefeller Foundation Commission on the Humanities. Richard C. Vos, associate director of admissions at Grinnell College in Iowa since 1973, replaced Linda Davis as director of admissions in the summer of 1987. Also in 1987, Joke Johnson, senior research associate and assistant director of the Center for the Study of Law Structures and former senior research associate and controller of the Rose Institute of State and Local Government, became the third registrar of the College, replacing Patti Meyers. With an MA. and PhD. from the Claremont Gradu- ate School and aJD. from the Free University of Amsterdam in the Netherlands, Joke Johnson brought to her post a remarkable academic and administrative preparation. Two years later, Richard Vos was promoted to Vice president and dean of admissions and financial aid. That year as well, Barbara J. Condit, Starkts longtime administrative assistant, received a promotion to assistant vice president and director of personnel. A savvy and skilled executive secretary, Condit had grown over the years into one of Starks most trusted administrators. In 1981 the trustees and Jack Stark decided to raise the supervision of long-range planning to the level of a senior Vice presidency, with the appointment of E. Howard Brooks, vice president and provost of Claremont University Center, to that position. A B.A., M.A., and PhD. from Stanford, where he had held numerous administrative positions, rising to vice provost, Brooks had spent the 19703 as provost of the Clare- mont University Center, while serving on a number of important national committees and on the board of overseers at the Hoover Institution at Stanford. At CMC, Brooks was Charged with the development of a long-range master plan for the decade span- ning the mid-19805 to the mid-Iggos, similar to the long-range plan stimulated for the 19703 by the McKenna Report. In academic yea191983-84, the board of trustees established a Master Plan Steering Committee, co-chaired by trustees Bruce Bean and Howard Marguleas. Working through sixjoint committees and task forces and three student committees, the Mase Room at the Top, 1980-1989 309 310 ter Plan Steering Committee was charged with the examination of all aspects of the Collegels programs and facilities: curriculum, faculty, research, student enrollment, student services, physical plant, finance, and financial development. The Final report, 120 pages in all, and its sixty-six recommendations were'approved by the CIVIC board of trustees on 14 June 1984. While it is impossible to list here all sixty-six recommen- dations, they did fall into general categories. In the case of the curriculum, for exam- ple, the emphasis, almost paradoxically, was on a twofold program: First, to wage war on declining writing skills and, second, to make computer skills as mandatory as good writing. Recognizing the tendency of students to transfer from college to college, the Master Plan recommended the establishment of 3 Banner Freshman Year that would bond students to CMC for their entire undergraduate program. Also, since interne ships, Sacramento and Washington semesters, and study abroad were now expected among undergraduates nationally, the Master Plan recommended strengthening pro- grams in these areas. The Master Plan recommended strengthening the joint science program as well, especially its managementeengineering program operated in conjunction with Stan- ford University. By the early198os, some Fifty CMC students were majoring in biology, Chemistry, and physics. More impressively, almost 10 percent of the student body, some seventy-six students, were enrolled in the managementeengineering program in which the first three years were taken at CMC and the last two at Stanford or some other approved engineering program, with students receiving a BA. from CIVIC and a BS. tor in certain cases an M.SJ from Stanford or another school. Here, indeed, was an interesting seedbed for the technocratic elite necessary to manage the elec- tronic and aerospace industries. The 19805, in fact, witnessed the subtle but notice able emergence of CMC as a force in science and technological education. This transformationeor, at the least, this enhancement of a previously narrow sector of the CIVIC identityewas given a significant boost in January 1984 with the award of $900,000 to CMC, Pitzer, and Scripps from the W. M. Keck Foundation for the joint science program. By 1989 plans were under way for a new $14-million joint science center on the corner of Mills Avenue and Ninth Street, encompassing 70,000 square Feet, with three lecture halls and twelve laboratories. Already, that fall, the Fritz B. Burns Foundation had contributed $500,000 toward the effort. The name gift of $6.5 million was provided by the W. M. Keck Foundation, with major support coming from the H. N. and Frances C. Berger Foundation, the Kresge Foundation, the Burton Green Bettingen Trust, and the Philip M. McKenna Foundation. In raising and administering such impressive sums, CMC was significantly de- pending upon its own. The Chiefbudget and financial officer has always been a CIVIC alumnus. The first was Jack Stark, i57. When Stark became president, he appointed Tim Johnson, ,71, who held thejob from 1971 to 1974. In 1974 Mike Rothman, 72, took Claremont McKenna College AB OVE: In May 1987 Professor P. Edward H aley chatted with U. N . Ambassador jeane Kirkpatrick at the Dorothy C handler Pavilion. L E FT: Since the 19505, afrequent visitor to CM C has been the renowned novelist, columnist, diarist, social philosopher, editor, television commentator; and wordsmith William F. Buckley, Jr. the position of budget officer and was then promoted to treasurer and chief business officer in 1978. In February 1982 Frederick Weis, '65, was appointed treasurer and was promoted to vice president and treasurer in 1984. In the matter of faculty, CMC faced an interesting situation: 75 percent of its fac- ulty were tenured. How to continue, then, to recognize and reward superior teaching? The Master Plan recommended that CMC study a system of performance review of tenured full professors so that certain faculty might not be tempted to retire in place and that those who continued to perform at a superior level would be recognized and rewarded. The Master Plan also reinforced the role of the research institutes as a means of bringing a cutting-edge research experience to the undergraduate environ- ment. In the ever-reoccurring question of undergraduate size, the Master Plan, after exhaustive studyiof the alternatives, recommended the continuing stabilization of the student body at the 800 level for the decade to come. Echoing many recommendations made by Professor Ward Elliott a dozen years earlier, the Master Plan devoted a num- ber of recommendations to the quality of undergraduate life: the renovation of Mc- Kenna Auditorium and Union, the improvement of student services and career coun- seling, a wellness program, to encourage mental and physical health, the renovation and upgrading of all residential facilities, and the renovation of Collins Dining Hall to reduce overcrowding. As always, there was the question of campus development, and the Master Plan addressed this as well. In general, the Plan noted, the twenty-thtee academic and resi- dential buildings and athletic facilities of the Hfty-acre campus were adequate for un- dergraduates and faculty at their present levels, although in the future, expansion would be necessary to the south on an additional fifteen to twenty acres already owned by the College. On the other hand, the older buildings on campus were beginning to show signs of being outmoded and inechient. For the first time, moreover, the Master Plan acknowledged that these older buildings, constructed in the leaner early years, were disconcertingly spartan in appearance. Trustee Richard Armour had already noted this fact in an interview with Ladell Payne in February 1970. The no-frills ar- chitecture of the first phase of campus construction, Armour noted, reflected not only the financial exigencies of the period but something deeper as well: George Ben- sonls distrust of the aesthetic. Benson, Armour suggested, equated a minimalist, no-nonsense architecture with a kind of Puritan Virtue. Even if he had had the funds, Armour speculated, Benson would not have indulged himself in a Scripps-like campus. In more recent buildingsethe Marian Miner Cook Athenaeum, for exampIe-this pattern had shown some reversal. It remained a challenge, however, for CMC to bring a more distinguished architectural ambience t0 the campus; this was accomplished through landscaping, renovation, and aesthetic work on certain buildings. Expansion 312 C laremont McKenna College to the south, moreover, involved CIVIC properties currently occupied by rental tenants in the Arbol Verde section. The next five years witnessed a protracted and very painful Clash between the desires of rental residents to maintain their lives in Arbol Verde and the desire of the College to build athletic Fields and residential properties on land it had owned for nearly a halfecentury. The resolution of this conflict, however, was in the future. For the time being, CIVIC, having adopted its Master Plan for 1985 to 1995, was in the process of preparing to celebrate its fortieth anniversary in multiple campus ceremo- nies between 28 October and 1 November 1987. Among the speakers coming to cam- pus for this Eve-day celebration were William F. Buckley, Jr, Senator Pete Wilson, novelist Joyce Carol Oates, and California historian Kevin Starr. In his speech, deliv- ered 0n the morning of 28 October 1987, Starr put CMC in the context of the college as a genre and institution dating back to the Middle Ages. From this perspective, the forty years of CMC was only a beginning. But what a beginning it had been! Forty years had witnessed not only the academic, financial, and architectural evolution of CMC; it had witnessed as well the evolution of CMC as a community based upon shared values and ideals. By rnid-decade, in fact, it was already evident that CMC, completing its fourth decade, was fulfilling the dreams of the founders. A college that looked to Oxford and Cambridge for its inspiration had now produced Rhodes and Marshall scholars. Sixty percent of the entering freshmen in 1985 had been drawn from the top 10 percent of their high school graduating class. Fully 33 percent ranked among the top ten students in their high school. Verbal SAT scores had risen to a median of 570, math SATs to a median of 630. Half of the incom- ing freshmen had held positions in high school student government. One-quarter of them had played varsity sports. Alumni support, moreover, had topped 52 percent, making CIVIC a national leader in percentage of alumni support. These Eve thousand alumni now belonged to an extended community in time, ranging back to 1946 when the first students arrived in their odds and ends of military attire to students receiving their degrees at the most recent commencement, the forty-second annual commencement on Sunday, 14 May 1989, at 2:00 in Badgley Gar- den. As they received their degrees, the Class of 1989 became linked across time to some forty years of graduating classes, together with all the years of graduating classes to come. Since the crisis of the Korean War was surmounted, it had been apparent that CIVIC would last. By now, however, as students listened to the keynote address being delivered by the Honorable George Deukmejian, governor of California, it was also obvious that CIVIC was lasting with honor and distinction. Room at the Top, 1980-1989 313 Henry K'ravis, '67 UeftL and George Roberts, '66 MghtJ, remained close to their alma mater as loyal alumni, donors, and trustees. H alf-C entury and the Millennium, 1990-The Future AS TH E 19805 became the 19905, the College approached its decadal reaffirma- tion of accreditation from the Accrediting Commission for Senior Colleges and Uni- versities 0f the Western Association of Schools and Colleges tWASCl in a mood of confident optimism. This optimism would remain intact throughout the process, from January 1990 to January 1991. Yet in certain points of dispute between WASC and CMCethe exact nature of llpublic affairsll at CMC, the number of women on the faculty, the attitude of the College toward diversity tincluding a diversity of political opinionl, the alleged preeminence of certain departments over others, the role of the faculty in the governance of the institution tincluding alienation of certain faculty, who claimed they were marginalizedl, and a claim that the general education program was driftingusharp differences of opinion would emerge. These points of dispute, moreover, underscored the emergence ofa new ideological imperative on college carn- puses across the nation: political correctness. While the 19905, with one brief excepe tion, would not witness at CIVIC a repetition of the Vietnam and civil rights-oriented conflicts of the late 19605 and the early 19705, or the student rights activism of the 19705, the decade would force CMC and other higher-education institutions across the nation to grapple with an equally compelling and On many instancesl divisive force: an increasingly lock-step ideology on matters racial, sexual, political, and eco- nomic. Such attitudes were destined to have a great impact on a college such as CMC whose founding orientation had been in the direction of classical liberalism. The 19905 would confront CIVIC with the question: could CIVIC respond to the times on its own terms within its own evolving identity, or would it have new identities thrust upon it, at least as far as its fundamental academic culture was concerned? The accreditation process offered at once a case in point and a prophetic paradigm of the decade to come. In preparing its Self-Study Report for Reafhrmation of AC- Creditationf CIVIC entered the dialogue fully coanent-in trustee and administra- tion Circles, at leastlethat all was well with the world. The past forty-four years, after all, had witnessed the astonishing rise of CMC into the top ranks of independent lib- eral arts colleges. Fifty acres and thirty buildings, a $103.1-million endowment as of 30 June 1990, with total assets reaching $139,890,000; 851 students t540 men, 311 womenl; a teaching faculty that produced in academic year 1989-90 eight books and more than thirty-Eve articles; loyal alumni; access to a wide range of Claremont-wide facilities, including the formidable Honnold Library; Rhodes and Marshall scholars; a preponderance of endowed Chairs in its academic departments; a recent campaign, concluded 30 June 1989, raising $59,416,436: everywhere one looked, CMC would seem to have excelled. And it had. On 24 January 1991 the WASC accreditation team, chaired by James Powell, president of Reed College, recommended accreditation until the year 2000. Yet certain points of contention in this process underscored the new environment that CMC would be experiencing in the 19905. On 2 January 1991 President Powell sent President Stark the first draft of the WASC report. llOnce again, Powell wrote Stark, let me express my admiration for what has been accomplished at CMC. I hope that this report, while critical in some areas, can help provide a platform for even greater things? Jack Stark was not amused. The criticisms indicated by Powell stung Stark t0 the quick. He felt they were erroneous and unfair. Initially, Stark contemplated 3 Eve- page, singleespaced reply, refuting the criticisms point by point. Dated 16 January 1991, the letter remained in draft. A milder version was sent. Yet it underscored Starks sense that CMC was beingjudged in a number of instances not on fact but on ideol- ogy. You indicate in your cover letter to me ofJanuary 23 Stark wrote in the draft never sent, llthat it was the teams intention to provide a platform for even greater things for CIVIC. That intention appears to be contradicted, however, by a consistently negative tone in which CMCls glass is always presented as half-empty, not half-fullf, The draft report, for example, expressed disappointment that lless than one third of instructors and assistant professors, those hired within the last few years, are women? Had WASC looked at the last two years of hiring, Stark argued, it would have seen that in academic year 1988e89 CMC hired six women and two minorities out of fifteen hires, and in academic year 1989-90 four out of ten full-time hires were fee maleewhich Stark believed was a more than creditable record. WASC, moreover, claimed that the smaller departments at CMC were llmargin- 316 C laremont McKemw College alized. There were no marginalized departments at CMC, Stark countered. iiYour de- scription of our smaller departments in these terms in what will be a public document maligns the majority of our departments and faculty members and is counterproduc- tive to your putative intentions to help CMC become stronger? Most galling, from Starks perspective, was the WASC committees attack on the notion that CMC was a college oriented to public affairs. Only 11 percent of the recent graduating Class, WASC pointed out, went directly into government or nonprofit em- ployment immediately after graduation. How could CMC describe itself as an institu- tion oriented toward public affairs, much less public service, when most of its gradu- ates went into the private sector? iiCMC is not a vocational schoolf Stark replied, iithat is in the business of preparing students for particular careers. It is a liberal arts col- lege with a curricular emphasis on public affairs, by which we mean educating our students to be publiC-spirited businessmen, public officials, and professionals and publiC-minded citizens who know the fundamental principles of their society and their alternatives. What Stark did not note, however, and what might have proven an equally compelling argument, was that CMCis research centerseespecially the Rose Institute in the Vital matters of redistricting and term limitsewere exercising enor- mous influence on public life in California and the rest of the United States. The first draft of the WASC report suggested that CMC faculty had a morale prob- lem in part because of a lack of clarity in its mission. Quite the opposite, Stark coun- tered. Those few faculty who did feel marginalized did so because CMC did have a clear-cut mission and was not seeking to become a comprehensive, all-things-to-all- people liberal arts college. When it came to African-American students at CIVIC, the WASC committee criti- cized CMC for not creating more discernibly African-American organizations, pat- terns, and tracks. CMC is criticized for failing to pursue this politically correct policyf, Stark argued. On the other hand, the WASC report also noted that iiwhen pressed, African-American students admitted to love and respect for CMC and said they had found their educational and social experience generally positive? Replied Stark: The report finds this ironic only because it refuses to acknowledge that CMCS policy of assimilation might also iand perhaps more successfullyi contribute to love and respect. For those of us who believe in Martin Luther Kings traditional civil rights vision of assimilation as opposed to separation there is no irony to explain. Neither is there a need to explain what should for the team be an even more perplexing irony, namely, why the graduation rates of CMCs blacks, Latinos, and Asians are Virtually identical to those of its white students. Again and again in its initial draft report, the WASC committee fenced around the issue of diversity: diversity of curriculum, diversity of faculty, diversity of political opinion. There were numerous suggestions, in short, that CMCys curriculum was too Half-Centmy and the Millennium, 1990-7718 Future 317 narrow, its faculty too white male, and its ethos too Republican. In his draft reply, Stark gave no quarter on any of these accounts. While the majority of students at CMC did major in government, economics, or international relations, there were many other majors available, including a diverse menu ofjoint majors and majors- minors. The CMC faculty did contain some Republicans, Stark argued with some irony, but they were not in the majority; besides, academic Republicans were hard to find! The presence of some Republican faculty at CIVIC was in reality giving the WASC committee what it was constantly demandingediversityl l'l state categorically and in the strongest terms,n Stark replied in the letter he actually sent, also dated 16 January 1991, iithat this contention is wrong. An evaluation of our appointments at either the entry or senior levels, a review of promotions and tenure decisions, an analy- sis of salary data, a look at which faculty are featured in our College publications, or a survey of invited campus speakers would provide data that overwhelmingly disproves the contention of conservative political domination. I believe the data indicates a great deal of intellectual diversity at CMC and that the team has apparently based its Findings on the opinion of a few people. A comparison of the first draft of the WASC report with the hnal draft, revised after Starks objections, reveals that WASC backed off on a number of points, but not all of them. The overall WASC report, it must be remembered, enthusiastically praised CIVIC on a number of fronts-quality of faculty and students, endowment, residen- tial life, graduation rates, alumni support, and other examples of excellenceeand with equal enthusiasm recommended reaccreditation. The report did not, however, back down on criticizing CMC for misleadingly describing itself as oriented toward public affairs when most of its students were heading for careers in law and business. Ifa group ofprofessionals who spent three days on campus came away confusedf, the WASC report insisted, others may be as well? Nor did the report yield any ground on what it considered a lack of women on the faculty. Given that 77 percent of the CIVIC faculty was tenured and that only a few retirements were in the offing lthe history department, for example, would not