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Page 9 text:
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NEWARK PUBLIC HIGH SCHOOL, JANUARY 1, 1870. + Vf'.i No. f,. STORM THOUGHTS. •• itonlaai Rttitte. Aifatiut my window, the rain to-night 1 pattering, thick and faat: And the tree without moan weird and wild. In every freshening blaat. The wind increase, the etorm grow wild. And ahriek thro laboring tree»: While the deep’ninf roar from tho far aeo-ahore, 8peak the wrath of the angry ace . And here, in my warm and cheerful room, I I i» ten to »torm and rain ; And think of thone, who on hclplco wreck Are toeaed on the fearful main. I »cem to cc a» the lightning» fla»h, The wreck ’mid the dying »pruy ; And the hla»t in the tree aeem to echo a elirick, A» each binding m »t give» way. I »ee her ecudding before tho wind, No helm her cour»o to guido; I hear the cra»h, aa upon a rock. She part» 'mid the angry tide. Another flaah, and no ahip appear»; No wreck among tho wave ; But a bubbling eddy for a moment mark». The place of a hundred grave». Ah! many a child «ill cal) iu vain, And many a parent rave, For one» thoy loved, that deop in the aca. Now alecp in a coral cave. The wife will watch and pray in vain For the form aha will never aee: And her aad, »a l heart will tell her thin, Aa ahe ki»»e her child at her knee. The mother will mingle the name in her prayer . Of the »on ahe will never aeo: And dream, what ahe dared not think by day. That her boy waa drowned at aea. But these are thought , too dark and aad. Yea. darker than need to be; Por God, who ia God of the flowery land. I» God of the flowcrlc»» ae . BISMARCK'S ECCLESIASTICAL POLICY. PRIZE ORATION OF THE CLASS OF 75. UT J. PAUL HKYSOI.DS. A hundred years ago the spirit of inde- pendence and of nationality flrst stirred in the hearts of the American people. Then it was that thirteen heroic colonies, weak in aterial resources but strong in the conscious- •ss of right, appealed to the God of Battles r an idea and a principle. Then it was at in a conflict with the strongest military d naval power of the age, they triumphant- asserted the justice of the one and vindi- cated the truth of the other. Ten years ago a mourning nation was told that her heroes had not fallen in vain, but that on the field at Appomattox that other idea, the idea of the inviolability of hnman rights, and that other principle, the principle of unity and integrity of the State, were recognized and established forever. To-dsy there is another conflict for an idea, and a principle, a con- flict not yet, thank Heaven, made vivid by the horrors of war, but nevertheless a conflict whose issue is as vital to America and Ameri- can institutions as was that whose success made us a nation, or that other whose result assured our existence and gave it perpetuity. What ia this idea, this principle? Where the scene of conflict? The nation is in apparent harmony. No sounds or scenes of discord disturb our peaceful shore . No word of hostile demonstration flashes over our cables. But way down upon the south- ern slope of Europe, upon the historic banks of the Tilwr, where the crumbling monu- ments of Roman greatness mourn the depart- ed glory of the eternal city, and frown upon the degeneracy of a noble race, a voice, terri- ble in its historic associations, speaks to Christendom, denouncing in tones familiar to them only, of m disral despotism, denounc- j ing the “ audacity ” of modem, thought, of modern civilization, of modern liberty, demanding universal obedience, and de- claring all temporal authority subject to I the spiritual power. The idea of civil : allegiance, the principle of the suprem- acy of the State, this k the idea and this the principle that is availed, assailed by a power whose potent influence has made mem- orable twelve centuries of European history under that terribly significant title “The Dark Ages. But where is the scene of this conflict ? Prussia, long insulted and oppressed, emerg- ing from her vale of humiliation, fired with the spirit of her heroes, resolved to emulate the days of the great Frederick. She demanded a leader; a leader who would point her to the realization of her ambition —one great, united, Germanic nation. In Bismarck -Soldier,Statcsmsn, Philosopher she found one; snd from Dupe! to Konig- I gratz, from Koniggratz to Sedan, from Sedan to Paris, swiftly one after the other he swept away the obstacle to nationality, and forty million people of one country, one language, one destiny, became one great, free and happy nation. But sixteen of these forty millions owed a spiritual allegiance to the Church of Rome, the church in whose history the idea of religion is lost in that of an usurping political policy. The Church, in which to- day, in the language of a great English Statesman, “ Individual Servitude, however abject, will not satisfy the dominant party, the State must also be a slave.” Here then is the scene of this conflict of nationality and • Paparchy,” of society and intolerance. The antagonistic forces had met in the Ger- man Empire. Collision was inevitable. Rome had not changed since the days that witness- ed a German Emperor, smocked and barefoot in the