be able to make another appointment for at least eight yearsl, there would have to be lla straightforward message from the top that CMC needed more women faculty. The WASC report, furthermore, found an example of subtle discrimination perceived by some with whom we spokel concerning endowed chairs. There were fourteen of them, but all were held by men. The WASC report continued to insist, moreover, iithat CMC ask the following set of questions: do gender and ethnic diversity foster CMCis mission? If so, what fur- ther could be done to enable all students, including women and minorities, to gain more from the CMC experience? The administration, furthermore, had in academic year 1989-90 appointed a task force on sexism. The report of this task force, WASC 318 C laremont McKemm College claimed, had never been circulated; WASC recommended that it be distributed and discussed by the faculty. Despite Starks arguments to the contrary, the WASC report insisted that politically CIVIC was a lock-step institution. The economics and government departments, the report noted, wereeat least according to some faculty members and studentsile ilpolitically very conservative? We heard direct testimony? the WASC report insisted, that faculty whose views differ from those of the mainstream are, for varying reasons, often not speaking up and as a result not all voices may be heard at CMC. We left the campus uncertain that true intellectual diversity runs as broad and as deep at CIVIC as it should. The WASC report also continued to insist that a number of faculty members, llmany of whom asked that their names not be revealed, felt marginalized. iTAImost to a person, the report argued, they testified that in their opinion the governance struc- ture of the college, as well as the way it operated on a daily basis, failed to permit true debate and discussion of substantive issues? According to the WASC report, a number of the faculty also expressed serious res- ervations regarding the research institutes. Perhaps these doubtsf the WASC report speculated, narise in part because of the perception that the faculty as a body was and is not involved in decisions to create institutes or in overseeing their organization or governing policies, and seldom discusses their influence on the college? The CIVIC faculty, the WASC report charged, was Tlseriously divided along certain lines: the large and favored departments of economics and government and the other departments; faculty active in the research institutes and faculty who were not; liber- als and conservatives, Republicans and Democrats; faculty who emphasized teaching and those who emphasized scholarship; faculty who espouse and exemplify ethnic and racial diversity and wish to see it better covered in the curriculum and those who do not. Such divisions occur in any faculty, the report admitted, yet we have not en- countered so many on one small campus? While voicing these concerns, however, the report concluded, nfaculty members were quick to add that they enjoyed their positions at CMC and felt productive. They tend to like President Stark personally and to trust him. They know that his door is open and that he is a good manager who has the interest of the college at heart at all times. A review of the entire process, including Starks vigorous rebuttals, offers proof pos- itive that a new ideology, political correctness, was in force. In so many instancese women, minorities, faculty empowermentethe WASC report took CIVIC to task, as if WASC were responding to a larger drama, one national in importance. At the same time, just when the allegations seemed most damning, the report doubled back and admitted that minorities, women, and even faculty confessed they were happy at Half-Centu'ry and the NIillennium, 1990-The Future 319 320 CMC. In each instance, moreover, a suppressed minority was postulated and its testi- mony cited. The WASC report, in other words, was based on a theory of marginalizav tion: that the marginalized existed in signihcant numbers, and that their testimony offered a relevant critique of an otherwise successful institution. The very dynamics of the critiqueewith its emphasis upon the marginal becoming deamarginalized, the marginalized becoming empowered-suggested a point of View that would pervade academic discourse throughout the decade. Whatever the ideological ambivalences 0f the WASC report, it did make an enthu- siastic recommendation for reaccreditation. CMCls standing in popular polls, mean- while, especially the all-important US. News 59 World Report rankings, continued to Climb. In the fall of 1994, for example, U.S. News 59 World Report ranked CMC as twelfth in the nation among liberal arts colleges. The write-up, however, was charac- terized by the occasional salty aside. CMC was described as having taken its nmarried namell in 1976 when women were admitted terror: the name change did not occur una til 1980 so that llthe monograms on the towels didrft have to be Changed. The fiftye acre, twenty-three-building campus, moreover, was described by students as llfunc- tional and no-frills, Fitting right in with the pragmatic attitude that dominates at the school. US. News 59 World Report also used the same technique as the WASC re- portewhich is to say, it quoted someone on the margin. A senior majoring in mathe- matics, for example, noted that llmost people here are very conservative and con- cerned about their futures in the job market? Another CMC senior noted that CMC sometimes seemed like a stepping stone to a job rather than a place to broaden hori- zons. The College, moreover, remained dominated by its male majority. ilMen still outnumber women by two to onef US. News E9 World Report claimed, land male female relations are somewhat strained, with CMC men dating women at the other Claremontsenotably Scripps-rnore often than those at CMC. Despite these quibbles, the overall assessment was positive, as indicated by the twelfth-place ranking granted the College. The good news was that CIVIC, as it had from the beginning, was still keeping its eye on the relationship between academic preparation and real work in the world. Its preeminence in water polo, swimming, tennis, baseball, and soccer, furthermore, testified to the Oxbridge value of mews soma in corpora sano so present at the founding. CMC is still not well known, especially on the East Coast, CIVIC Vice president Jon Keates was quoted as saying in Edward Fiskes Guide to US. Colleges that year. Though that isnt likely to Change overnight, CMC'S impressive list of alumni in positions ofprominence in government, business, and law are slowly bringing the school nationwide respect. As it approached its Hftieth anniversary, in short, CMC had a reality and an image; and, all things considered, the two were in sync. The promotional material of the 19903 brims with confidence in this achieved identity. llAfterjust four decades,u reads C laremont McKenna College the leading marketing brochure of the decade, 'lClaremont McKenna College has carved out a unique place in American education. While it closely resembles the na- tions oldest and best-known private liberal arts colleges in the quality of its students and faculty, in the achievements of its alumni, and in the strength of its endowment, CMC has achieved national standing by setting itself apart. . . by creating a model for undergraduate education unmatched by any other school. CMCls purpose is clear: to educate the nations future leaders in business, the professions, and public affairs. Both faculty and students, the brochure continued, wanted it that way. 'iClaremont McKenna College students are results-driven and leadership-focused. Theylve got big plans for the future, and they want their education to work. For them-and for society at large. The CMC faculty was likewise oriented. Building bridges between aca- demic theory and real-world necessityf the brochure stated, is a particular skill of the CMC faculty. Or to put the matter another way, as the brochure did: iiThe best of the doers. And the best of the teachers. Both are found at CMC. Athletics continued to offer a bridge to real-world experience. College sports, after all, offered competition that for hundreds of years had been regarded as preparation for the postgraduate struggle of life. On 26 September 1993 the College dedicated the new Axelrood Aquatics Center with a water polo game against Washington and Lee, a dedication ceremony, a barbecue lunch on Stag Field, followed by an alumni swim meet and alumni water polo game. CMC had excelled in water polo since the incep- tion of the program. Physically, it was perhaps the most demanding of all varsity pun suits. By 1993 aquatics coach Mike Sutton, ,76, now in his fourteenth year, had com- piled an extraordinary record for the Stags. Out of 130 SCIAC games, the Stags had lost only seven. Nationally, the Stags had an overall record of 272-145. The team had won ten consecutive SCIAC water polo titles, three Western Water Polo Association championships, and had ranked among the top ten teams in the nation. While Stags football could not point to an equally stellar performance tthe 1992 season, with the Stags turning in a 0-9 record, was especially disappointingl, football remained a signature sport, representing traditional collegiate culture at CIVIC. After the 1994 season, Stags football head coach John Zinda ended a thirty-year coaching career, though he continued as director of athletics. Rich Candaele replaced Zinda as football coach. ilYou can learn by winning, and you can learn by losing, noted Zinda ofhis long coaching career. iTve always known that Fm here to serve a Supreme Being. Thats a fact that has been the underlying motive in everything Ilve done with my fam- ily, my social life, my professional life . . . I'm just grabbing the baton and getting ready to run another leg. As the athletics director, my goal remains the same: to teachfl On 14 July 1995 John Zinda succumbed to cancer and was warmly eulogizecl in the Los Angeles Times as the paradigm of the athletic coach as moral educator. On 11 N ovem- ber 1995 the football Field was dedicated in his honor. The athletic culture that Zinda had helped create, stressing a high level of sports- Half-Century and the Millennium, 1990-The Future 321 manship and a commitment to athletics as a mode of education, was evident not only in water polo and football but also in men's soccer and tennis, which were as success- ful as water polo, and the entire gamut of womeifs sports. Claremont-Mudd-Scripps womeifs teams consistently won Championships in the 19905 in basketball, cross- country, soccer, swimming, tennis, track and field, and water polo. iiOverall, noted Jack Stark in May 1997, iiwe have been the most successful intercollegiate athletic program in our SCIAC league for thirteen out of the last fifteen years. These intercol- legiate athletic programs involve about a third of the student body and are an impore tant part of the social and educational culture ofCMCfi Athletics, then, provided a traditional route to experienceephysical, social, intel- lectual, and moral. Internships and study abroad had similar goals. In order to further students, connections with themselves and their future through experience and ac- tion, CMC had been steadily expanding its Sacramento and Washington internships and its options for study abroad. By mid-decade, CMC undergraduates could study in Africaein Cameroon, Kenya, N igeria, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, or Moroccoeat a vari- ety of universities and research institutes, such as the Center for Wildlife Manage- ment Studies in Kenya. Asian options included study at the Beijing Foreign Study University tat least one year of college-level Mandarin Chinese requirecD, Nanjing University tthree semesters of college-level Mandarin requirecD, the University of Hong Kong, and Eve universities in Japan, as well as programs in Nepal, Singapore, Thailand, Indonesia, and Taiwan. In Australia, CIVIC offered study-abroad options at Adelaide, Australia National, Melbourne, Murdoch, New South Wales, and Sydney Universities, together with the Rain Forests Studies Program in Queensland. Euro- pean programs by this time had expanded to encompass a wide variety of options in the universities and research institutes of eleven nations, including the newly orga- nized Commonwealth of Independent States. In the Middle East, programs were available at the American University in Cairo, Hebrew University in Jerusalem, Haifa University, and Tel Aviv University. Latin American options included programs in nine nations, many of them organized toward environmental or sustainable-devel- opment studies. The internship program, meanwhile, was enlarged to include intern- ships in cultural and nonprofit organizations; and a program of volunteerism tthe American Heart Association, the Crippled Childrens Society, the Red Cross, the YMCA, and the House of Ruth, a shelter for battered women and their childreni was also begun. A CMC student, in short, might now acquire practical experience andtor exposure to other cultures through literally a hundred or so options at home or abroad. Endowed with generous scholarships and living allowances, the ROTC program continued to thrive. ROTC appealed to students who wanted the practical and leader- ship training involved in becoming an Army officer. Lieutenant Colonel Peter Simon- cini, a Ranger Airborne Infantry veteran of two tours in Vietnam, headed the ROTC 322 Claremont McKenna College program in the early 19905. As the decade opened, ROTC alumni such as Captain Carl Giles, 86, an aviation ofhcer in an armored cavalry regiment of the First Armored Division, found themselves in the Persian Gulfinyet another war. As a helicopter pilot and battle captain for his squadrons administrative and logistical operating center, Giles came home from Desert Storm with a Bronze Star, the air medal, and a pair of captainys bars. All in all, however, to have participated in the largest tank battle since World War 11 proved a sobering experience. 81 am not a peacenikf Giles told ProjEle. 81 believe that a strong military and political force is a deterrent. Butl have seen the cost of war? Student cadets contemplating a career commitment to the military took heart in the fall 0f1994 when President Bill Clinton advanced Lieutenant General William W Crouch, '63, to his fourth star and named him commander in chief of the United States Army in Europe, with headquarters in Heidelberg. Commissioned a second lieutenant upon graduating from CIVIC with a major in government, Crouch, an Armor ofhcer, had served two tours in Vietnam, where he won the Distinguished Ser- vice Medal, the Silver Star, the Legion of Merit, and the Bronze Star. Later, while moving steadily up the ranks, he had completed the course at the Foreign Service In- stitute. At the time of his promotion to four-star general, Crouch was serving as Chief of staff to the United Nations command in Korea. As the only CMC ROTC graduate to reach flag rank, Crouch offered a parallel paradigm in military terms to the CIVIC alumni who had distinguished themselves as CEOs in the private sector. All things considered, a remarkable consistency had been sustained across the soon- tO-beehve decades of CMCs existence. In terms of the faculty, the 19905 would wit- mess the full maturing of faculty recruited in the 19605, the coming into prominence of faculty recruited in the 19705, and progress toward publication and tenure for faculty recruited in the 19803. Teaching, as well as publication, had always been prized at CMC. Philosophy and religion scholarjohn Roth had in 1988 been elected professor of the year and had continued to publish steadily following that honor. By 1991, Roth had added three new books to his bio-bibliography tbringing his total publication to nine- teen booksi and was working on a long-range project, a comprehensive study of the public expression of religion in America, published in 1995 by the University of Illi- nois Press as Private Needs, Public Selves: Talking About Religion in America. In No- vember 1994, President Clinton appointed Roth t0 the United States Holocaust Me- morial Council, charged with oversight of the Holocaust Museum in Washington, DC. Another noted classroom performer who-won repeated accolades for his dedicae tion to teaching was Marc Massoud, Dengler-Dykema Distinguished Professor ofAc- Half-Century and the Millennium, 1990-The Future 323 counting, a member of the faculty since 1984. The Egyptian-born Massoud, with bachelors and masters degrees in commerce from Alexandria University and an MBA. and a PhD. from New York University, was prodigiously published tseven monographs by 1995, together with well over a hundred scholarly articles and reviewst and one of the most effective teachers in the history of the College. Active as a con- sultant, Massoud functioned as special internal auditor for a number of banking and insurance companies and had served terms as chairman of the International Ac- counting Standards Committee of the American Accounting Association 098$ and president of the Western American Accounting Association 0986i In 1991 the Cali- fornia Society of CPAs named Massoud the Outstanding California Educator of 1991. At CMC, Massoud won numerous awards for his teaching. Students were delighted that such a preeminent accountantewidely published, highly respected by his peers, and prized as a special auditor by the business communityeshould be so devoted to each and every student. Here indeed was a worthy successor to Stuart Briggs and George Gibbs, who had anchored CMC on the solid ground of first-rate instruction in accounting, a profession central to both the public and the private sectors and the equal of law, medicine, engineering, and architecture as a learned profession Vital to the ongoing functioning and health of society. Research efforts at CIVIC as the 19905 opened revealed a gratifying range and vari- ety of engagements. Ross Eckert, for example, Boswell Professor of Economic and Legal Organization, himself a hemophiliac who had contracted the HIV Virus from a blood transfusion, was putting the Enishing touches on a book alleging that the cur- rent system of blood distribution in the United States increased the danger of the spread of AIDS and hepatitis; Eckert recommended the creation of hblood registries that would draw upon a relatively restricted number of healthy individuals as blood donors. Joint science department professors Robert Feldmeth, biology, and Anthony Fucaloro, chemistry, were conducting research on the environmental hazards of a proposed new waste disposal plant in Irwindale. Under a grant from the Lindbergh Foundation, Feldmeth and other CIVIC scientists were also conducting research into the possibility of raising trout and African perch in agricultural wastewater, presently pumped off and dumped into the ocean. CMC faculty associated with the Rose Insti- tute of State and Local Government were conducting research into the political impli- cations of the growth of the Hispanic community in California and other states. Joseph Bessette, meanwhile, associate professor on the Tuohy Chair of Govern- ment and Ethics, also associated with the Salvatori Center, was bringing his academic expertise to bear on one of the key public policy issues emerging in the 1990secrimi- nal recidivism. A University of Chicago Ph.D., Bessette had worked with Richard Da- ley Hater mayor of Chicagot when Daley was serving as states attorney prosecutor of Cook County, Illinois. There he had an opportunity to observe the criminal justice 324 Claremont McKenna College As ever, the art of teaching remains a valued priority. Professor Asumcm Aksoy, mathematics, stands in a long line of skilled and dedicated C M C classroom performers. system firsthand; experiences and insights further augmented in 1985 when Bessette went to work for the Bureau of Justice Statistics of the US. Department of Justice, where he became the acting director in 1988. Concerned with the rise of seriousjuvee nile crime, especially homicide; with the light sentences generally given for homicide, rape, and other serious felonies; and, most important, with the sheer fact ofrecidivism among hardocore criminals, Bessette began to organize his research and insights after his arrival at CIVIC in 1990. In California, Bessette noted, an offender sentenced to seven years in prison would usually be released after three and a half. Murderers averaged only six to seven years in prison; rapists, three to four; and drug traffickers, about a year and a half. Many of these were repeat offenders. Forty-five percent of the people in the prison system, in fact, were serving at least their fourth sentence. One out of five was serving their sev- enth sentence. Of convicted felons released on parole, 62 percent were being rear- rested for felonies or serious misdemeanors; 45 percent were being reincarcerated. Among young adult offenders with long prior records, more than 90 percent were be- ing rearrested for a felony or a serious misdemeanor. Bessetteys research confirmed a growing awareness in criminal justice circles throughout the United States. Violent criminals tended to emerge early in life and to become repeat offenders. The vast majority of Violent crimes were being perpetrated by a group of career criminals. Offering statistical corroboration to the more philo- sophical observations of Professorjames Q. Wilson of Harvard and UCLA, Bessettds research helped create a Climate for the passage of the three-strikes law in California later in the decade and for longer sentences for drug traffickers. Longer sentences obviously meant an increased prison population, and with AIDS raging, this population was progressively at risk. Coming to CIVIC in 1989 from the University ofVermont after finishing a doctoral dissertation on the addictive qualities of caffeine, psychology professorWilliam Hunt twhose Field of expertise was high-risk addictive behaviorl was first interested in studying the smoking habits ofprisoners at the California Institution for Men in Chino, only a few miles away from CMC. Hardly started on that project, however, Hunt discovered an even more distressing and deadly characteristic of the prison population. More than 150 prisoners were HIV-positive or had AIDS, and the HIV Virus was spreading throughout the population, due to the functional homosexuality of prison life. With two psychologists from Pomona, Hunt conducted more than 250 interviews with prisoners to examine the attitudes that were leading to behavior that would result in their deaths and the deaths of others. This project was funded by Amfar, the AIDS project established by actress Elizabeth Tay- lor. Given that approximately 60 to 80 percent of intravenous drug abusers in the na- tion go through prison at some point in their lives, HIV had an easy entry into the prison population. Gritty, even frightening, Huntls researchewhich suggested a see- 326 Claremont MCKemm College nario of wholesale HIV infection throughout the prison populationewas also very much in the tradition of public affairs at CMC. For this too, however horrible, was a public affairs issue requiring, in part, insights and strategies born of academic re search. Meanwhile, equally valuable research into Asian Pacific affairs, especially Chie nese-American relations, was being carried on by ChaeeJin Lee, BankAmerica Pro- fessor of Pacific Basin Studies and director of the Keck Center. Chae-Jin Lee joined the CMC faculty in 1989 from the University of Kansas, where he directed the Center for East Asian Studies and served as associate dean of the college of liberal arts and sciences, and from CSU Long Beach, where he served as dean of the school of social and behavioral sciences. The Korean-born, Seoul National University and UCLAe trained scholar, fluent in Korean, Japanese, Chinese, French, and English, brought to CMC the prestige of his many books tChimals Korean Minority, Japan Faces China, The United States and C hina, C him; cmdjapan, U .8. Policy Towardjapan and Korma together with his administrative ability and his extensive connections throughout the Pacihc Rim. Succeeding Professor P. Edward Haley as director, Chae-Jin Lee took the Keck Center strongly in the direction of Asian Pacific studies. Raising funds from the Japan Foundation, the Korea Foundation, and the Korea Research Foundation, Lee proceeded to sponsor a number of important seminars and conferences dealing with this region. Members of the history department also continued to produce important research. In 1993 Gaines Post, JR, published Dilemmas oprpeasememt: British Deterrents and Defense, 1934-1937, a study of how the British coped with the threat of war on three fronts iGermany, Japan, and Italyi in those crucial years. Contrary to popular opinion, Postis study, issued by the Cornell University Press, asserted that Great Britain did not sleep during these years tthe picture that Churchill painted of the 19305, Post ar- gued, was very distorted and self-servingi but made earnest efforts at rearmament starting in 1935. Most important, Post opined, the British were not fooled by Hitler. Most government officials realized that Hitler was an ideologue, and many suspected that he might be unappeasable. Charles Lofgren, Roy P. Crocker Professor of American History and Politics, hav- ing completed two books Jfor Oxford University Press the previous decade, corn- menced an ambitious study of the constitutional basis and constitutional ambiguities of the Vietnam War. Lofgren was also preparing a monograph on the founding of CMC, preparatory to the fiftieth anniversary of the College in 1996. If one department came fully into its own in the 19905, it was literature, in terms of the astonishing creativity of its senior member, Ricardo Quin011es,Josephine Olp Weeks Professor of Comparative Literature and director of the Gould Institute for Humanistic Studies; the continuing productivity of veteran members; and the ap HaZf-Century and the Millennimn, 1990-7716 Future 327 pointment of a new generation of literary scholars. Honored for thirty years of service in the fall convocation of 1993, Quinones had already established his reputation with The Renaissance Discovery ofTime, described by historian and Librarian of Congress Daniel Boorstin as hone of the most important books of the last two decades.,,Whereas the medieval mind saw time as something outside ofmanisjurisdiction, Quinones had argued in this seminal study, the thinkers of the Renaissance considered it a resource, something to be either used effectively or squandered. Raised in Allentown, Pennsylvania, the son of a Spanish-born father and an Italian- American mother, Quinones had won a scholarship to Northwestern University, fol- lowed by a Fulbright to France in 1957. Remaining in Europe for a second year, Qui- nones soaked up the ambience and literatures of Italy, France, and Germany in travel and study, partially supporting himself, his wife, and his son Samuel as a Russian translator for Radio Free Europe. Adept in a half-dozen languages, Quinones took his doctoral degree in comparative literature at Harvard under the direction of Harry Levin and Renato Poggioli, the founders of this field in the United States. It was at Harvard that Quinones began the enduring work of his scholarly life, the study of time since the Renaissance. It was a vast Alaska of a topic, as CIVIC publicist Robert Daseler put it, and Qui- nones was prepared to spend years mapping its ranges, snow glaciers, and major settle- ments. After the publication of The Renaissance Discovery of Time by Harvard Unia versity Press, Quinones spent the next decade and more studying time in the post- Renaissance era. This research was eventually published by Princeton University Press as Mapping Literary Modernism: Time and Development. In the meanwhile, Quinones also published a monograph on Dante for the Twayne Series. It appeared in 1979 at a time of profound tragedy for Quinones, who lost his second son Nathaniel to an automobile accident that year and his wife, Laurel, to cancer. In the 19805 Qui- nones began his third major foray into literary and intellectual historyea study of the Cain and Abel story through two millennia of Christian interpretation, with emphasis on the patristic and the early nineteenth-Century Romantic eras. Once again, Qui- nones accomplished a tour de force of exhaustive reading, insightful analysis, and ele- gant prose. Published in 1993 by Princeton University Press as The Changes of Cain: Violence and the Lost Brother in Cain and Abel Literature, Quinoness book was hailed as literary and intellectual scholarship in the grand tradition. Although the Modern Language Association gave special recognition to the book, Quinones was growing restive with the increasing politicization of that body, with its almost exclusive emphasis on race, class, gender, sexuality, and political power as cri- teria for literary analysis. In the fall of 1994, Quinones spearheaded the establishment of a new organization, the Association of Literary Scholars and Critics, dedicated to a return to the primacy of literary and imaginative values in critical interpretation. 328 C laremont McKemm College More than three hundred scholars from across the United States rushed to join the new organization, including such eminent Figures as Christopher Ricks of Boston University, John Hollander of Yale, Richard Poirier of Rutgers, Denis Donoghue of New York University, and Mary Lefkowitz of Wellesley. Thus Quinones added an- other dimension to his career, that of a literary activist 0n crusade for a restoration of balance in humanistic study. Throughout the 19905, literature continued to grow in popularity as both a major and a minor for CMC students. By the fall of 1994 approximately 10 percent of the CIVIC student body was either majoring 0r minoring in literature. Students were at- tracted t0 the department by such formidable professors as Ricardo Quinones, Nicho- las Warner, Langdon Elsbree, Joan Giles, and Michael Riley, and a dynamic younger generation that included Audrey Bilger, Diana Blaine, Carol Carney, Robert Faggen, John Farrell, Yoo Sun Lee, and such part-time figures as Dan Filie and Ruben Mar- tinez. After thirty-four years on the faculty, Langdon Elsbree retired in the spring of 1994, although he continued to teach on a part-time basis. With Elsbreeis retire- ment, there were few, if any, active members of the faculty with connections to the earlier era. Born to Russian emigres in San Francisco, Nicholas Warner grew up in a bilingual household; he arrived at CMC in 1980 after finishing a dissertation on William Blake at UC Berkeley. Joan Giles arrived the following year, having taken her PhD. from USC after a successful career in advertising. Next to Elsbree and Quinones, Michael Riley was senior person in the department, having joined the faculty in 1972 after earning his PhD. from the Claremont Graduate School. At CMC Riley pioneered the study'and teaching of film, which by the mid-Iggos had become a popular minor or combined major throughout all five of the Claremont Colleges, thanks in part to Ri- leyls effective teaching over the years. The CIVIC literature department also attracted three brilliant younger women scholars. A University of Virginia Ph.D., Audrey Bilger specialized in comedy and the nineteenth-century British novel. Carol Carney bore responsibility for the writing program and directed the senior thesis, the preceptorial program, and the English Re- source Center. A Harvard summa cum laude graduate in comparative literature, with a PhD. from Yale, Yoon Sun Lee specialized in the eighteenth century, the literature of revolution and reaction, and the postcolonialist novel. Also coming From Harvard were two highly accomplished younger men, Robert Faggen and John Farrell, both eventual recipients of the Roy P. Crocker Award for Merit, granted for teaching excellence-but given only by student vote. A summa cum laude graduate of Princeton and a Harvard Ph.D., Faggen soon won renown for his charismatic Classroom presence. His connections in the world of literature were extensive tKen Kesey, George Plimpton, Czeslaw Milosz, Denise Levertov, Robert Half-Century and the Millennium, 1990-The Future 329 Stone, Joseph Brodsky, Seamus Heaneyi, and he brought many well-known writers to the Athenaeum, where he also organized an annual all-night marathon reading of Mohy Dick Despite his numerous contributions, however, Faggen faced a bruising tenure Fight; fortunately for CIVIC, he won. John Farrell was rising up the academic ladder as well. Hired in 1990 at the suggese tion of Robert Faggen, Farrell taught a wide array of literature courses, including in- ternational fiction since World War 11, European modernist fiction, and tragedy and the tragic. Like Faggen, Farrell was a magnetic teacher, approaching the study of liter- ature from a broad intellectual and cultural context. Farrell's first book twhich ap- peared in 1996i, Freud's Paranoid Quest, was an outright attack on the founder of psy- choanalysis. A close reader of The I nterpretation of Dreams and other Freudian texts, Farrell mounted an impressive attack on Freuds reasoning. Farrell Charged that Freud fit his own description of paranoia and that he altered or glossed the facts of a case to conform to his preexistent theories. The Freudian community received the book with scorn. It was attacked in the Times Literary Supplement by Peter Brooks, a Yale Freud- ian and deconstructionist. The growing anti-Freudian movement, however, received it with jubilation. Frederick Crews, a major figure in late-twentieth-century literary criticism, wrote that Freuds Paranoid Quest was iithe most trenchant, exhilarating, and illuminating bookI have encountered in many years. Literature continued to attract faculty outside the literature department as well as within. Political scientist Judith Merkle, an expert in public administration, pro duced her third novel, The Oracle Glass, in 1994. Set in seventeenth-century Paris, The Oracle Glass told the story of a young woman with a gift for seeing into the future who became involved in a sorority of witches. It was a main Book-of-the-Month Club selection. Translated into German, it became a best-seller, as did Merkleis fourth novel, The Rainbow Catcher, another historical novel, which appeared in German be- fore the English version was published in 1995. Another political scientist, Ward Elliott, meanwhile was doing pioneer work in us- ing the computer to analyze the vocabulary and literary style of all works attributed to William Shakespeare in an effort to establish criteria of authorship. Always interested in both Shakespeare and statistics, Elliott began to combine the two as an avocation after the death of his father, a Harvard professor of political science who believed that Edward de Vere, the seventeenth earl of Oxford, wrote the works attributed to Shake- speare. While remaining neutral 0n the topic, Elliott did help to pioneer the use of computer analysis as a tool for the study of texts. Elliott and Robert Valenza served as codirectors of The Shakespeare Clinic, 21 series of student teams funded by the Sloan and Irvine Foundations to shorten the list of claimants to the authorship of Shake- speareis poems and plays. Valenza programmed four of the Clinics most sophisticated tests; another Fifty tests were programmed and implemented by the students and by 330 Claremont McKemw College Elliott. The students tested thirty-seven claimants to the authorship of Shakespeareis works, twenty-seven plays of the Shakespeare Apocrypha, and several anonymous poems that some have ascribed to Shakespeare, including uA Funeral Elegy? which was published with great fanfare in all three new 1996 editions of Shakespeares Com- plete Works. None of the tested Claimants, the apocrypha plays, or the anonymous poems matched Shakespeare. To direct this energetic and productive band of CMC fac ulty, a faculty search com- mittee turned in October 1991 to physical chemist Anthony Fucaloro, who succeeded Ralph Rossum, fac ulty dean since 1988 twho had accepted the presidency of Hampden-Sydney College in Virginia. A graduate of the Polytechnic Institute of Brooklyn with a doctorate from the University of Arizona, Fucaloro had been a mem- ber of the joint sciences department since 1974. Widely published in seholarlyjour- nals and a consultant to the Jet Propulsion Laboratories in Pasadena, Fucaloro also sustained a lively involvement in questions of science and public policy. In 1989 he had been named the George C. S. Benson Professor of Public Affairs in recognition of his contributions to the studies of arms reduction and strategic defense. One of the key problems faced by Fucaloro-a problem that eventually landed on the desk of President Jack Starkewas a gradual decline in enrollment in economics. Here, after all, was the founding discipline, along with government, of CIVIC in 1946. When CIVIC first began to describe itself as a college oriented toward public affairs, it meant to suggest that this orientation was based on economics and government or, to use the term employed by Benson in 1946, political economy. For enrollment in economics to decline in the early19903 might therefore be interpreted as a fundamen- tal shift in the nature of the College. Since Jack Stark vigorously rejected the sugges- tion made by the WASC Visiting team in x990-91 that CIVIC was not in reality a public affairs college, a declining interest in economicsewhich is to say, a declining interest in political economy-could very well prove an embarrassment. Was CIVIC, in other words, evolving into a generaI-interest liberal arts college on the order of Pomona? Ten percent ofits students, after all, were either majoring or minoring in literature. By April 1994, matters reached a head with the rejection for tenure of two extremely popular assistant professors of economics, one of them a woman. No junior faculty member had been granted tenure in economics for twenty years. One of the assistant professors in question, moreover, was a superb classroom teacher in a college that claimed to hold teaching in equal regard to research. There were numerous student protests, most of them contrasting the involvement of the rejected assistant professors with undergraduates to the more detached attitudes of the tenured faculty. On 23 February 1994 President Stark invited the economics department to produce a set of department goals and objectives. As a step in that direction, economics profes- sor Ross Eckert prepared a three-page, single-spaced memorandum dated 17 March HalfeCentu-ry and the Millennium, 1990-7716 Future 331 332 1994, in which he admitted iithat collegiality and civility in the Department are erod- ing and not up to normal academic standards. Eckert went even further. uWe ask the President, he wrote, iito act at once to deal with these problems, which are potentially extremely serious. Eckert also admitted that relations between the tenured econom- ics faculty and the presidents ofhce had recently deteriorated. He recommended a series of private and confidential meetings between the president and individual ten- ured members of the economics faculty where a frank exchange of opinions and infor- mation might occur. In April 1994 Stark met with the economics department as a whole and spoke from prepared notes. The nonrenewal of contracts for two popular professors, Stark noted, had underscored a cleavage between the tenured economics faculty and undergradu- ates. One nonrenewal, moreover, had resulted in a claim of gender discrimination, which had in turn necessitated the appointment of a special trustee committee on this issue. While confirming the nonrenewal of contract, the trustees nevertheless had criticized the department for its lack of sensitivity in the matter of gender discrim- ination. Several members of the special committee, moreover, had expressed the be- lief that the economics department was not functioning well and that this was a sig- nificant problem for the College. In the hiring of replacements, moreover, the majority of the department had voted to offer two junior positions before the final candidate, a woman, had Visited the campus. The departmental recommendation, Stark noted, was unfortunate because it signaled a continuing lack of sensitivity to affirmative ac- tion rules and t0 the Colleges need for greater gender diversity. Donald McKenna, meanwhile, had two years earlier offered to endow a chair for an economist with a primary interest in Asia. Bogged down in friction and dispute, the department had been unable to make such an appointment, and McKenna was now discussing the possibility of withdrawing his offer. It was widely believed, moreover, that the economics department gave inadequate attention to teaching, meeting stu- dent needs, diversity, and the development ofjunior faculty. Even if these allegations were only partially true, they constituted a public relations problem. The economics department, moreover, was deeply divided on lines of teachingtresearch, graduatet undergraduate students, and, most important, those favoringbusiness economics and those favoring theory and public policy. Both the president and the dean, Stark contin- ued, had spent much effort to heal these divisions, but to little avail. Too much energy continued to be expended on intradepartmental squabbles. Perhaps the department should divide itself into two divisions, Stark speculated, one emphasizing business economics and management, the other emphasizing economic theory and public pol- icy. The department chairmanship could rotate between the two divisions on a two- year basis. Neither side much liked Starks suggestion. On 11 April 1994, two economics pro- C laremont McKemm College fessors, Rodney Smith and W. Craig Stubblebine, offered a spirited rebuttal in a thirteen-page, single-spaced memorandum to President Stark, with graphs and Charts as appendices. Rather than accept Starks analysis, Smith and Stubblebine offered elaborate evidence, including mathematical formulas, that the decline in enrollment in economics was not the consequence of teaching dehciencies but a shift in the in terests of entering freshmen, under way since the mid-19803, prior to their arrival at CMC. iiSince 1984, Smith and Stubblebine argued, Tithe admission office has disag- gregated the reported interest in economics into three parts-economics, account- ing, and business. The most dominant trend over the last decade has been the Virtual disappearance of freshmen with a declared interest in business. Students who came to CIVIC with an interest in economicswbusiness, however, tended to remain in the department. On the other hand, economics had a comparative disadvantage in draw- ing majors from students who arrived at CMC with undecided interests. This cate- gory was expanding significantly with the rise in SAT scores, the growing presence of women on the campus, the increased popularity of dual majors, and the attractiveness of other departments. Stark appointed a committee of six senior faculty and three trustees to examine the problems and recommend a solution. The result was that for one year the authority to manage the department was vested in an economics department executive commit- tee, chaired by Gordon Bjork, composed of three members of the department, the president, and the dean of the faculty. During that year, the executive committee hired Janet Smith, a full professor of economics; placed associate professor of economics Manfred Keil on a tenure-track position; hired assistant professor of economics Brett House for a Visiting position; hired Richard Henage and Laurel Mitchell on tenure- track positions in accounting; and approved a 4 + 1 program with the Drueker Man- agement Center enabling students to obtain a B.AJM.B.A. in five years. At the end of the year, the committee dissolved, its work complete. Even more stressful for faculty and students alike was the early loss of two highly respected professors: Robert Feldmeth, Roberts Professor of Environmental Biology, and Ross Eckert, James Boswell Professor of Economic and Legal