snow, imploring absolution of a piti- less Hildebrand. She demanded submission; would accept no less. “ But, -said Bismarck, significantly. “ we are not going to Canoraa, either bodily or spiritually.” It would be long l cfore Pins IX. would play the Hilde- brand to the Emperor Frederick William. It was not a defiance to provoke Papal antago- nism. Uitramontanism was already an or- ganized political power, with principles of avowed hostility to German unity long before it was consummated at Versailles, and the new Empire st once liccame the mark of Its hatred, bitter, intense, powerful. Bismarck was not the aggressor. But in assailing the sovereignty of the Empire they touched the apple of his eye. Was be to accept defeat in the very hour of victory? Were German unity, independence, sover- eignity, the dream of her poets, the aspiration of her patriots, the vague longing of her people, to be thus rudely annihilated at the very moment of their realization ? Were tho interests of civil society and government everywhere to be surrendered without a struggle? No,' said Bismarck, and 4 no ’ was re-echoed by the German people, and by the voice of all nations. The State would never surrender, when surrender meant to vacate sovereignty. And so when Seminaries sup ported by the Stato were found to he nurse- ries of treason, controlled by ultramontane from Italy and devoted to the denationalize lion of clergy, loyalty to the State, and a good education were by law made prelimi- nary qualifications of the clergy. It was forbidden to employ church discipline for political ends, or for the injury of any one in person, property or liberty. It was declared that any person should be privileged to with- • draw from the church without sustaining censure or damage. Nothing restricting liberty of faith, of worship, or of conscience.
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Page 10 text:
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2 Nothing touchiug uniformity of belief, or affecting the internal spiritual discipline of churches. Nothing can be found in these laws savoring of tyranny over men's liberties of conscience. Yet were they denounced, defied and disobeyed. The Emperor himself complains that “leading Catholic priests have, unfortunately, not only joiued in the movement, but joined in it to the extent of open revolt against existing laws.” Bismarck enforced the laws, enforced them by penalties of fine, imprisonment and for- feiture of oflice. He expelled all Jesuits from Prussian territory, and suppressed all factious organizations of the Church. “ Monstrous! ” cried the Ultramontane . “ This is political proscription, this is perse- cution.” Political proscription it may be, but can society afford to parley with theorists about the amount of consideration due its enemies, when Law, Government, and social order are threatened T At such times action prompt, vigorous, effectual, must meet the emergency or all is lost. And is it persecu- tion t If indeed there be any persecution it is hardly in a style to recall the terrible solemnities of “ The Holy Inquisition.’’ But political proscription and persecution there U none, for laws precisely similar to those which in Prussia have invoked the thunders of ecclesiastical denunciation, laws such as have there been met by bitter defiance, and by systematic disol cdicnco, just such laws a« these have long existed in Oldenburg and other German States, not only with his knowledge and recognition, but by actual compact with the Pope. Could these laws, “ if against God and the Church” in one part of Germany, lie less so in another ? Was Borne indeed reduced to this extremity for a pretext to assail German Nationality. But religion, wo admit, is no proper sub- ject for legislation, nor is political proscrip- tion and persecution a just exercise of the prerogatives of government; but to combat foreign usurpation and domestic treason is such, and it has ! cen only to the resistance of the one and the suppression of the other that Bismarck’s Ecclesiastical Policy has ever been directed. But why are we called upon to sympathize with Germany, a great and successful military power, in her internal conflicts ? Because the question is not whether Germany be great or small, strong or weak, but whether she is just and right; and no man, no nation, how- ever powerful, can afford to go agAinst the morel judgment of mankind or to ignore in great questions the calm verdict of history. But this is not all. Our own interests in this conflict, individual and national, are identical with the interest of Germany. Bismarck's antagonist is also our enemy. Rome has not declared war against German independence and civilization alone, but against society and civil authority everywhere. It is “ The Holy Roman Empire ” seeking universal su- premacy, ready in France to ally itself with HIGH SCHOOL ANNUAL. Legitimists and Imperials, in Germany with social Democrats and Polish Revolutionists, | in Spain to bless the Carlist banditti, in the i United States to work by free schools or agaiuat them, and in every land, whether through the laws, behind the laws, under the laws, or over the laws, to seize its own oppor- 