Organization. After taking his doctorate in zoology from the University of Toronto and teaching two years at UCLA, Robert Feldmeth came to thejoint science department in 1970 and helped create a new field, environmental biology. This attracted the interest of George Rob- erts, T66, who in 1990 made a $3-million gift to endow the Roberts Environmental Center at Claremont McKenna College. The Roberts Environmental Center pro- vided the impetus for the establishment of a new majoreenvironment, economics, and politiCSewhich soon became popular at the College. Infectiously enthusiastic about his field and his teaching, Feldmeth educated generations of pre-rned students and others interested in the biological sciences. Each year, Feldmeth led Field trips to Half-Century and the Millennium, 1990-The Future 333 Death Valley for students and alumni, astonishing one and all with his descriptions of just how much life had managed to survive in such an inhospitable environmente including the pupfish living in brackish pools. By the 19805, in fact, Feldmeth was enthusiastically leading an international cam- paign to promote aquaculture as a means of bringing protein to impoverished popula- tions. He was especially interested in the tilapia, an African perch highly tolerant of warm, brackish water and growing to about a pound in weight in six months. It was the Fish, in fact, that Jesus, disciples supposedly had pulled from the waters of the Sea of Galilee in ancient times-a fact that intrigued Feldmeth even further, he being an enthusiastic member and Sunday school teacher at the First Baptist Church in P0- mona and later the Hillside Community Church in Alta Loma. Those who knew Feld- meth believed that the campaign on behalf of tilapia, which took him to Ecuador, Morocco, and other Third World countries to introduce fish aquaculture systems, brought the CIVIC professor to his greatest creativity. On 20 April 1994, President Stark and Dean Fucaloro announced to faculty and staff that Professor Feldmeth had recently learned that he was suffering from an un- treatable malignant tumor in his liver. Feldmeth completed the semester before dying at his home in Upland on IoJuly 1994. Hundreds ofstudents,facu1ty, staff, and alumni Filled Bridges Hall of Music on Sunday, 17 July, to celebrate Professor Feldmethis life. The following spring a series of sculptures-an owl, a beetle, a horseshoe crab, and a cattle skulleby Aldo Casanova, professor of art at Scripps College, were installed in Feldmeths memory in the plaza 0f the W. M. Keck Science Center. At the time of his death, Professor Feldmeth, an active researcher and writer, was completing a new book, Natural History 0fthe Islands of California, which the University of California Press brought out the following fall. Equally tragic was the loss that December of another charismatic and active profes- sor, Ross Eckert. Suffering throughout his life from hemophilia and associated arthri- tis, this engaging professor had become infected with HIV from one of the thousands of transfusions of blood products upon which he depended. Turning his attention from the law of the sea, his academic specialty, Eckert undertook a comprehensive study of the American Red Cross and other blood suppliers in this country. Eckerfs book, Securing a Safer Blood Supply, published in 1985, warned the nation of the health risks posed by contaminated blood and recommended the establishment of registries of blood donors. From 1987 to 1991, Eckert served a term on the US. Food and Drug Administrations Blood Products Advisory Committee. In 1990 Eckert tes- tiHed before Congress that approximately four thousand Americans were dying each year from contaminated blood. In August 1994 Professor Eckert went on disabil- ity leave and died that December. Once again, hundreds of faculty, students, and staff gathered, this time in the Mary Pickford Auditorium, to join Professor Eckertis 334 C laremont McKenna College widow, Enid, and his mother, Lillian Noblett, for a memorial service. With heroic for- titude, Ross Eckert had used his own tragic situation as a platform to argue for the safety of others. If this was not public affairs, what was? The establishment of the Roberts Environmental Center in 1990 brought to eight the number of research institutes at CIVIC. In the case of the two newest institutes, the Roberts Environmental Center and The Family of Benjamin Z. Gould Center for Hu- manistic Studies, the rapid development of programs was especially pleasing, given the recent nature of the foundations. Indeed, thanks to its international fish aquacul- ture program, its pioneering research into the interaction of environmental protec- tion, economic growth, and technological Change, and the fame of both its patrone George Roberts, one of the leading investment bankers in the nationeand Robert Feldmeth, the Roberts Environmental Center had achieved a gratifying reputation within two to three years of its establishment. The Gould Center, meanwhile, was in the process of bringing writers and humanistic scholars tamong them Linda Chavez, John Bunzel, Shelby Steele, and Cornel VVesO to campus for lectures and had inaugu- rated a monograph series of extended essays in the humanities. As speakers or fellows, the Gould Center brought to campus a wide array of scholars, educators, and writers. One fellow of the Gould Center, L05 Angeles Times literary editor Jack Miles, was busy at work on a history of the idea of God in the Judeo-Christian tradition, which would bring to the Claremont Colleges a Pulitzer Prize. At the Keck Center for International and Strategic Studies, the opening to the Asia Pacific Basin was fully under way under the direction of Chae-Jin Lee, who through- out the decade organized a number of major conferences dealing with this region. In November 1994 the Henry Salvatori Center for the Study of Individual Freedom in the Modern World, now under the direction of Professor Charles Kesler, celebrated its twenty-Hfth anniversary. In our second twenty-hve years? Kesler announced, iiwe will be paying even closer attention to American constitutionalism. We are going to explore the continuing relevance of the American Founding, which means studying questions of political philosophy and political architecture. The Lowe Institute of Political Economy, first under the direction of Professor Rod- ney Smith, then T homas Willett, Horton Professor of Economics, then Professor Sven Arndt, was likewise flourishing. Sven Arndtjoined the CIVIC faculty in 1991 as a visiting professor and was appointed the Charles M. Stone Professor of Money, Credit, and Trade in 1993. The synergy between Willett and Arndt had long since proven itself, or at least since the two of them had worked together in the United States Treasury Department in the 19703, where they jointly authored Exchange Rates, Trade, and the U.S. Economy, published in 1975. Throughout the 19903, the Lowe Institute issued a series of separately published policy studies on a wide variety Half- Century and the M illennium, 1990-The Future 335 of taxation and economic topics. In 1995 it began the publication of an annual review of the world economy and global trade policy. It also sponsored symposia in Los Ange- les, New York, and Washington, DC, and jointly sponsored symposia in Gothenburg, Sweden, and Vienna. By 1990 the Rose Institute Of State and Local Government had become a preemi- nent research center and think tank for the entire state of California and, indeed, the nation. Guided by a board of governors that in and of itself could have served as the board of trustees of a college, the Rose Institute continued throughout the early 19905 its research into gerrymandering and redistricting. Despite some health problems of its director, Alan Heslop, the Rose Institute also initiated a new cycle of programs that studied, among other topics, the growing Chinese-American electorate in California and the nation, the continuing question of the empowerment of Latino voters, and, after the Los Angeles riots oprriUMay1992, an in-depth survey of South Central Los Angeles, made on behalf of the Rebuild L .A. coalition chaired by Peter Ueberroth. To assist in the survey of Chinese-American political opinions, the Institute secured the contract services of the respected pollster Dr. Mark Baldassare. In preparing its Atlas of South Central Los Angeles, the Rose Institute documented the growing presence of Latinos in that area from 1980 to 1990; thanks to this research, the new nature of South Central Los Angeles as a predominately Latino enclave received wide public notice. The Institute also continued a variety of surveys oriented to other regions of Southern California. One such survey was an investigation of solid-waste programs in the San Gabriel Valley that tested public opinion on this issue for the first time so that elected ofhcials could make critical choices in the design of a waste management program. Each of these projects, moreover, attracted to the Rose Institute a high level of pub- licity. In 1993 Henry Kravis, '67, founded the Kravis Leadership Institute, the newest ad- dition to the CIVIC Cluster of research centers. Initially directed by Professor Martin Chemers, a psychologist, who was later succeeded by Professor Ron Riggio, the newly appointed Henry Kravis Professor of Leadership and Organizational Psychology, with Assistant Professor Susan Murphy serving as director of operations, the Kravis Instie tute initiated a number of programs designed to reinforce the nearly half-century-old CMC Claim that it was educating students for leadership in business, government, and the professions. Focused primarily on education and mentoring, the programs of the Kravis Institute brought speakers to campus, sponsored a number of studentlfac- ulty research programs, and, most dramatically, initiated a junior high school mene toring program that attracted wide media attention. Henry Kravis, however, wanted the institute that bore his name to do more than hold conferences and seminars. He wanted to support research into different leadership styles and contexts, and he also wanted to see courses developed that would teach aspects of leadership to students 336 Cla'remont McKemw College at CMC. The Held of leadership studies is a relatively recent addition to the body of knowledge known as organizational psychology. Under the aegis of the Kravis Insti- tute, a sequence of six courses in leadership studies was developed, including classes in communication, decision-making, planning, negotiation, and organizational analy- sis. The institute also offered workshops in leadership techniques to the community outside CIVIC. The board of governors for the institute quickly enlisted actor Michael Douglas, along with several alumni who had demonstrated aptitude in business: Neil Dabney, ,74, founding partner of Dabney Resnick, an investment lirm in Beverly Hills; Harry McMahon, ,75, managing director of the investment banking division of Mer- rill Lynch; and W Cedric Johnson, 74, president and CEO of ETA Technologies. Thus, with the founding of the ninth research institute at CMC, the research ori- entation of the College was assured. It must also be remembered, however, that each of these institutes extensively involved undergraduates in its teaching and research program. Students were what CMC had been about from the beginning, from the First genera- tion of battle-tested veterans to the computer-literate would-be entrepreneurs of the 19905. Ever since the late 19605, a systematic effort had been under way at CIVIC to diversify the student body. By the spring of1992, more than 40 percent of the incoming freshman Class were nonwhite or foreign-born or both. Twenty percent of the appoint- ments to tenure-track faculty positions in the past four years, moreover, had been either women or minorities. On the other hand, there was still the possibility of re- sentment from students who considered their particular group underrepresented at Claremont. In the spring of 1993, for example, Pacific Winds, the publication of the Asian Pacific Islander community at the Claremont Colleges, blasted the CMC eco- nomics department Clconservative Reagan hacksll for turning down an ethnic Chi- nese candidate from a prestigious Hong Kong research institute for an appointment in Asian Pacific economies, which the department gave to a white male from UCLA. The Pacino Winds editorial was an example of a growing phenomenon on the Clare- mont Colleges campuses: an increasing activism on the part of students in trying to secure ethnic minority appointments to various college faculties. Students were espe- cially upset when popular and committed ethnic minority junior faculty were not granted tenure and hence lost their teaching appointments. On 2 February 1993 it was deja vu all over again, or at least the late 19605 redux, as a group of some fifty students seized Alexander Hall on the Pomona campus and set forth eight demands. Composed of students from all the Claremont Colleges ttwo, possibly three of them from CMCl, the group demanded that the Pomona English department make an appointment in black studies by I March and that a certain named candidate be one of the three finalists for consideration. The group insisted Half-Century and the Millennium, 1990-1718 Future 337 that Scripps College reopen its search for a tenure-track Spanisthhicano studies po- sition and that this position be filled by 16 April. The students likewise demanded that there be a 50 percent increase in faculty hiring in tenure-track positions of people of color in all departments in all the colleges over the next three years. It was also de- manded that the Claremont Colleges widely advertise such positions in relevant newspapers and journals. Even more 19605 in its implications was the fifth demand: namely, that students immediately be put on all committees having to do With hiring, retention, tenuring, and Firing of all faculty in all Eve colleges and that students be given voting power within all committees concerned with this process. The students also demanded that there be biweekly meetings between administration and students concerning progn ress being made to meet these demands. Demand number seven: that money be allo- cated for the creation of two scholarships for students of color living in low-income areas surrounding the Claremont Colleges. Demand number eight was the usual de- mand in instances such as this: amnesty for all students involved in the current strug- gle to secure an education that was not racially biased. As sympathetic as he was to the cause of responsible diversity, Jack Stark, in con- trast to other presidents, did not meet with the students occupying Alexander Hall. First of all, appointments at Pomona and Scripps were not his responsibility. Second, Stark believed that CMC was making a good-faith effort to diversify its faculty and student bodyebut that it was impossible for CMC to negotiate away its autonomy on matters of recruitment and personnel, much less the governance of the College, as demanded by the protesters. On the other hand, at 4:00 P.M. on 3 February1993, Stark, Faculty Dean Fucolaro, and Dean of Students Torrey Sun did sign a more generalized agreement with the students, after long negotiation, although even at this point Stark refused to meet personally with them. Throughout the occupation, Stark noted that as far as CIVIC was concerned, the College was in the process ofwriting a new master plan that would pay detailed attention to the recruitment of new faculty and students, questions of diversity and sexism, and college governance. These important consider- ations could not be negotiated with students from other colleges. Of the college presi- dents in Claremont at the time, only Stark andJohn Maguire at the Claremont Gradu- ate School had experience dealing with 19605-style protests. Stark knew that direct negotiations between a college president and protesters illegally occupying college property could only work to the disadvantage of the president. The crisis passed. There was not, First of all, the compounding factor of the draft and an unpopular war, as had been the case in the 19605, to exacerbate tensions over diversity. In the 19605 and early197os, rallies that supported protesters occupying vari- ous buildings could gather audiences of more than one thousand. Twenty and more years later, while the question of diversity had surfaced with new intensity, it had not 338 C laremont McKenmz College surfaced with the universality of the Civil rights movement; indeed, many considered the diversity movement a form of reverse discrimination. Within three years, in fact, the voters of California would outlaw mandatory afhrmative action programs in public colleges and universities. On the other hand, CIVIC, like every other California insti- tution, was aware that unless it reflected the ethnic diversity of California itself, it would rapidly become a marginal institution. Size as well as diversity remained a planning challenge in the 1990s. At the opening of the decade, in a memorandum dated 13 September 1991, Jack Stark suggested what he considered the key issues facing the College in the forthcoming decade. The first Challenge was the determination ofthe size of the student body. Should it be increased to 1,000, as authorized through continuing agreements with the other colleges, or should it remain at its current level of 850? Second, CIVIC needed a new master plan since the current master plan, which spanned 1985-95, would be obsolete by the mid- dle of the decade. In order to be effective, planning had to remain continuous-as did fund-raising. In this regard, CIVIC should spend the early 19903 planning and pre paring for a major capital campaign drive. Then there was the question of the Eftieth anniversary of the College. Commemorative ceremonies had to be planned, and a College history commissioned. The question ofsize was most compelling to Stark. An increase in the student body, after all, if it were to occur, should be spread over the next decade so that the necessary increase in faculty tStark estimated that some fourteen new positions would be re- quiredl and facilities could be kept in tandem. Additional Classroom space and resi- dential housing would have to be built or refurbished. Collins Dining Hall would need expansion, as would athletic facilities, beginning with the new aquatics center, al- ready scheduled for construction. After a number of faculty and student polls were conducted that fall, it could be seen that very few at CMC were wholeheartedly for expansion, but very few were wholeheartedly against it. The community, in fact, was roughly divided on a 45 percent for and a 55 percent against basis, yet neither of these opinions were adamant. In a white paper dated 6 October 1991, political scientist Ward Elliott outlined the cautious, even skeptical attitude that at least half of the CIVIC community had regarding the matter of growth. iiThe Claremont Cluster? El- liott argued, was designed to be a confederation ofsmall, Close units, rather than one large, not-so-Close unit. On 1 December 1991 Elliott sent the results ofa faculty poll on the growth question to Jack Stark. In his cover letter, Elliott summarized: iiThere is no faculty consensus against growth. But neither is there a consensus for it. The core faculty are almost evenly divided between expansion, quality, and focus? Stark and Elliott debated the growth issue before the student body in the Collins Dining Hall. Stark argued that modest growth to 1,000 students by the year 2000 would allow the College to add and HaljiCentury and the Mill e1mium, 1990-7716 Flrli'ilfe 9 ya 4.; diversify faculty in each department and strengthen offerings in science, technology, 4 and international programs. On 5 December 1991 the board of trustees approved an increase to 1,000 students and requested that the College undertake a planning pro- cess consistent with its mission that would involve all segments of the CIVIC commu- nity. On 9 December 1991 the new plan was formally approved. Among its provisions were that growth would not be allowed to dilute student quality and that student faculty ratios and endowment per student would be maintained. An even more challenging question of growth-the creation of a new college-was also facing CMC and the other Claremont Colleges by the middle of the decade. Like the question of CMCls growth, this, too, encouraged a reconsideration of the Group Plan. Not since 1963, when Pitzer College was founded twith significant help from CMCl, had the question of a new college and the Group Plan reemerged with such intensity. On the other hand, twice in the previous three decades, the Claremont Col- leges had seriously contemplated a new foundation. In 1979 negotiations were briefly under way with Immaculate Heart College of Los Angeles to bring that institution to Claremont, but they soon collapsed. A decade later, the idea of a college devoted to Pacific Rim and Latin American studies surfaced and was seriously considered. The result of this inquiry, however, was not the founding of a new college but the deci- sion on the part of the six presidents to strengthen these fields in their respective institutions. Such discussion of new colleges, however, stimulated George Benson and others to reaffirm the Claremont Group Plan in a white paper issued 30 December 1992, espe- cially as that plan pertained to the ability of existing colleges to foster the creation of new entities. llSorne say that there are too many challenges facing the existing col- leges? the memorandum stated. llThere is not enough energy to deal with these and found new institutions. There have always been challenges, and there always will be challenges. We believe there is enough energy for bothe-strengthening the existing colleges moves concurrently with founding new colleges. Nowhere in this country is the prospect for success greater than in Claremont. The result will be an even stronger group. By the mid-19905, however, a new ideaea graduate college of biotechnology and bioengineeringehad surfaced; and Henry Riggs, president of Harvey Mudd, an- nounced that he would resign his position, effective June 1997, to devote himself full- time to raising the $100-million necessary to launch the institution. In an article in the L05 Angeles Times for Wednesday, 22 May 1996, entitled Claremont Colleges: Can Bigger Be Better? Jack Stark, an advocate of the new college, admitted that the success of the individual Claremont Colleges might perhaps be acting as a barrier to the Group Plan. liPart of the academic community structuref Stark told reporter Amy Wallace, is to be critical of issues and ideas. And as we have become more affluent, 34o Claremont McKenna College ifs harder to get people to risk. There was a fear among the other colleges, Stark ad- mitted, that the new college would prove competitive as far as funderaising was con- cerned and burdensome as far as the necessity of providing the start-up infrastructure was concerned. Stark himself, however, was a firm supporter of the proposed college, believing as he did that should the Group Plan ever lose the ability to spin off new institutions, it would become dormant. Alan I-Ieslop, an Oxford man, agreed. Oxford had thirty-four colleges at last count, Heslop told the Times. Why should there not be that many at Claremont? One of them, meanwhile, was being administered and led byJaCk Stark, in 1996 ap- proaching his twenty-fifth year as president. In one sense it had been a highly improb- able appointment by the trustees in 1971. Disappointed with the abrupt departure of Neville, they had turned to one of their own, Class of 1957, whose entire professional life had been the College. With the exception of his service in the Marine Corps, after all, CMCewhich Stark experienced as an undergraduate, an alumni secretary, an administrative assistant to the president, then finally as the president himselfehad been the education and the substance ofJack Starkis life. In a world in which college presidents were recruited nationally like other top CEOs and evaluated from the per- spective of their degrees, publications, and academic and administrative experience, Starkls appointment had been a gambleeand the gamble had worked out brilliantly. In those things that a president is expected to doemake the hard decisions, raise the hard cash, mindlnegotiate the present, and looldplan to the futuree-Jack Stark had succeeded, perhaps beyond his own expectations. By 1996 his presidential career stood like a tablet of stone complementary to that of George Benson. While Benson was grand and magisterial, Stark was understated in speech and style. There coa- lesced in Stark an elusive but effective blend of traits: the loyalty of an alumnus, the precision and discipline of a Marine, the neat and orderly mental habits of an accoun- tant, and, most elusive, a certain dedication, a sense of purpose and vocation, spring- ing from the minister he almost became. Such a president, of course, playing on his own field and in his own distinctive way, could irritate certain faculty, which now and then occurred. Faculty, after all, are used to playing it their own way, on their own terms. Stark, by contrast, was a totally differ- ent quantity. Aside from his personal attributes, his strength had come, initially, from the alumni. He was, after all, the quintessence of the CMC man of his day and genera- tion. Negotiating with Stark, the faculty found themselves negotiating with the Col- lege itself, or at the least with the long maroon line of CIVIC graduates across five decades. Like a junior officer unexpectedly promoted to command of a regiment, Stark had learned his job the hard wayeby doing it. In an effort to master each and every detail Half-Century and the Millennium, 1990-The Future 341 of college operations, he swabbed dormitory bathrooms with the janitorial crew, read applications at the admissions office, entered the ongoing dialogue regarding revi- sions to the curriculum, raised funds. He did everything but teach, which Stark did not do, at least in the classroom. He taught, rather, by example, giving evidence each and every day to those values of the strenuous and dedicated life that represented his most valued interpretation of what CMC stood for. A Midwest country boy from poor and evangelical origins, he had found himself at the top by virtue of his position, a recognized CEO among CEOs, a member of distinguished Clubs; but he cared little for this, or so it seemed. He cared most for the struggle of each day, for its order and precision, for making the most of every hour. It was a habit of life and mind, perhaps, from his days as a Marine Corps ofhcer. But even more important, it was a habit oflife and mind rooted in his rural evangelical Protestant origins, tempered and formed by the daily rhythms of farm life and the overwhelming presenceein the collective Prot- estant imagination that shaped his boyhood and entire lifeeof work in the world as part of the larger drama of salvation. In any event, there he was by the early 19905, a greyhound-Iean and agile man, up each morning before dawn to run three or four miles, arriving early at the office, plunging himself into another productive day. In pursuing his goals and priorities, Stark had the backing of a strong board of trustees, Chaired through the 19805 by Richard J Flam5011III,,51, chairman and Chief executive of Security Pacific Corporation. Starks policies, after all, were the boards as well; for Stark, like his predecessor George Benson, maintained a strong and close relationship to the trustees and they to him. Asked to enumerate the chief strengths of CMC, Flamson had replied: First, the ability to attract first-class young people. Second, its ability to attract and energize a hrst-Class fac ulty. Third, its relationship with the other schools in Claremont. And fourth, its president, Jack Stark. t A seIf-made man, Flamson was very much a CMC alumnus ofhis time and era. He 1 met his wife, Arden Black, then a student at Scripps, at a college mixer. After graduat- 1 ing from CMC in 1951 with a second lieutenantk commission from ROTC, Flamson t served in the Korean War, then went to work for Security Pacific in 1955, rising steadily up the corporate ladder. During the time he served as chairman and Chief executive, Security Pacific moved from being the eleventh-largest bank in the nation to the fifth largest and began its international operations. It was Flamson, moreover, who chaired the extraordinarily successful Leaders in the Making capital campaign that raised $60 million for CMC in the mide198os. During his time as Chairman 0fthe CMC board of trustees, the College went from being unranked nationally to being among the top- ranked in the nation. It opened three new research institutes and increased its endow- ment 411 percent. In addition to his involvements at Security Pacific and CIVIC, Flame son served as a director, at various times, of the Northrop Corporation, the Coca-CoIa 342 Claremont McKenna College Company, the Santa Fe Corporation, the General Telephone Companies of Califor- nia, Hawaii, and the Northwest, and Allergan, Inc. In 1984 Flamson served on the business advisory commission of the Los Angeles Olympic Organizing Committee. He was also a trustee of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, the Museum of Contemporary Art, and the Orange County Performing Arts Center. Richard J. Flam- son III, in short, epitomized the 19505 CMC generation with its drive toward corpo- rate success and its capacity for business and philanthropic leadership. On17 October 1992, Richard J. Flamson Illearguably the single most successful chairman of the board of trustees since the founding eraedied of complications arising from leuke- mia at the age of sixty-two. Flamsonis successor, Robert A. Day, ,65, offered a fascinating comparison and con- trast as well as continuity. If Flamson epitomized the 19505, Day epitomized the 19605, especially the mid-196os, when a more privileged generation of students had come to CMC. And it had been the era that had produced George Roberts, i66, and Henry Kravis, i67, founders of Kohlberg, Kravis, Roberts 8: Company; Robert Day was from this mold. At the time of his appointment to the chairmanship of the board of trustees tat forty-six, Day was the youngest chairman in the forty-four-year history of the C01- legei, Day was managing more than $20 billion through his firm, Trust Company of the West iTCWi, which he had founded in 1972. T0 the manner born, Robert Day had origins deep within the founding oligarchy of twentieth-century Southern California. His maternal grandfather, William Keck, had founded the Superior Oil Company in the 19205. His paternal grandfather, Addison Day, had served as president of the Los Angeles Gas Company. A graduate of the Rob- ert Louis Stevenson School in Pebble Beach, Robert Day had chosen CIVIC because he wished to remain Close to his grandfatherWilliam Keck, who lived in Los Angeles, and because he already had his sights set on a career in money management, and the CIVIC curriculum was directly relevant to that goal. At CMC, Day pursued a triple major in economics, international relations, and history. After graduation, Day went: to work for White Weld 8: Company in New York as an institutional salesman. Within his first year he was the Firms fourth-largest producer. After four years in New York, Day returned to California to start his own company. At the time of his appointment to the chairmanship of the board of trustees in the fall of 1990, Day was dividing his professional time between Los Angeles and New York, and his leisure time between Marthas Vineyard, where he maintained a summer home, and Texas, Mexico, and Spain, where he hunted game birds in season. Under Jack Stark and Dick Flamsonf, Day told PrOJQle at the time of his appoint- ment, CIVIC became the best-run college in Southern California. I really believe that. Ijust hope I can do as well as Dick Flamson did as chairman? Because of his travel schedule, which kept him on the East Coast half the time, Day began at once Half-Centmy and the M illemzium, 1990-7718 Future 343 to work Closely with trustee Robert Lowe, l62, chairman of the executive committee tDay had served in this position under Flamsonl, who would succeed Day as chair- man of the board of trustees in the fall of 1996. With the appointment of Day to the chairmanship, CMC had in a sense come full Circle. Here, after all, was a scion of the Southern California establishment who might very well have spent his life at a more leisurely pace. Yet Robert Day had absorbed the same CMC ethos that had produced George Roberts and Henry Kravis. By the mid-Iggos the board of trustees had expanded to include a number of other alumni. From the 19505 came Robert Emett, ,50, Richard Grantham, ,50, Stanton P. Welsh, ,50, Marvin Drew, '51, a life trustee, Warren Williamson, ,51, Eugene Wolver, 11., '51, Richard Cramer, 553, Richard Hausman, l57, Ray Remy, 39, and Ralph Woolley, J12, ,59. From the 19605 were Edward Gould, l65, William Podlich, ,66, George Roberts, l66, Bruce Bean, ,67, Henry Kravis, ,67, Robert Nakasone, ,69 tpresident and chief op- erating officer of Toys R Usl, and Christopher Walker, ,69 lmanaging director of Trust Company of the Westl. Alumni from the 19705 serving as trustees included Stephen Hessen, ,73, Arie Steven Crown, l74, Congressman David Dreier, 75, Harry McMa- hon III, ,75, and Stanton Wong, 7;. The presence of so many alumni on the board of trustees indicated not only the high level of alumni support of the College but also the success of the alumni, as so many of them were willing to make the commitment of time and resources expected of a trustee. CMC parents were also strongly repre- sented on the board, as had been the case in the past, another indication of alumni satisfaction. Parent trustees included Joseph Casey, Archibald Cox, 11:, Howard Mar- gueleas, Mary Dell Pritzlaff, and life trustee Priscilla Fawcett. Jil Harris Stark, meanwhile, was bringing definition and effectiveness to the role of presidents wife, which was itself evolving in a changing era. An educator in her own right, Jil Stark had taught ten years in the Scripps humanities program and for three years had served as freshman dean at Scripps. In 1990 Scripps named her its Distin- guished Alumna 0f the year, citing her success as an educator, a clean, and a presiden- tial spouse. By this point, Jil Stark was also directing the Athenaeum, which made her a central figure in the administration. She also found time, at various points, to hike the Sierra Nevada portions of the Overland Emigrant Trail, tracing the route of the Dormer Party, and report her findings in the Claremont Courier; to serve as a moderae tor of the United Church of Christ, a member of the board of Pomona First Federal Bank, and a trustee of Scripps College; and to organize and facilitate innumerable alumni gatherings, trustee retreats, and other College-related events, including a geo- graphically widened range of alumni gatherings, such as that taking place in February 1995 in the Rainbow Room at Rockefeller Center in midtown Manhattan, where more 344 C laremont McKen'na College than 150 New York-area alumni gathered to greet the Starks and schmooze over the past and present of the College. One thing they might have talked about was improvements to the campus, espe- cially the impressive new 7o,ooo-square-foot W. M. Keck Science Center, dedicated Friday, 21 February1992. Financed in part by a $6.5-million grant from the W. M. Keck Foundation, the $14.5-1nillion structure was designed by the architectural firm of An- shen and Allen and stood at the intersection of Ninth Street and Mills Avenue, diago- nally across from Bauer Center. It made possible an even more effective programe nearly forty courses toward a variety of majors, including biology, chemistry, physics, psychobiolog , management engineering, human biology, and science and manage- mentefor the students of Scripps, Pitzer, and CIVIC. Collins Hall, meanwhile, was scheduled for expansion and renovation through academic year 1993-94. The Axel- roocl Aquatics Center opened in 1993. New student apartments were scheduled for completion in August 1996. There was also a new tower dormitory to be completed by September 1997, named in honor of Jack and Jil Stark. Also planned was a new aca- demic building that would be named for George and Leanne Roberts to be completed in 1998. The landscaping of the campus also continued apace. The austerity of the 19405 buildings could be enhanced, it was decided, by an intensive landscaping destined to create in time a luxuriant campus park. In October 1991 a new fountain and plaza was named the Mary and Richard Butler Plaza in honor of Richard Butler, a trustee since 1986 and a generous donor, along with his wife, to the College. The new fountain was also dedicated to longtime employees of the College; employees with thirty years ser- vice or more had their names inscribed on plaques along the rim of the fountain. A former staffer himself, Jack Stark enjoyed a Close association not only with his immediate staff but also with the many employees of the College, whose jobs and du- ties Stark made every effort to experience, at least once, on a personal basis. By the mid-Iggos the staff and workforce at CMC showed extraordinary diversityewithout the necessity of an affirmative action program. Stark insisted that this was the CMC way. He disapproved of a colleges-wide task force on racism because he believed that the very title of the group prejudged the Colleges unfairly. Commencement speakers, moreover, were becoming equally diverse. William F. Buckley, 11:, founder and editor in chief of the National Review, delivered the forty- third commencement address on Sunday, 13 May 1990; but that was to be expected. Buckley was the leader, after all, of the conservative intellectual movement in which certain faculty members at CIVIC had played such a notable part since the 19505. Over the years, moreover, Buckley, a friend and colleague of Harry Jaffa, had been a fre- quent Visitor to the campus. On the other hand, novelist, iconoclast, and sometime Half-Century and the M illennium, 1990-The Future 345 fugitive from justice Ken Kesey, au thor of One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest and Some- times a Great Notion, gave the commencement speech in May 1992, invited to CMC by Robert Faggen. If members of the CMC community from the mid-19505, or even the mid-196os, had been told that the demiurge behind the Merry Prankstersea group of hippies touring the country in a psychedelically painted bus driven by Neal Cassady, all of it portrayed by Tom Wolfe in the classic Electric Kool-Aid Acid Taste the very embodiment of the anarchistic impulses of the 19605, would be giving a CIVIC commencement address, they would have been, at the least, dumbfounded, if not hovering on the edge ofcardiac arrest. The following year a return to the expected was made, with an invitation to George Plimpton, the patrician author and editor in chief of the Paris Review, to serve as commencement speaker tanother Faggen invited, fol- lowed 111 1994 by Philip Zimbardo, professor ofpsychology at Stanford. Like the commencement speeches, the Athenaeum programs showed an equally innovative trend in the 19905. It is astonishing to consider the range and variety of speakers and programs in this facility under 111 Starks and later Bonnie Snortumk di- rection. The spring semester of 1991 alone, for example, presented six major seriese on the environment, ethics, entrepreneurialism, the Asian-American experience, women in the 19903, and the changing global economyethat brought to campus such well-known figures as Marc Reisner, author of Cadillac Desert, and Francis Fuku- yama, author of the seminal essay hThe End of History? Other speakers included New Yorker columnist Paul Brodeur; Richard Brookhiser, senior editor of National Review; Reagan conhdant Lyn Nofziger; political consultant Ed Rollins; economist Robert Heilbroner; science fiction writer Ray Bradbury; historian Gertrude Himmelfarb; gu- bernatorial candidate Dianne Feinstein; Nobel Laureate Czeslaw Milosz; James Bill- ington, the Librarian of Congress; Susan Estrich, the hrst woman to direct a national presidential campaign; Eleanor Smeal, president of the Fund for the Feminist Major- ity; and Elliott Abrams, assistant secretary of state for Latin America in the Reagan administration. African-American radical activist Kwame Ture, formerly known as Stokeley Carmichael, gave a controversial Athenaeum speech on Monday, 1 February 1993, in which he blasted Zionism as the enemy of humanity and Africa and said that he supported the Palestinians unconditionally. If Arafat needs machine guns and I got them? Ture told his Athenaeum audience, hego ahead. Do your world After the lecture, Athenaeum director Bonnie Snortum, in a masterpiece of understatement, said, hThe Athenaeum provides a forum for the free exchange of ideas and points of view, and, of course, some will be controversial. More conventionally, University of Virginia English professor Paul Cantor came to campus the following year with the intriguing lecture Shakespeare in the Origi- nal Klingon: Star Trek and the End of History? Other 1994 speakers included econo- mist Joel Kotkin speaking on immigration and the California economy; the noted 346 C laremom McKemw College Asth619905 approached a new 1111'llenm'um, Presidentjack Stark looked back with satisfaction upon ECU! years of C M C history. The past, Stark noted, was but the prologue to an even. more promisingfuture. AsianeAmerican poet Russell Leong; historian Neil Howe, coauthor of the provoca- tive study of generations in American history; conservative African-American social critic Shelby Steele; Los Angeles television personalities Ruben Martinez, Hugh Hewitt, and Patt Morrison; Yale historian William Cronin, an authority on the Amerie can West; novelist Robert Stone, speaking on Wallace Stegner; Governor L. Douglas Wilder of Virginia; and New Yorker essayist John McPhee. Even this partial list of speakersewhich omits the jazz concerts, the evenings in Old Vienna, the madrigal dinners at Christmastime, the special evenings keyed to current films and television seriesesuggests how by the mid-Iggos the Athenaeum had become not only an im- portant component. of the educational program at CMC, but also one of the most ame bitious tperhaps the most ambitiousi speakers forums in Southern California. Which greatly pleased founding trustee Donald McKenna. How fortunate for the cul- ture of the College to have on hand its eponymous founder, now enjoying a robust ninth decade of life. Extraordinarily, an individual who had typed a multipage, single- spaced letter while on a transcontinental train trip in 1945 outlining the postwar possi- bilities of the third college remained on hand to see that college flourishing and na- tionally ranked. The Athenaeum had been his own special project, arising as it did from happy memories of his parents Wednesday evening soirees at the Claremont Inn. Inspired by his education at Pomona, he had sought to become a professor, enter- ing the Harvard English department in its golden age of philology and textual criti- cism. Circumstances had turned him into the sage counsel and constant guide of the family company, Kennametal. Instead of teaching at a college, he founded one. Be- sides, he remained a teacher in his own way, With his primary audience the trustees, presidents, faculty, and students of the College that now bore his name. He taught them to think big while remaining prudent, to embrace tradition while being unafraid of Change. Above all, Donald McKenna taught the most valuable lesson of all: a de- light in learning as a guide to life and the necessity of philanthropy and public service to sustain cherished ideals. Now and then, however, he gave evidence of the professor he might have been, such as the time in the fall of 1990 When he gathered at the Athenaeurn with a large group of students to discuss With them his lifelong love of Homer and the