1 tunity. It is a foreign tyrant saying to our sister Republic : “ We do censure, condemn I and declare utterly null and void ” laws en- i acted by the Government of that Republic, laws providing for free education, for the j freedom of the press, and for freedom of worship. It is a Roman despotism, insolent- ly parading its pretensions before our eyes, creating its minions of American citizens and upon American soil. Seeking iu every way, | by fair means or foul, to control, subvert, or abolish our splendid system of free education, j this is the form that we recognize and abhor. I O may it ever be as justly said that when the liberties of man, or the independence and sovereignty of States, or the sacred princi- pies of justice, or the glorious institution of j civilization were in peril, that then America | was in sympathy with Right and Truth, for now, as when twenty-three hundred years ago it was written near the willow-fringed ; rivers of Babylon, “ As for truth, it cndurctli | and is always strong. It liveth and con- I quereth forevermore.” The Republic of New Grenada. A DICKENS PARTY. BY JULIA MKItkY. It is Mr. and Mrs. Boffin’s Golden Wed- ding day. Perhapsyondon’tallknowMr. and Mrs. Boffin. In such a case you must imme- diately make their acqnaintancc. No one who has once seen Mrs. Boffin’s broad, cheery face can help feeling anxious to know more of her. In short, Mr. and Mrs. Boffin arc the kindliest, cheeriest, most sympathizing, un learned people you can find by scouring great I.ondon for-a-’day. It was the desire of Mrs. Boffin and her l eloved “Noddy” to celebrate this auspi- cious day by inviting all their friends, rich and poor, in Dickens’ world ; and according- ly on this day we find this plan has been carried out, for the parlors are full of people of every kind and degree. A young girl with dark curly hair, bright expressive eyes, and a generally coquettish, graceful air, easily recognized as the “ lovely woman,” Bella Wilfcr, is talking to her father, R. Wilfcr, a meek, chubby little man, looking very much like a cherub grown old. Bella is petting her father and talking to him in her earnest, confiding way. “ Hold! I cannot allow such levity.” Whose voice can that be but Mrs. Wilfcr's? And there she is, her Imnds encased in gloves, and handkerchief over her head, glancing in her most freezing manner on that original young man, Sam Weller, Esq. He refusing to be put down, continues the rccountal of his ad- ventures since he “ was first pitched neck and crop into the world to play at leap frog with its troubles,” interspersing the same with many of his original anecdotes. Mrs. Wil- fcr, being at last propitiated, relaxes into a grim smile, and edifies him with reminiscences of her early life. But who is that smiling, benignant, jolly- looking old gentleman? Is it?—yes, it is Scrooge. But what an agreeable change! Scrooge, who used to » c a terror to all children, is now leaning over a wee, p'uTo.Tbj»- cheerful little face, looking up in his and smiling very contentedly. Well, we are glad to sec old friends changed, when it is for the better, and henceforth will give ghosts some credit, since Marlcy’s ghost certainly benefit- ted Scrooge, and opened his heart to Tiny Tim. Mark Tapluy, searching for a fit subjecton which to expend bis cheerfulness, discovers that “ lone, lorn creature,” Mrs. Gummidge. No one, after seeing her thin, dreary face and unconcealed forlornity, could deny him credit for being cheerful with her. He succeeds in imparting some of bis superfluous good na- ture to her, for her spirits, before at freezing point, rise with astonishing rapidity. Mrs. Jellyby, a pretty, plump woman of about forty, with handsome eyes that seem to look a great way off, is talking in n very learned manner about Africa. Her extensive correspondence of about five htindrcd Todcrs j| daily, shows great devotion to that country, especially to the Borrioboola-Ghans. ncr principal hearer is a well-preserved elderly gentleman with a delicate, refined face, and an easy negligence of dress and manner. Ho asks questions in an artless, childish manner but then, he is only a child, he says. He has no worldly wisdom. His wants arc simple. Then why can’t men lot Harold Skimpole live without demanding what he docs not have—money. The mystic message “ Barkis was willin’,” causes a large, good natured woman, with a a face very like a hard red apple, to laugh and blush most unaccountably, sending Peg- gotty’s buttons in a perfect shower to all parts of the room. Of course Mr. Pickwick is there, and never was there so benevolent a smile or benignant a look as that which illuminates the face of the great Pickwick. Mr. Micawber, tired of waiting for some- thing to turn up, has decided that his talent for talking can be best employed in exhibiting Mrs. Jarley’s Wax works, and accordingly he is about concluding a bar- gain with Mrs. Jarley, with prospects of bringing up the young Micawbers in tba promising field. | A young man with a large mouth stretchc to its utmost limits in a good-natured grit and with a peculiar faculty for showing h buttons, of which he has an incredible nun
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