classics. It dated from his high school instruction in Latin, his tour of Europe before matriculating at Pomona, the course in Greek life and literature he took from Dean Norton at Pomona. Across a lifetime, McKenna told the students, he remembered his Latin lessons from Miss Willows in high school, his First sight of the Elgin Marbles at the British Museum, and the other classical antiquities in both the British Museum and other English museums, and the museums of Paris. All these antiquities he had seen and appreciated with the sensuous poetry of Rupert Brookeea young classicist who had 348 Claremont McKenml College died in World War I and was buried on a Greek islandeechoing in his mind. He had first encountered the classics, McKenna told his audience, in a late Victorian atmo- sphere that regarded them as moral guides to life. Then came the romanticism 0f the Edwardian era, in which the sensuous and aesthetic aspects of classical life and art were savored and appreciated. And then came Dean Nortonls course, which made the very streets of Claremont seem peopled by heroes, immortals, half-mortals of every sort. Indeed, he could only begin to appreciate his future wife, Bernice twhom he had known since childhoodl, McKenna admitted, when he saw her arrayed as Penelope in a school play or, somewhat later, when she appeared as Hippolyta, Queen of the Amazons, one shoulder bare, half-clothed in a tiger skinf, in a Pomona College pro- duction of A Midsummer Night's Dream. Throughout his lifetime this sense of the classics, anchored in the Iliad and Odyssey of Homer, had remained with him as a guide and gloss. tAt this point, McKenna broke off his talk to make a comparison be- tween the unfolding Gulf War and the siege of Troyl This lecture was an auspicious introduction of Donald McKenna into the 19905, a decade that would see him as in- volved as ever in the development of the College, and that he continued to embellish with his memory of how it had all come about-and his advice. When the renovated and expanded Honnold Library was dedicated on 28 February 1991, McKenna was on hand to deliver a talk that, despite its brevity, represented a tour de force of historical memory and imagination. During his own time at Pomona, McKenna recalled, he had enjoyed contact with a few surviving faculty from the founding era of that college, and they had told him how in those days it was the faculty themselves who were expected to provide the necessarybooks for students out of their personal libraries. A $40,000 grant in 1910 from Donald McKenna's second cousin An- drew Carnegie financed a library on the block between Fourth and Fifth Streets and College Avenue. The most imposing building on the campus, it contained eight thou- sand books. When McKenna attended Pomona in the 1920s, the library had grown to forty thousand volumes. As the second chairman of the board of the Associated Col- leges, William Honnold dynamically advanced the idea that a great central library would be essential for the federation of colleges envisioned in the Group Plan. In his address, McKenna patiently traced the evolution of the central Honnold Library through the land acquisition of the 19403, the fund-raising and construction of the 19503, and the expansions of a later era. 1 was lucky to be able to help in funding the Dr. Seeley Mudd addition in 1966 as well as the latest building, McKenna noted. liMy bust may be at Claremont McKenna College, but a few of my books are here in that browsing alcove just north of the circulation desks in that beautiful belvedere window where some future reader may pause to look out and see that there are mountains still to climb? Although McKenna might have been enshrined in a bronze bust at CIVIC, he was Half-Centu-rymzd the Millermium, 1990-7716 Future 349 not yet prepared to remain as silent as bronze. On 28 March 1992, he sat downaonce againlaat his battered Royal typewriter and tapped out another one of those long, single-spaced letters that in many ways constitute the Federalist Papers of Claremont McKenna College. In this instance, McKenna warned President John Maguire of the Claremont University Center that the current plan to use twenty acres of Claremont land north of Foothill Boulevard for faculty housing violated the intent of those who had initially acquired the property, specifically Miss Ellen Browning Scripps. This property, McKenna argued, was intended for the use of future colleges. To construct faculty housing there violated that intent. The notion that the land would only be leased was disingenuous. The ninety-year lease under discussion, after all, was for all practical purposes a permanent giveaway. llIn my own case? McKenna stated, 'TI can testify that I secured $600,000 from the Philip M. McKenna Foundation in order to save that land north of Foothill Boulevard forfutme colleges. The proposal to put fac- ulty housing on the site, McKenna warned ominously, would never stand up to legal challenge. I am told that Stanford and UCLA are pleased with their leased faculty housingf, McKenna concluded. In reply, I would only ask, Has any of this land been retrieved for other educational use? As usual, Donald McKenna was keeping his eye on the future, as were the fund- raisers at Claremont McKenna, headed byJon Keates, vice president for development and external relations. Even as McKenna fretted about tying down property with ninety-year leases that might be needed by future colleges, Keates and his staff were embarking upon a Hve-year campaign to raise $100 million, intended to bring CMC into the next millennium. We should be celebrating the next fifty years, observed Donald McKenna as the fiftieth-anniversary ceremonies approached, Hnot the past fifty years. The future is where we are going to live the rest of our lives. That future would no doubt prove expensive. To keep the cost of tuition at a reasonable level, for example, CIVIC would need $13.5 million for scholarship endowment, $10 million for faculty endowment, and $5 million for endowing new and special programs. To implement the five-year joint baccalaureate from CMC and masters in business administration from Clare- mont Graduate School approved by the faculty and trustees, CIVIC had an immediate need for $5 million. lOnce endowed, the new B.AJM.B.A. program would be named the Robert A. Day Four Plus One Program in honor of its donorJ The American Insti- tute Jfor Certified Public Accountants, moreover, was strongly recommending a Eve- year program for the granting of a GPA, and more than thirty states had adapted to this new provision. It was more than likely that by the year 2000 the State of California would also demand a fifth year for the CPA. The Institute of Decision Science, meanwhile, remained unendowed. That meant another $2 million, together with 350 Clm'emont McKenna College $3 million for Eber'optic cable wiring to bring the entire campus onto the World Wide Web. Since the decision had been made to bring CMC to an enrollment of 1,000 by the turn of the century, a new high-rise dormitory and student apartments would be necessary, along with more classroom space, faculty and administrative offices, and a new neuroscience center to enhance the Colleges psychobiology program. A new fitness center was planned, as well as the upgrading of all track and athletic surfaces for alleweather use. The football and soccer fields and tennis courts needed illumina- tion for night-time usage; and a new basketball stadium, seating two thousand specta- tors, was planned. Total cost: $17 million. The Washington, DC, internship program required its own classroom, administrative, and library building, together with com- puter and teleconferencing facilities. Estimated cost: $5 million. CIVIC's share of a $7 million expansion of holdings at Honnold Library came to $1 million. Current operat- ing needs included $7.5 million in scholarships and an additional $11 million in oper- ating funds over the life of the campaign. It did not take long for these and other needs to total the $100 million targeted by the campaign. The Campaign for Claremont Mc- Kenna College: Fifty Years of Leadership, as the drive was called, was announced on 25 October 1996 during a gala at the Biltmore that featured an address by Governor Pete Wilson. At the event it was announced that just over $50 million had already been pledged or raised toward the $100-million goal. The success of such an ambitious campaign implied, among other things, strong alumni support; and CMC had it. In the fiscal year ending in June 1992, for example, the CIVIC Alumni Fund for the first time in its history topped the $1-million mark. Reunion weekend that previous June had drawn a record crowd, which, among other events, enjoyed a recreation of the Starlight Ball. Since 1984, alumni had been gather- ing off campus for an annual Awards and Honors Dinner Dance and Annual Meeting at which alumni and donors tfrequently the same individualsl were honored. Much of the success of alumni affairs at CIVIC was due to a skilled alumni ofliee managed for twenty-two years by George Van Tubergen, who retired in 1991, and taken over by Lou Rudich, 86. But no alumni administration, however skilled, could energize and direct more than six thousand alumni-unless CIVIC had become a part of their lives. Unless, that is, they had encountered in their years at CMC something that would become important, not just to their professional careers, but to the meaning, texture, and sig- nificance of their inner experience as well. For loyal alumni, CMC, once the code to the future, had now become a code to the past and the present as well. What they were now was in part the result of what they wanted to be, what they thought ofbecorning, what they had dreamed of doinO, during their undergraduate years. The veterans of C 1946 had dreamed of getting back to civilian life, making a new start, preparing for that glorious future, the hope of which had sustained them in their military service. Half- Century and the M illennimn, 1990eThe Future 351 Alumni from the 19505, once the threat of the Korean War had passed, envisioned themselves achieving a role, playing a part in the unprecedented expansion ofAmeri- can life then under way and destined to last, with certain recessions, until the end of the century. In the 19605 were glimpsed even more intricate possibilities of careers in national and international Finance, international relations, the academy, Iaw, medie cine, and public service, although regional careers ofimpressive magnitude were still possible. tAlI three sons of Southern California homebuilders Ralph and Goldy Lewis, for exampleeRichard, I65, Robert, 67, and Randall, ,73eattended CIVIC and following graduation joined the family business, Lewis Homes, in building a total of forty thousand houses and apartments, together with 2 million square feet of office, commercial, and industrial space for a growing Southern Californiaj Students who were activists in the last years of that decade, such as attorney John Doggett, I69e-one 0f the student founders of the Black Students Union in those tumultuous yearse were moving, gradually and at their own pace, to new insights and positions. Doggett, for example, won national attention when he testified on behalf of Clarence Thomas during his confirmation hearings before the United States Senate. In many ways, it was the alumni outside the mold, outside the expected pattern, whose affirmation of their CIVIC experience was especially valuable. They were the exception proving the rule. Ray Drummond, I68, Who at CMC had written his senior thesis on uBlack Power and the Rise of Cultural Imperialism, had become one of the leading jazz bassists in the nation. Although at various stages of his career he had re- turned to the world of work as a personnel manager, these were only temporary adjust- ments, prior to his larger success as a performing and recording artist. CII wouldnt be able to sleep at night if I gave up jazz,n Drummond told ProfileJ Kris Cox, 73, had moved to Venice on the beach and become a painter. As an undergraduate, he had thought that he wanted to be an orthodontist; yet chemistry and the second semester ofhis sophomore year, which he spent in Europe, and a sculpture course he had taken at Pitzer, headed him after graduation to a masters degree at the Rhode Island School of Design in Providence and a successful career as a sculptor in ceramics. Listening to Professor Ricardo Quinones lecture on the Bible as literature, James Furman, I69, got an inkling of what his future profession would beethe Episcopal priesthoodefor which he prepared at the Church Divinity School of the Pacific in Berkeley following graduation and a brief stint as a doctoral candidate in medieval history at Stanford; he became the rector at St. Nicholas Church in Encino. After Fifty years have elapsed, after the histories appear, the question becomes: what can Claremont McKenna College draw upon as a living legacyea DNA code, if you wiII-from the twenty years it remained a dream as the planned-for-but-never- attained third college in the Group PIan program; from its year-Iong existence as the 352 Claremont McKea'ma College Claremont Undergraduate School for Men; from its heroic age as Claremont Menis College; and from the golden age it is currently enjoying as Claremont McKenna Col- lege, at the top or near the top in so many categories of academic and Fiscal evaluation? What are the continuities? What is the usable past? As far back as the late 19205, CMC had its origins in a perhaps impossible effort to combine-as a matter of philosophy, program, and curriculumethe humanities tincluding the humanities as a proper object of study in and 0f themselvesi and prepa- ration for real work in a real world of commerce andtor public service. More than sev- enty years before this debate, John Henry Newman, writing in the Idea ofa University, said in effect: dont bother. These two worlds cannot be bridged as an academic pro- gram. The humanities must be studied in and for themselves; and from that study would arise in graduates a discernment, a capacity for proper action and choicee Newman gathered these attributes under the rubric of ugentlemanlinessn-that would introduce into the real world discerning gentlemen who had a better chance than most at becoming good managers. The Claremont McKenna program, how- ever-as fashioned by James Arnold Blaisdell, William Bennett Munro, William S. Ament, Russell Story, Arthur Coons, Donald McKenna, George C. S. Benson, Jack Stark, and Fifty years of faculty-tested another alternative: preparation for private or public management within a context of scientific, social scientific, and liberal arts education. To express this integrationeand to make the most of a hastily assembled small fac- ulty, offering few courses-Benson revived the old-fashioned term political economy. Over the years, tons of paper have been expended in curriculum planning at Clare- mont McKenna College in an effort to fix, hold, and make operative this difficult ideal. Indeed, curriculum planning and debate seems almost an obsession, judging by the frequency of this process over the past five decades. That is because it is a difficult thing to do: to meld theory and practice; to integrate, notjustjuxtapose, Shakespeare and IBM, Thomas Hardy and investment finance. From this perspective, Claremont McKenna has courageously tried to hold the world together. From the start, the Claremont Undergraduate School for Men, the Claremont Mens College, and Claremont McKenna have held before young men, and later young men and women, the possibility of envisioning their future. This is not career- ism. This is building a life. Only the most privileged, or the most eccentrically indif- ferent, or those contemplating careers as Carthusian monks or professors of English, can remain totally detached from the necessity of discovering in the humanities the world of work, of career, and in the world of work and career discovering humanistic value. Humanistic study has of late been wandering down many bizarre paths, most of them involving forms of special pleading. Claremont McKenna, by contrast, still believes that theory and practice, Plato and Aristotle, Newman and Adam Smith, can Half-Century and the M illennium, 1990-7718 Future 353 be brought into dialogue, into an alchemy holding the world together and making ca- reers and lives possible. Benjamin Jowett, the Greek scholar who served as longtime master of Balliol Col- lege at Oxford in the nineteenth century, believed that a certain kind of greatness could be achieved by being at the heart of a first-rate college dedicated to these ideals. From this perspective, the businessteconomics and public affairstgovernment orien- tation of Claremont McKenna Collegeaincluding its continuing loyalty to the ROTC program iwhich has produced numerous Citizen-junior officers and a smaller cadre of committed professionalsieparallels the program, if not the exact environ- ment, of Balliol under Jowett. Thanks to the historical record of fifty years of alumni achievement, young men and women attending Claremont McKenna have a reason- able expectation that they will Find their place in the world, that they will thrive there, and that they will contribute to their own advancement, the advancement of their families, and the advancement of society. That expectation may sound simple. Yet, as in the case of the Great Depression, it can become a more opaque reality for young men and women coming to maturity in a restructuring global economy that, in many instances, has caused devastation in their parents generation. Benjamin Jowett could send his graduates out to Kenya or to country estates and a safe seat in Parliament. Claremont McKenna must send its graduates into the unknown. More controversial, perhaps, is the conservative legacy of Claremont McKenna. As early as the late 19405, George Benson was protesting this identity, pointing to the fact that Professor Gerald Jordan was a Democrat. Be that as it may, one does not have to be a rocket scientist to note that into the 19705 Claremont Menis College was one of the institutions through which the conservative movement in America came to self- knowledge and identity. There was a direct and kinetic connection between Clare- mont and the University of Chicago, the journals Modern Age and National Review, William F. Buckley, Russell Kirk, Barry Goldwater twhose acceptance speech was written by Harryjaffai, Clare Boothe Luce, and other icons of the movement. It is not to suggest that there was any active suppression of other points ofview to say that such a conservative and, later, neoconservative culture predominated. It was part of the temperament, the personality, of the College. It has now become part of the living legacy, the usable past-even for those of differing opinions. The legacy from this strand in the Claremont McKenna DNA code is not that one must be a conservative or, worse, that one must compulsively act out against conservae tism to assert oneis independence but that one should not be afraid ofvalue-political value, cultural value, personal value, moral valueein the academic life. From the start, this was an institution that was value-oriented. It was no mere academy for tech- nocrats. Its preeminent professors stood for something: not for their own prejudices or ideologies, but for deeply sustained, deeply contemplated, intensively researched, 354 Claremont McKemm College thoroughly believed points of View they had been willing to earn the hard way, as a matter of living value as well as academic speculation. The legacy, the usable past, of the conservative orientation of many among that early faculty, board of trustees, and student body is the continuing knowledge that college is not a technique or a rite of passage, a paper Chase or a mental game. College is about the journey to discovering who one is, what one believes, what one values, what one is willing to act upon, liber- als and conservatives alike. One of the primary expressions of this value-oriented, value-added education is a Efty-year emphasis on teaching and research. If the truth be told, Claremont Mc- Kenna College has always been hypersensitive, even within the larger hypersensitiv- ity of academic culture, to the question of publication. That makes sense. A newly established college must try harder. Over the years the preeminent published scholars at CMC have by and large been the best teachers as well. Which is proper to collegial identityeand even more appropriate when considered within the context of the Group Plan. Blaisdell and the other founders were looking for something dramatically different from either the Teutonic model brought to the United States by Johns Hop- kins or the Land Grant model brought by the Morrill Act of 1862. They were looking for the collegial values of Oxford and Cambridge, brought to North America by the University of Toronto, which Robert Bernard explicitly studied as a model for the Claremont experiment. Claremont McKenna was engendered by the Group Plan, which had previously engendered Scripps and would later, with the help of Claremont McKenna, engender Harvey Mudd and Pitzer. It was in the very nature of such col- leges that, having reached a certain point of development, they engender other c01- leges, like Greek Cities sending colonies to Sicily. Claremont McKenna College forms young men and women, a goal uniquely served by the Athenaeum. At Story House in those early years, faculty and students dined in the same commons. George C. S. Benson had absorbed a belief in such communal dining from his experiences at Lowell House, and Donald McKenna remembered with fondness the Wednesday evening discussion groups hosted by his parents in the Claremont Inn. Long before Marian Miner Cook made her enabling gift, the Clare- mont McKenna College DNA code contained within itself a taste for intellectual dis- course among faculty, students, and guests at luncheon or dinner gatherings. Rather than copy the Oxbridge tutorial, or the resident tutor system of Harvard and Yale, Claremont McKenna took the eating-Club idea of Princeton, expanded it, democra- tized it, and thereby forged a new way of teaching humanities: no papers, no course requirements, no grades. If the Athenaeum has helped fashion a capacity for civilized discourse, the insti- tutes have helped fashion Southern California and tin the case of the Rose Institute for State and Local Governmeno have affected the political culture of California. Half-Century and the Millennimn, 19 90-7718 Future 355 That regional connection is also part of the usable past. Here is a paradox. Nurtured locallyeindeed, recruiting its First student body from its immediate vicinity-Clare- mont McKenna did not remain a localized institution, precisely because Southern California itself, to which CMC was irretrievably linked, was making national con- nections. Even more dramatically, Southern California began to internationalize it- self some twenty years or so after the founding of the College. Had Claremont Mce Kenna College been founded elsewhereesouthern Oregon, say, or southern Ohioe it might have attained academic excellence and even become nationally ranked, but it would not have absorbed the national and international spirit it did absorb as a result of being connected to Southern California. As Donald McKenna suggested, as interesting as the past fifty years have been, they only prefigure the more challenging future. The work of commerce and civilization continues. Yet that journey, now so promisingly under way, is empowered by one of the most difficult things for a college to attain: an institutional culture possessed of both stability and flexibility, identity and open-ended quest. Here, then, is the story of fifty years and an enterprise well begun. Here is the usable past. Here is the continuing search for truth, both speculative and practical. Here is a continuing work of aca- demic nurture as yet another generation of trustees, faculty, student body, and staff continue to pursue and build upon the timeetested legacy of Claremont McKenna Collegeecommerce and civilization. 356 C laremont McKenna College Sources TH E A R C H IV E S of Claremont McKenna College tCMCI in Bauer Center repre- sent a treasure trove of printed and manuscript materialsebooks, pamphlets, bulle- tins, promotional publications, planning documents, bound reports, newspaper and magazine files, scrapbooks, correspondence and memoranda, press releases, tran- scribed interviews, biographical Eleserelating to the Efty-year history of the College. This history is based on a comprehensive scrutiny of these varied sources. Systematic Citation of such items, running into the thousands, would easily equal half the length of the history itself. Every effort has been made to Cite relevant sources in the narrative itself. On the other hand, certain sources are so intrinsically relevant to matters of fact and interpretation that they deserve specific citation. In late 1969 Clyde Ladell Payne, Jr., assistant professor of English, completed a 125- page typescript History of Claremont Menis College. Payne based his history on ex- tensive oral interviews he conducted with the founders and pioneers of the institu- tion. Transcripts of these interviews constitute a valuable primary source. In April and May 1980 Registrar Katharine Lowe made a complete inventory of these tapes and transcriptions, which she listed in a memorandum to President Jack Stark dated 27 May 1980. All in all, Lowe located forty-three interviews. Ample and candid, these recollections by founding figures constitute a valuable, if now and then prolix, record of events. In 1995 Charles A. Lofgren, Roy P. Crocker Professor ofAmerican Politics and His- tory, completed two chapters narrating the history of Claremont Men,s College up to 357 1950. Typescripts of these chapters, based on exhaustive archival research in primary sourcesellThe Founding of Claremont Menls Collegell and The College in Opera- tion, 1946-1950,,efunction as the controlling source for the first two chapters of this history. In March 1996 the family of Benjamin Z. Gould Center for Humanistic Stud- ies published the first section of the Lofgren history as Claremont Pioneers: The Founding of CM C . In addition to the Lofgren manuscript, Professor Ward E. Y. Elliott kindly provided me a singIe-spaced, hftyepage essay on various aspects of the CMC experience, which has proven invaluable as a source of reference andTor corrobo- ration. Barbara Condit, assistant Vice president of Claremont McKenna College, has pre- pared an extensive Subject Index of the Roster of Resolutions, Discussion and Vote Actions, 1946-1996 of the board of trustees of Claremont McKenna College through all phases of its organization and Hfty-year existence. Conditls Subject Index is an invaluable guide to the organizational and policy history of the College. In June 1953 Robert J. Bernard, managing director 0fC1'arem0nt College and secre- tary of the board of trustees of Claremont Menls College, published uPioneering and Progress, The Story of a College, as an issue of the Claremont M6713 College Bulletin. In December 1957 Mabel Gibberd Benson edited An Idea Becomes a College: Clare- mont Men's College, The First Ten Years. Lawyer and longtime Fellow William W. Clary traced the genesis of the Group Plan in The C laremom Colleges: A History of the Development of the C lmemont Group Plan t197ol. Robert J Bernarch An Unfinished Dream: A Chronicle of the Group Plan of The Claremont Colleges t1982l is the Mag- halia ChristiAmericana of the Claremont story. Also of relevance is, from Claremont University Center, A Brieinstory of The Group Plan of the C la-remont Colleges t1993l and the Recollections of George R. Martin 0968i Regarding President Blaisdell, see the collection of memorial addresses published as James Arnold Blaisdell, 1867-1957 t3 February 1957l; and the Hfty-three-page typescript interview llRobertJ. Bernard on James Blaisdellf, conducted by Enid Hart Douglass at Claremont on 15 April and 31 May 1965. Details of the opening convocation 0f the Claremont College School for Men are taken from the Program and the pamphlet Addresses Delivered at the Opening Con- vocation of Claremont College School for Men, 6 October 1946. For details regarding registration day and the first class, see the nine-page typescript lClaremont Menls College by Ted C. Hinckley, 650. The CIVIC Archives also contain a number of typescript press releases from this period written by Dorothy Crane Engel. Judy Wright, former mayor of Claremont, has written the superbly illustrated Claremont: A Pictorial History t198ol. See also the pamphlet Claremont, Prohle ofa City, pub- lished in 1976 by the Claremont League of Women Voters. For a regional perspective, 358 C laremont McKenml College completed in the Erst years of the College, see Kalman I. Dienes, Problems ofTrcmsi- tion in Pomona Valley 0949. The CMC Archives contain the correspondence of Russell Story, Arthur Coons, and Robert Bernard for the busy fundeseeking years 1939-41. The Archives also con- tain typescript drafts of a number of planning documents from this period, together with relevant pamphlets and other reprints. Of relevance to this chapter are Kenneth Duncarfs five-page memorandum on a proposed curriculum dated 16 January 1929; Robert Bernards untitled seven-page memorandum of May 1936; the fourteen-bage report of the Intercollegiate Council, A College for Men in the Associated Claremont Colleges, t1936i; the nine-page iiMerfs College, Claremont, Revised Statement of Objectives and Curriculum, Fall, 1939 ; the twenty-five-page iiMenis College, Curric- ulum Planning, completed by Arthur Coons in 1939; the five-page iiAcademic Plan for Menis College as Revised 13 October 1941 ; and the seven-page iA Proposed Menis College at Claremont under Sponsorship of Claremont Colleges, 27 October 1941? Russell Story, Arthur Morgan, and TV. Smith issued their statements in the pame phlet A College For Men At Claremont 0941i. Also of relevance are two pamphlet re- prints of commencement addresses for the awarding of higher degrees: Hartley Burr Alexander, Ours Is The Future tlojune 1939i; and Edwin Embree, C laremont Colleges and Fresh Frontiers 8 June 1940i. Alexander and Embree each stressed the signifi- cance of the Group Plan for Southern California. See also the promotional brochure New Acres ofDiamonds: C lairemont Colleges, Pomona C allege, Scripps College 0938i. Clyde Ladell Payne, 11., interviewed Robert Bernard on 7 October 1969 regarding the founding of Claremont McKenna College. A typescript of the interview is in the CIVIC Archives. The CMC Archives contain many letters by Bernard from this pe- riod. Of special interest to this chapter is Bernardis letter of 29 June 1945 to Donald McKenna, announcing his selection to the board of trustees of Claremont College and noting that McKenna was the first alumnus of Claremont College to serve in this position. Donald McKenna traced his family background and described his own life and business career and his involvement with Claremont McKenna College in the pri- vately printed Roots ofMalcolm Carnegie McKenmI 0992i. There are many important letters by Donald McKenna in various files in the CMC Archives. Of special rele- vance is a five-page, single-spaced typescript letter from Donald McKenna to his brother George dated 20 June 1945. Also of relevance are the letter of 3 October 1945, in which McKenna conveys $5,880 in Southern Pacific and Paramount stock to Clare- mont College; the letter of 29 November 194-3, in which McKenna forwards to Robert Bernard a three-page, single-spaced list of potential donors; and the letter of 1 July 1946 in which McKenna pledges the sum of $25,000 to the Undergraduate School for Sources 359 360 Men, to be paid in Eve increments of $5,000 over four years. The CMC Archives also contain acknowledgments from Pomona College to McKennefs father, Alexander McKenna, for gifts made in October 1918 t$4,000I and June 1919 t$1,150I. Clyde Lae deII Payne, In, interviewed Donald McKenna on 21 November 1969. Regarding the McKenna family background and business history, see the undated booklet by Don- ald McKenna, The Roots ofKennametal 0r Philip McKemw and How He Grew. Philip McKenna was profiled in Business VVeeh for 20 September 1952. See the bound typescript volume of the oral history interviews ofGeorge C. S. Ben- son by Enid Hart Douglass between 16 March and 4 April 1988 entitled George C. S. Benson, President of C laremont M cKenna College, 1946-1969: The Founding of C Zare- mom: McKenna College and Comments on the Founding ofHarvey Mudd College and Pitzer College 0989. Benson and his brother Dirck described their family genealogy and Ukiah boyhood in The Family of Eugene Huntington Benson and Helen Sumner Benson, unbound typescript, CIVIC Archives. In December 1996 the College issued an augmented version of this manuscript as A Man, An Idea, A College: George C. S. Benson, Founder and Builder. Clyde Ladell Payne, JL, interviewed Benson on 24 May 1969, 30 May 1969, and IoJanuary 1970; and Mabel Gibberd Benson 0n 9January 1970. Robert Daseler interviewed George Benson on 26 June 1986. Benson reminisced 0n the founding of Claremont McKenna College in a speech celebrating its thirtieth an- niversary, typescript dated 24 March 1977; and on Foundersi Day, 12 April 1985. These speeches, the first untitled, the second entitled Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow? are in the CIVIC Archives. The Bensons, early political interests can be seen in their joint article, Unexplored Problems of Federalism,u The New Commonwealth Quarterly, 5 tDecember 1939, pp. 2-17. The CIVIC Archives also has a copy of a mimeographed typescript by Mabel Gibberd Benson, dated 1940, entitled Peace Through World Federalism. Regarding the Clarke bequest, see the bound booklet by George R. Martin, The Clarke Story: Chauncey Dwight Clarke, Marie Rankin Clarke t1956I, revised in 1964 as The Clarke Story and the Claremont Colleges. Relevant pamphlets begin with C laremont College, Undergraduate SchoolforMen, Announcement and Catalogue, 1946-1947, which the following year became Clare- mont Men's College Bulletin, Catalogue and Announcements and continued under that title through the 19505. The Bulletin also issued occasional papers, consisting in the main of special addresses. A wealth of information regarding faculty and under- graduate life is available in the Files of the student newspaper The Analyst, which be- gan publication in late 1947, and The Ayer yearbook. In 1950 the College began issuing a printed Annual Report. In 1951 a printed Stu- dent Handbook made its appearance. Also appearing in this decade is The Individual- ist, a renamed version of the Claremont Men's College Bulletin, which lasted into the C la'remont McKenna College early 19705. The effort to define the ethos of the College can be traced through a num- ber of special issues of the Bulletin. These include Education for Business and Gov- ernment by Garner Beckett tMay 1952T and Is CMC Different? by Charles Povlov- ich tOCtober 19541. Also of relevance is a symposium published in a special edition of the Bulletin on 29 April 1952, reprinting three addresses: TiWhat a Parent Expects 0f the College by trustee Chester Rude, TiWhat a Professor Expects 0f the College by faculty member Walter Buckingham Smith, and uWhat a Student Expects 0f the Col- lege by student Craig Lewis. Benson shared his philosophy in a continuing series of pamphlets issued between 1957 and 1961. They include Washington Calling 0957i, OurAmatem Standing 09581, The Beam in Our Eye 0958i, Sound as a Dollar 0959i, and Decisions in Darkness t1961i. See also Bensonis essays published in the CMC Bule letim: What Shall We Do About Corruption in Government? tFebruary 1952T and hPoIitical and Economic Libertyii Uuly 1953i. The educational philosophy of dean of students William Alamshah is evident in A College Educationf' published by the Bulletin in September 1952. Also of relevance is the brochure The Kind ofMen. Fund- raising efforts can be gleaned from the pamphlets Gifts Which Helped Maintain America tlgsoi and Gifts 0r Taxes? 0950. An early statement of CMCS point of view is evident in A College Declares for Free Enterprise 69523. The accreditation process for this period is documented in two lengthy bound reports: A Report to the Western College Association tOctober 1954i and Statement Concerning Claremont Men's Col- lege tNovember 1959i The evolving nature of the Group Plan in this era can be gleaned from The Associ- ated Colleges at C laremont t1950i, The Colleges at C laremont 0957i, Articles ofAJ55l- iation 0f the C laremont Colleges t 1962L and Constitution of the Claremont Colleges 0967i. Also of relevance is the pamphlet Claremont, Six Colleges in One 0967i. The April 1966 Claremont study mission to Oxford University was chronicled by Joanne Hartley, editor, Dialogue on Higher Education: Claremont, Oxford, Great Britain t 19661. The literary review The C laremont Mam appeared annually between 1961 and 1964. The Claremont Journal of Public Ajfairs made its debut in the spring of 1972. Very soon, it became Res Puyhlica. Also of interest from this period is Off-Campus Classroom, an intermittent publication featuring printed lectures by CIVIC profes- sors. After 1960 the profusion of brochures, reports, and planning documents in- creases geometrically. Every effort has been made to cite relevant sources in the text. On 3 February, 28 March, and 18-20 May 1994, Enid Hart Douglass 0f the Clare- mont Graduate School interviewed Alan Heslop for the State Government Oral His- tory Program of the California State Archives. A bound transcript of these interviews appeared later that year. In the early 19805 CMC public relations director Robert Da- seler assumed the editorship of Prohle and made it one of the most effective alumni magazines in the country. Sources 361 rmmg View from Collins Hall. Index Photographs are indicated by boldface. academic reputation: 1940s, 56; 19505,117-23;196os,148, 150; early recognition, 120-23; quest For an excellent, 126-31 accreditation, 131-32, 137; reaf- firmation ofin 1991, 315-20 Achom, John, 668, 286 A Collegefor Men in Claremont, 20 Adams, John, '68, 296 Adams, Richard, 662, 296 Adams, Richard, family of 296 administrative staff, early mem- bers of, 52-53 Advisory Council for the School for Men, 45 AfEliates, the, 84, 139,164 Aguirre, Ed, ,49, 76 Aksoy, Asuman, 325 Alamshah, William, 107, 113, 116-17, 147 Albrecht, Paul, 123, 192 Allen, Deborah, 296 alumni achievements, 264-65, 284, 286 Alumni Association, 84, 140 alumni loyalty, 140,351 Ament, William, 18, 20, 36 Analyst, 49, 80-81, 91, 114 Andeck, Andy, '71, 225 Anderson, John, 264 Anderson, Marion, 256, 264 Anderson, William, 193 Andrew, Alan, 52 Apcar, Len, '75, 284, 286 Appleby, Frank Bell, 68, 150 Appleby Hall, 65, 68 ArbolVerde, 313 A106, William, 121, 170, 231, 275; appointment as athletic director, 101; and baseball, 248-49; and three-tiered physical education plan, 104; and women's athletics, 275 architecture: 19405, 66; basic plan, 64-65; original Vision for the Group Plan, 12-13; of Scripps College for Women, 14-15, 65 Armour, Richard, 34 Arndt, Sven, 335 Associate, 114 Athanassakis, Apostolos, 193 Athenaeum, 172-73, 175,224, 276-77: 279 Athenas, 248, 282 Atherton,John, 51, 89, 120, 137 athletic facilities, construction ofin the 19505, 99 athletics: 19503, 99-106; 19605, 189; 19703, 248,250; 19805, 275; 19903, 321; baseball, 248; beginnings of, 80; cycling pro- gram, 248; debate over type of program, 103-4;j0int pro- gram with Harvey Mudd Col- lege, 101-3;jointprogram with Pomona College, 100- 101; women's, 248, 275, 322. See also individual sports Auen Hall,149 Autumn Nocturne dance, 78 Axelrood Aquatics Center, 345 Ayer, 80, 81; scandal of 1959-60, I14 Bader, Sam, ,50, 79,264 Badgley, Mr. and Mrs. Frank, 164, 262 Badgley Garden, 164 Bagnall, Michael, ,53, 264 363 364 Index Baillif, Michael, ,88, 272 Bakaly, Charles G., 677, 284 Baker, John, '58, 204 Baldwin, Reverend Cyrus Grandison, 7 Ballard, Eva, 231 Bank America Professor of Pacific Basin Studies, 246, 327 Bates Report, 251, 253 Bauer, Mr. and Mrs. Modestus, 146, 160, 165, 168, 262 BauerCenter,146,160-61 Baxter, Dr. and Mrs. George, 97 Baxter Science Center, 95, 97, 134 Bean, Bruce, !67, 309, 344 Beckett, Garner, 30,45, 57, 99, 161, 168, 190, 262; honorary doctorate, 57; political philos- ophy of, 60, 62 Beckett Hall, 95, 99 Beebe, James, 60 Benezet, Louis, 227 Benson, George C. S., 1, 2, 44, 146, 152, 231, 252; adminis- trative staff of, 137; as admin- istrator, 136-37; after resigning as president of CMC, 236; appointment to Claremont Graduate School post, 36; Balance on Campus, 179; on the Bauer Center, 160; career before C MC, 34-35; character of, 33; childhood, 31-33; conservative philoso- phy of, 59-60; and curricu- lum planning, 37; and expansion of college in 19605, 154; and faculty recruitment, 38, 47, 135, 195; and financing gaps, 72; and Group Plan, 340; honorary doctorate, 215; and Korean War, 87-88, 91; major gift by, 293; at opening convocation, 4; political ori- entation of, 175; recruitment of for post of president, 19; and research institutes, 202; resignation as chancellor, 305; resignation as president, 215; and ROTC, 91, 280; and student power movement, 184; and TGIF parties, 148; and the Vietnam War, 213, 215 Benson, Mabel Gibberd, 35, 38, 152, 300 Benson, Sumner, 661, 284 Benson Hall, 106, 157 Berger, Mr. and Mrs. H. Nor- wood, 106, 157,254 Berger Hall,106,157 Bergman, William, 300-301 Bernard, Robert, 2, 3, 13, 14, 36, 186, 300; background, 24; and the campaign for a third col- lege, 18, 19; and the CMC ath- letic program, 103; and the Group Plan, 96; honorary doctorate, 57; and incorpora- tion ofCMC, 41; and the ini- tial endowment of CMC, 41- 42; and recruitment and admissions of Hrst class, 3; and the search for a founding director, 29-30 Bessette, Joseph, 324, 326 Bilger, Audrey, 329 Bixby, Llewellyn, 12 Bjork, Gordon, 236, 246, 295 Black, Arden, 342 Black Students' Union, 223 Black Studies Center, 226-27 Blaisdell, James Arnold, 2, 3; address at first convocation of incorporated CMC, 47; back- ground of, 9; and the Group Plan, 10, 12; as president of Pomona College, Io;1'etire- ment of, 18 Blanchard, William, 3 Board of Fellows, 13-14; and the campaign for a third college, 16, 20, 23, 30; and incorpora- tion 0fCMC, 43-44; and the joint science center, 96; Oxford trip, 201. See also spe- ciJQc Fellows board of trustees of C MC: 19605, 166-72; 19705, 261-64; 19805, 309-10, 342-44; and the Committee on the Future of CMC, 161-63; criteria for membership, 171; and fund- raising in the 19505, 140; and gifts to CMC, 166; Oxford trip, 201; political orientation of, 175; and success of CMC, 166. See also specific board members Bogart, Colonel Theodore, 63, 91 Boroff, David, 144 Boswell, Colonel James, 60, 69 Boswell Chair, 60 Boswell Hall, 65, 69 Bovard, Freeman, 123, 134 Braun, Carl F., 168, 176 Bridges Auditorium, 39 Briggs, Stuart, 54, 61, 116, 120, 146, 192, 196, 231, 235; as dean of men, 82-84; descrip- tion ofBenson, 33; initial fac- ulty member, 38 Brisky, Colonel Larry, '78, 242 Britton,George,'71, 185 Brogan, Sir Dennis, 235 Brooks, E. Howard, 309 Buckley, William F., Jr., 193, 311, 345 Burger, Dallas, family, 296 Burgess, George, 12 Burnett, Theodore S., 168 BurnettC.W0h1ford Professor ofAmerican Political Institu- tions, 300 Burton Green Bettingen Trust, 310 Bush, Captain James, 242 Bush, George, 303 Butterfield, Charles, ,51, 51 California Congressional Recognition Program, 297 Cambodia, invasion of and reaction at CMC, 220 Candlelight Ball, 78 Carter, Everett, 38, 52 Cavanaugh, Charles, 180 Center for Black Studies, 225-26 Center for Humanistic Studies, 295 Center for the Study of Law Structures, 293 Chae-Jin Lee, 246, 327, 335 Chapman, Robert, '50, 79 Charles M. Stone Professor of Monetary Theory, 298 Charles M. Stone Professor of Money, Credit, and Trade, 335 Chauncey Clarke Fellowship Trust Fund, 43 cheating problem, late 19403, 55-56 Chemers, Martin, 336 Christman, Barbara, '78, 247, 263 Civil rights, 223, 225-27, 229 Claremont Colleges, incorpora- tion of, 13 Claremont Collegian, 189 Claremont Economics Insti- tute, 257, 296 Claremont Graduate School, 201; organized, 24 Claremont Hall, 157, 158 Claremont Men's College: autonomous incorporation, 41; founding concept, 16-17; initial curriculum, 17; land for the new college, 28, 69- 70; planning for during WWII, 23 Claremont Men's School, 1, 37 Claremont Undergraduate School for Men, 1, 37 Claremont University Center, I4 Clark, First Lieutenant Jesse L., III, '65, 222 Clarke, Chauncey, 41 Clarke, Marie Rankin, 41-43, 45,46 Clary, William, 17, 3o, 43, 74, 96, 198 Clodius, Albert, 38 Coconut Grove, 39 coed dorms, 188 coeducation: debate over, 242, 243-45; F1151 women stu- dents, 247; and need to rename college, 267-69, 271; vote, 247 Cohen, Neal, '78, 284 College Church, 189 CollegeJudiciary Board, 185 Collins, Mr. and Mrs. Whitley, 97 Collins, Rog, 97 Collins Hall, 95, 97, 345, 362 Committee on Minority Stu- dent Relations, 225 Committee on Student Rights, 185, 187 Committee on the Future of Claremont Men's College, 161, 163 Condit, Barbara J., 232, 255, 309 congregationalism, 9 conservatism at CMC, 56-57, 59-63, 176, 178-81, 287 convocation, Hrst of incorpo- rated CIVIC, 46 Cook, A. J., 8 Cook, John Brown, 277 Cook, Marian Miner, 219, 277 Coons, Arthur, 19, 21, 22 Cooper, Dan, '71, 264 Cooperative Study Program, 127 Corbin, Edward, 277 Corbin, Edwin I-I.,171,194,264 Cosby, Pryor, 88, 139 Cox, Kris, '73, 352 Cozart, Rich, '76, 265 Cramer, Richard, '53, 344 Craton, Bud, 79 Crawford, Clarence, 45 Crocker, Roy R, 154,203,254, 262 Cronin,William, 1,84 Crouch, Lieutenant General William W,'63, 162,242,323 Crown, Arie Steven, '74, 254, 344 curriculum: 19405, 54-55; 19505, 131; 19605, 150, 153-54, 196; original concept, 4-5, 17, 22; science program, 96, 134 Dabney, Neil, '74, 337 Darlington, Karl, 52 Dart, S. Leonard, 123, 134, 192, 231 Davies, David, 198 Davis, Angela, 261 Davis, Linda, 271, 308 Davis, Stephen, 276 Day, Robert A., '65, 200, 262, 343 Dengler, Helen Dykema, 254, 298 Denglet,Jol1n, 254, 256, 298 Dengler-Dykema chairs, 298, 323 Depression, the Great, planning for CIVIC during, 17-19 Diamond, Martin, 123, 132, 167, 192, 195, 202, 204, 227, 235 Doggett,John, '69, 352 Donavan, Mike, 191 dormitories: financing the Hrst permanent, 68; first perma- nent, 68-, life in, 209; make- shift, 39, 65; second permanent, 68 Douglas, Michael, 337 Dreier, David, '75, 265, 281, 284,344 dress code, 82, 117 Drew, Marvin, '51, 344 drugs, 188 Drummond, Ray, '68, 146, 185, 223,352 Ducey, Ted, 138, 174,235,250 Ducommun, Charles, 171 Dunbar,John,51,77, 120, 134, 185, 192, 231, 235, 239 Duncan,Kenr1eth, 17 Dunn, George, '72, 284 Eachus, Robert, '48, 1, 84 Eastis, David, '85, 272 Eckert, Ross, 324, 331, 333, 334- 35 economics department, 19905 tenure controversy, 331-33 EDGE committee, 253 Edmunds, Charles, 17 Eiland, Mary, '78, 247, 263 Eisenach, Jeffrey, '79, 284, 286 Eldridge, Douglas, 202 Elliott, Ward E. Y., 236, 239, 243,280, 330 Elsbree, Langdon, 134, 193 Emett, Robert, '50, 2, 344 endowed chairs and professor- ships, 254. See also specific chairs or professorships endowment: 19405, 41, 43, 46; 19605, 166; 19705, 254 Eriksen, Clyde, 235 Index 365 366 Index Erlies, Herman, 45 Evans, Kathleen, '80, 247, 258 extension programs, 204 Eyrich, G, 1., 239 faculty: 19505, 119-24; 19605, I92-93: 195; 197051233335- 36; 19805, 297-302, 304-5; 19905, 323-31; diversity in, 337-38; early members, 49- 54;foundi11g members, 38; salaries, 19605, 195 Faggen, Robert, 329 Family of Benjamin Z. Gould Center for Humanistic Stud- ies, 295, 309, 335 Farnady, Des, 25o Farrell, John, 329-30 Fawcett, Mr. and Mrs. Russell, 158 Fawcett, Priscilla, 262 Fawcett, W. A., 164 Fawcett Hall, 149,262 federal aid, changing attitudes toward, 180-81 Feldmeth, Robert, 240, 296, 32413337341335 Ferling,John, 121, 135, 192, 231, 298 Ferrall, Michael, 52, 80 Ferrey, Gil, 664, 147 Fetter, Frank, 17 Hnancialaid:19505,128,130; 19605, 150 Hrst buildings, 48 F1151 catalogue, 38 F1131 dormitory, 38 Hrst opening convocation, 2 F1151 permanent building, 38 first registration day, 1 Fisk, Winston Mills,185,192, 202, 231, 301 Flamson, RichardJ., III, '51, 197, 264, 277, 342, 343 Flewelling, Ralph Tyler, 189 football,100,103, 189,250,321 Ford Foundation grant, 1964, 155 Forensic Society, 150 Forrest, David, '63, 272 Possum, Robert, 134, 193, 196, 239 founding director, the search for a, 30, 31 Franciscus, James, 219 Frank W. Heggblade Center, 262 Freeman, Roger, 202 Frisbie, F. Donald, 104, 127 Fritz B. Burns Foundation, 310 Fucaloro, Anthony, 324, 331 fund-raising: 19505, 139; 19605, 163-66; 19705, 253-54, 255; 19805, 306, 308; before incep- tion ofCMC, 21-22 Furr11an,James, 669, 352 Gale, Stephen, 6 Gallagher, Hugh, ,56, 107, 115, 272 Garcia, Cheva, 231 Garris, Jerry, 242, 308 Garrison Theater, 198 General Electric College Bowl, 228, 241 George, M15. Ruth, 70 George C. S. Benson Professor of Public Affairs, 301 George C. S. Benson Society, 257 Gibbs, George, 51, 88, 89, 120, 192, 231, 235 GI Bill, 1, 2 Giles, Captain Carl, '86, 323 Gillette, Dean, 298 Gilson, Lawrence, '70, 264, 284 Glauthier, T. 1., ,65, 284 Glee Club,80, 112 Goddard, Jack, '50, 85 Goldich, Robert, 671, 264 Gould, Barbara, 295 Gould, Edward 3., ,65, 295, 344 Gould,James,132 Gould, Mrs. Shirley, 295 grading, level of, 54 Grantham, Richard, 650, 344 Gray, Dennis, 232, 242 Great Panty Raid of 1963, 187 Green, Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence, 69, 92 Greene, Steven A., '82, 280 Green Hall, 65, 68 Green Hall Revivals, 192 Group Plan, 199, 340; deFmed, 3; development of, Io;orig1'nal architectural vision, 12-13; 8Preliminary Statement of, 12; reevaluation in the 19605, 196, 198; under William Ament, 18 Haas, Jacob Anton de, 49, 53, 77,120,121,192 Haley, P. Edward, 235, 293, 311 Al-Hamad, Abdlatif, ,60, 286 Hamlin, Thorntonf50, 77, 140 Hammond, Bert, 229 Hard, Frederick, 2, 3, 96 Hamish, Mrs. Jerene Appleby, 68,150 Harpe1;Jacob, 14 Harry G. Steele Foundation, 254 Harvey Mudd College, 99, 101-3, 198 Hasty, Deborah, '78, 247, 263 I-Iausman, Richard, 657, 344 Hayek, Frederick A. von, 121, 176 hazing, 115, 183 Hector, J. Robert, ,65, 281 Heggblade, Frank W., 262 Henage, Richard, 333 Henninger, John, 54, 89 Henriksen, Donald, 308 Henry B. Luce Professor of Information Technology, 300 Henry Kravis Professor of Lead- ership and Organizational Psychology, 336 Henry Salvatori Research Pro- fessor of Political Philosophy, 302 Heslop,Alan, 238, 240,289, 297, 341; and the California Data Base, 256-57 Hessen, Stephen, 673, 344 Higgins, Catherine, 678, 247 Hinckley, Ted, 65o, 76, 139 Hirsch, D011, ,52, 286 Ho, Stuart T. K., ,57, 284,262 Holler, Curtis, '52, 52 Hollerman, Leon, 193, 231, 293, 298 Hollingshead, Robyn, 276 Homes, Nancy, 79 Honnold, William, 30, 42 I-lonnold Library Society, 198 honors program, revision ofin 19503, I35 Hoover, Herbert, Jr., 134, 168 Horton Professor of Economics, 335 l-Ioskins, Gladys, 24 Hoskins, Herbert,Jr., 192,231 House, Brett, 88, 333 I-Iowes, Vivian, 52 Hub, the, 65, 79, 92, 93, 112, 145, 158 Hudel5011,Jeff, '70, 286 Hunt, William, 326 Hutchinson,William,669, 191 Ide, Carter, 89 Ijere, Martin 0., 227 incorporation of CIVIC, 46 Institute for Studies in Federal- ism, 132, 202 Institute 01 Decision Science for Business and Public Pol- icy, 295 Intercollegiate Council Report, 18 Intercollegiate Society of Indi- vidualists, 204 International Place, 273 Irvine Foundation, 254 Israel,Jol1n, 134, 193, 207, 210 Jaeger, Chester, 51, 193 jaffa, Harry, 167, 193, 226,233, 236, 302, 305-6 James Boswell Professorof Eco- nomic and Legal Organiza- tion, 324, 333 James Madison Society, 204, 257 Jamieso11,Jan1es B., '55, 308 Jaqua, Ernest, 12, 17; and Found- ing of Scripps College,14;as president of Scripps, 14, 15 John Brown Cook Association for Freedom at C MC, 277 Johnson,J0ke, 309 Johnson, Tim, 671, 232, 310 Johnson,W Cedric, 674, 337 Jonathan B. Lovelace Lectures, 259 Jonathan B. Lovelace Professor in Economics, 246 Jones, Jennifer, '78, 247 Jones, John, 686, 272 Jordan, Gerald 1., 1, 38, 52, 77, 88, 89, 120 Jordan-Smith, Paul, 38, 64 Josephine Olp Weeks Professor of Comparative Literature, 327 Kaiser, Madeline, 306 Kaiser bequest, 308 Kammerer, Arch, '49, 63 Kasdorf, Ron, ,77, 250 Kay, Stephen, ,64, 264 KCMC, 112 Keates, Jon Clarke, 306, 349 Keatley, MaryAnne, 226 Keatley, Robert, '70, 226 Keck Center, 327, 335, 345 Keck Institute for International and Strategic Studies, 292-93 Keil, Manfred, 333 Kelsy, Jim, '69, 210 Kemp, Alexander N., 168 Kemp, Arthur, 120, 193, 233, 298 Kent State and reaction at CMC, 220, 221 Kesey, Ken, 346 Kesler, Charles, 298, 335 Kirkpatrick, Jeane, 293, 311 Kissinger, Henry, 307 Knickerbockers,98, 148, 183 Korean War, 87-88, 89 Kravis, Henry, ,67, 183, 280, 281, 314, 336: 344 Kresge Foundation, 254, 310 Lee, Luther, 38 Lehman, Ronald, '68, 284 Lejune, Pat, 650, 85 Levesque, Lucienf69, 185,211 Lilly Endowment grant, 204 Lincoln, David C., 164 Lincoln School of Public Finance, 204 Live Oak Hall, 157 Lofgren, Bonnie, 233 , Lofgren, Charles, 193, 249, 298, 227 Lovelace, Jonathan B., Jr., 169, 1941238242264 Lowe, Katharine 0., 140,231, 232, 255, 263 Lowe, R0bertj., '62, 200, 344 Lowe, Thomas Jr., '56, and Rob- ert, families, 293 Lowe Institute of Political Economy, 293, 309, 33s Lowry, Charles, 193 Luce,C1are Boothe, 261, 299: 354 Lund, John, 654, 93 Lusk,John,169,180 Lyman, Edward, 17, 30, 45, 57, 168, 198 Lyman Committee, 17 Lyon, E. Wilson, 2, 3, 35, 36, 46 Lyon, Leverett, 17 Maaranen, Steve, '69, 248 Mabel Shaw Bridges Audito- rium, 2, 39 MacLeod,CliftonT., 117,136, 147,159, 185, 220, 232, 250 Magenheimer, Garold, '51, 91 Mann, Gottfried Thomas 6G010L 50-51, 53, 120, 192 Mansfield, $110,298 Mara Togas, 148 Marble, John, 45 Marguleas, Howard, 262, 309 Marks, David X., 107, 164, 168 Marks Hall, 106, 157-58 Marquardt, Frederic, 262 Marshall Fellowships, 116, 272 Marti, Rebecca Trevino, 54 Martin, George, 41, 277 Martin, William, 6 Martinez, Ruben, 237 Mason, Max, 51 Massoud, Marc, 323 Master Plan, 312 Master Plan Steering Commit- tee, 309-10 May, Laura, 686, 272 McClelland, Harold, 137, 192, 202 Index 367 368 Index McKenna, Bernice, 254, 285 McKenna, Donald, 2, 27, 45, 57, 198,253,25412851332348- 49; and the Athenaeum, 172- 73, 279; and auditorium financing, 93; background of, 24-26; and coeducation, 244; and college name change, 268-69; and the founding budget, 29-31; scholarship bequest of, 150; secret dona- tion to Honnold Library, 172; and the third college ques- tion, 28 McKenna Auditorium and Stu- dentFountain,93, 129 McKenna Report, 163, 165-66 McKenna Student Union, 158 MC Mahon, Harry, III, '75, 337, 344 McNutt, Paul, 254 Mead, Robert, '63, 284 Meigs, A. James, 257 Merkle, Judith, 298, 330 Merksamer, Steven, 669, 284 MerrittJack, 193 Merritt, Louise, 231 Meyers, M. Richard, 660, 116 Meyers, Patti, 232, 309 Meyners, j. Robert, 191 Mickey's Tavern, 145 Military Ball, 63, 92 minority quotas, 227 minority scholarships, 225 Minority Student Scholarship Fund, 185 Mitchell, Laurel, 333 Moley, Raymond, 169 Montgomery, Grace, 52 Montgomery, Thaddeus, '89, 276 Moody, Captain Stewart R., '67, 222 Morgan, Arthur, 22 Moss, Larry, 666, 223 Mothers, Club, 84, 93, 139, I63 motto, 176 Mudd,C010nelSeeley, 12, 15, 189 Mudd, Harvey, 2, 3, 43 Mudd, Henry, 45, 168 Munro, William Bennett, 12, 14, 16 Munro Report, 16 Myl1re,janet, 193,239,295 Naef, Westan, J11, ,64, 264 Nakasone, Robert, '69, 344 Natural Resources Center, 296 Neville, Howard, 217-18; and minority quota issue, 227; res- ignation of, 221; and Vietnam War protests, 220, 221 Nixon, Richard Milhous, 55, 59, 259 Noll, John, ,48, 2 Operation Rockpile, 78 organization of the Claremont Colleges, 198-99, 201 Ott, Wayne, ,63, 264 Oxbridge model, 3, 4, 10-11 Oxford, trustees 1996 trip to, 201 Pacific Land and Improvement Company, 6 Packet, Deborah, ,79, 248 Painter, Hall, 231 Pakkasem, P111511, :60, 286 Palmer, Henry, 6 Palmer,Jonatl12m, 308 Parents, Committee, 84, I39, 164 Patrick, James, 262 Payne,Joh11 M., 139, 164, 203, 231,232, 300-,appo1'ntmentof, 140; and coeducation, 244 Payne, Ladell, Jr., 115, 130,239 Payne, Maria, '78, 247, 263 Pederson, Lieutenant g.gj Wil- liam A., 668, 222 Phelps, Orme Wheelock, 50,62, 113, 120, 124, 192, 231, 232, 238; appointed dean of fac- ulty, 233 Phi Beta Kappa: approval of Chapter at CMC, 271; chapter grant refusal, 214 Philip M. McKenna Founda- tion, 310 Phillips, Donald,'48, 1,202 Phillips, Mr. and Mrs. M. Penn, 157 Phillips Hall, 106 physical education, 80, 104. See also athletics physical plant: acquiring prop- erty for expansion, 69-70; building crisis of 1946, 64; construction in the 19505, 92- 99; expansion, 19605, 155-60; Hrst academic building, 69 Pinkham,J. Roy, 168 Pinnell, Robert, 193, 239 PITFALLE Plan of 1973, 250-51 Pitzer, Flora Sanborn, 3o, 72 Pitzer, Russell, 30, 31, 41, 45, 57, 186, 262; and Hnancing first dorms, 68; gift toward third college, 46; honorary doctor- ate, 57; honorary trustee, 168 Pitzer College, 198 Pitzer Hall, 65, 69, 72, 73, 75, 95, 99 Plan for Distinction, 155 planning, long-range: 19605, 161, 163; 19705, 250-51 Plimpton, George, 346 Podlich, William, '66, 344 Pomona College: board of trust- ees in the 19205, 13; founding of, 6-7; and Group Plan, 3, 96;joint athletic program with CMC, 100-101; resis- tance to third college plan, 35-36; relationship with CMC, 215; and student body size question of the 19405, 74 Pomona Valley, history of, 5-6 Post, Gaines, Jr., 309, 327 prank5,115,147,183 Pratt, Mary Simpson, 52 president's residence, 19405, 72 Project 80 campaign, 253-54, 256 property, acquiring for expan- sion, 69-70 Public Affairs Forum, 204 Pueblo of Los Angeles, 5 Poynter, Durward, 193 Quinones, Ricardo, 193, 196, 234, 239, 241, 327-29; and the Center for Humanistic Stud- ies, 295; recruitment of, 134 race relations, 226-27, 229 Al-Rashed, Rashed, '58, 286 Reagan, Ronald, 259, 261, 287 recruitment and admissions, 8151 year, 38 registration day, 8151, 39 Relm Foundation, 202 Remy, Ray, '591264, 344 research institutes, 202, 256. See also individual institutes Res Publica, 164, 257 Rhodes scholarships, 272 Richard, Paul, '61, 264 Richman, Frederick L, 160, 164,262 Riggio, Ron, 336 Riggs, Henry, 340 Riley,111dith Merkle, 298, 330 Riley, Michael, 219, 239 Riley, Patrick, '63, 272, 330 Roberts, George,'66, 102, 183, 281,296,3141335,344 Roberts, Leanne, 296 Roberts Environmental Center, 296,309,335 Roberts Professor of Environ- mental Biology, 333 Rockefeller Foundation, 22 Rodman, Barbee-Sue, 193,225 R0gers,James Alan, 121,134, 192, 202 Rogers, Robert G., '52, 127, 231 Romero, R. J., '89, 276 Rood, William Harold, 193, 208, 210, 293 Rose, Edessa 6Mrs. Don Hay- dem, 254, 256, 257, 262, 290 Rose Institute For State and Local Government, 238, 254, 335; and redistricting, 289, 291; and term limits, 292 Rossum, Ralph, 292, 293, 331 ROTC, 121, I62, 242; 19405, 63; 1980s, 279-80; 19905, 322; during Korean War, 91; dur- ing Vietnam War, 208 Roth, John K, 185, 193, 235, 237, 262, 300, 323 Rothman, Mike, '72, 232, 310 rowdiness, 80 Roy P. Crocker Professor of American History and P011- tics, 327 Rude, Chester, 161, I69, 190, 277 Rudich, Lou, '86, 351 Ruml, Beardsley, 151 Rumlreport,151,153,155 Rutledge, John, 257, 296-97 Ryland, Stuart, '81, 275 Sacks, Frank C'Gunny'm 25o Salvatori, Henry, 164, 168,205 Salvatori Center for the Study of Individual Freedom in the Modern World, 168,256, 293,335 Sampson, Mrs. Angelyn, 52 Sanborn, Flora, 30 Sanders, DeanJ. Edward, 28 Santillan, Richard, 291 SAT scores ofincoming stu- dents: 19505, 128; 19805, 271, 313 Schmidt, Leopold F. Wield, '63, 264 Schoettle, Peter, '67, 284 Schreiber, Joseph, 306 Schreibman, Laura, 239 Schulz, Pau1,'85,272 Scripps, Ellen Browning, 10, 11-12, 14 Scripps College for Women, 3, 14-15, 36 Scripps Institute of Oceanogra- phy, 11 Seaman, William Henry, 160 Seaman Hall, 160 Seminars on the American Political Tradition, 204 sexual revolution at CMC, 187 Seyfarth, Herman, 70 Shaffer, Fredric, '71, 185 Shear, Mike, '90, 284 Shears, Loyda, 193 Sheets, Millard, 36 Shelton, Marie-Denise, 24,9 Siddons Drama Club, 80, 114 Siemon, Estella, 42 Silpakit,Tawal,'5o, 150 Silver, Diane, '88, 272 Simon, Anne, '80, 267 Simoncini, Lieutenant Colonel Peter, 322 Slack, Morris, '48, 1, 48, 84 Smith, Dorrance, '73, 265 Smith, Janet, 333 Smith, Raymond, 30 Smith, Rodney, 333, 335 Smith, Sarah Bixby, 14,18,38, 64 Smith, T. V, 22, 36, 47 Smith, Walter Buckingham, 62, 112, 192 Smith, William French, 169 Snortum, Bonnie, 346 Sl1ortum,John, 193,239,243, 298, 301-2 soccer, 276 Spalding, Phebe Estelle, 7 Stark, JackL., '57, 24, 110,133, 140, 216, 278, 299, 310, 347; 19905, 341-42; as acting presi- dent, 229; administrative staff 0F19805, 305-6; appointment as president, 230; back- ground, 230; and coeduca- tion, 245; and college name change, 267; and economics department tenure contro- versy, 332; and Nixon Library, 259; political orientation of CMC under, 259; and Reagan Library, 288; and Republican party, 287; and research insti- tutes, 256, 289; staff members of, 232; on student govern- ment, 241; and WASC reac- creditation report, 316-20 Stark,JilHarris, 133,216,230, 232-331299,344,346;and the Athenaeum, 233 StarlightBall,78, 108,109,110, 145 St, Dennis,Jerry, 296 Stewart, Douglas, '62, 286 Stewart, Gloria, 177 Stewart,James, 161,169,177 Stinky's,105, 111,145,183 Index 369 Stokes,William,132,192,193, 202, 214 Stone, Colonel Edmund P., 57, 168 Story, Russell, 34, 39, 40; and the campaign for a third c01- legc,19-21, 23 Story House, 39, 4o, 64, 122, 161, 226 Stoughton, ArthurV, 189 Strauss, Leo, 193 Stubblebine, W. Craig, 193,239, 293,295,333 student activities: 19405, 80-81; 19505,112,113-15;19605,146- 47, 188-89; 19805, 281, 283. See also individual activities student body: composition in the 19703, 241; composition of first classes, 76-77; diversity in,337 student body honors, in the 19805, 272 student body size, debate over: 19405173-76;19sos,87 124-26; 19605, 151, 154; 19905, 339-4I student call for diversity in fac- uky1337-38 Student Court, formation of, 84 student life: 19405, 77-82; 19505, 107-17; 19605, 144-45, 188-89, 190-92; 19705, 242; 19805, 273, 275 student loan fund established, 151 student performance, desire to improve in the 19505, 127-31 student power movement, 184- 85, 187 Sumner, Charles, 8 Sumner, George Stedman, 33 Sutton, Mike, '72, 275 Swanson, Jack, 650, 80 Sweeney, Richard, 295, 298 Taylor, W1 Bayard, 51, 54, 120, 131, 136, 192, 235 Tenth Anniversary Building Program, 95 third college plan: drive for, 16- 20; resistance to, 35 Thomson, Procter, 123,167, 191, 202, 232, 235, 244; on the coed question, 244; recruitment of, 121; Thomson's laws, 192-93; and Vietnam War, 207 Torrey Sun, Wen-Chu, 242, 308 Tortugateers 0f Prado Dam, 94,148 Townsend, Christopher, 682, 272 Treanor,jol1n, 17 Trevor, Robert, 52 Truman fellowships, 272 Tuohy Chair of Government and Ethics, 324 Tuohy Foundation, 254 Twaits, Ford, 45 U, Peter Man Foo, '48, 71, 76 Ungvari, Tamas, 296 Vadala, Dan, '48, 76, 84 Valenza, Robert, 330 Vanderhoof, Frank, 189 Vandermeulen,A1ice, 38,52, 54, 58, 88, 89, 120, 121, 124 Vandermeulen, Daniel, 38, 58, 88, 89, 120, 124 Van Tubergen, George, 351 Vejar, Don Ricardo, 5 Vernon, Ralph, 52 Vieg, John Albert, 63 Vietnam War,143-44,181,183, 207-8; antiwar demonstra- tions,183, 210-11, 218, 220; antiwar demonstrations at Pomona, 208; antiwar move- ment on CIVIC campus, 208; Moratorium, 218; and ROTC, 210-11 Vivian, Claudia, 78 Voit,Willard,106,161 Voit Field House, 106, 157 V05, Richard C., 271, 309 Wadsworth, Frank tSargeL 61, 82 Walker, Christopher, 669, 344 Walker, Emery R., Jr., 133,22 , 231, 232, 271; and college name Change, 267; and improved student perfor- mance in the 19505, 127-31 Walsh, Michele, '85, 272 Ward, Bertha, 1, 38, 52, 54, 120 Warner, Lucien, 51, 178 Warner, Nicholas, 329 Washington intern program, 283-84, 294 water polo, 100, 138,250,275, 321 Watson fellowships, 272 Watts, V Orval, 62 Weeks, Mrs.Josepl1ine, 239 Weis, Frederick, ,65, 232, 312 Welsh, Stanton 036101, '50, 71, 76,79,104,139,2311253,3o6, 344 Western Association of Schools and Colleges,1991 reaccredi- tation report, 315 Wheeler, Donald R., 197, 264 Whitman, Walt, 26 Wilcox,James,'48, 1, 84 Wiley, Walter, ,48, 2 Willett, Thomas, 293, 335 Williams, Robin, 673, 265, 286 Williamson, Warren, ,51, 344 Winnett, P. G., 45, 57, 69, 168 Witten, Ruth, 140 W. M. Keck Foundation, 310 Wohlford, Burnett, 45, 57,202 Wohlford Hall, 65, 69 Wolver, Eugene, J11, '51, 344 Wong, Stanton, :75, 344 Woodward, Austin, 49, 79 Woolley, Ralph, J12, '59, 344 Wordsworth Society, 279 Wright, Colin, 238, 309 Wuerz, Charles, ,48, 80 Wurfel, Colonel Seymour, 121 Yoon Sun Lee, 329 Zimbardo, Philip, 346 Zi11da,John,170, 250,275,321 C redits Every effort has been made to credit the photographers whose work appears in this book. We gratefully acknowledge the following photographers, studios, and photo services. George Adams: 219 top, 255, 263, 278 bottom, 285 top, 299, 303, 307 Robert C. Cleveland: 118 Arthur Dubinsky: 186 left Robert C. Frampton: A, 27, 48 top, 66, 75, 109, 125, 129 John Kruissink; ii, 200 top and bottom, 209, 212, 237 top, 243 bottom, 249 top and bottom, 252, 266 top and bottom, 274, 311 top and bottom, 314, 325, 347, endsheets Russell Lapp: 182 Francesco Mastalia: 24o bottom Pomona College News Service: 71 top Rothschild Photo: 177 Bill Varie: 240 top Unattributed photographs were taken from the following publications. Ayer 1948: 48 bottom, 71 bottom Ayer195o: 44, 53 top, 58 top and bottom Ayer19512 61 bottom, 90 Ayer1955: 113 top Ayer 1958: 94, 98, 105, 133 bottom Ayer1962: 156 top Ayer 1964: 156 bottom Ayer 1967: 138 top Ayer1986: 133 top 371 Commerce and Civilization: C laremont McKenmz Collegee The First Fifty Years, 1946-1996 was produced by Wilsted 8K Taylor Publishing Services. Copyediting was provided by Melody Lacina. The typography and binding were designed by Christine Taylor. LeRoy Wilsted composed the type using Rudolf Ruzickds FairHeld, designed in 1939 and reworked in 1949 for Mergenthaler Linotype. The book was printed on I40 gsm acid-free Leykam Magnomatt paper and bound with Iris cloth by Musumeci Printing, through the services of Hal Belmont, Overseas Printing Corporation.