Atwood Hammond High School - Post Yearbook (Atwood, IL)

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defects of character while entirely overlooking the moie far-reachig and intinitely more detrimental effects of the newer sins of society. For instance today societies of women exist which are spending the time, money and tal ent of their members, striking at the use of the cigarette, when thousands are being murdered by the adulteration of food and the criminal delay of railroad managers in adopting safety equipments. Not only are we directly harmed by these evil practices of modern sin which ha e not yet come under the full ban of public disapproval but the perpetrator of modern vice by his worldly success and private virtues brings about the corruption of ideals. Should men of this type hoist their black flags and deal squarely with the public in ceasing to proclaim to be what they are not, their influence would never be widely felt. This is beyond doubt an opportune time for a Crusade of the right sort. Never was there such an effeciencv in the operation of moral and intellectual forces. One cannot help observing the general public striving toward clearer consciousness. As Professor Cooley of Michigan has said in his Social Organization : “Tn every province of life a multiform social knowledge is arising, which, mingling with the higher impulses of human nature, are forming lational ideals which Under the right kind of leadership and emulation gradually work into practice. Now if the times are ripe for the New (Tusade, which we are assured needs but the right kind of leadership, there remains for us. as intelligent American citizens, but one duty and that is tlie selection with keen insight and discrimination and with due regard to relative values of the proper objects of our Crusade. This choice necessitates intelligence to foresee the things that really hurt society. And if any reform is to produce lasting good, the whole people through the agency of a properly organized and directed public opinion must take the lead. Our democracy, to justify itself, must include a movement which shall lift all to a plane of keener discrimination and more rational choice. We are gradually attaining that plane if we have not already done so. Let us then with the insight afforded us by the giant searchlights of publicity, see the evils, which the comely of look, are gnawing at the vitals of our republic. Let us as patriotic American citizens, raise our banner, the white standard of morality, and carry on a Crusade against the evils peculiar to our own time that will decisively repulse the oncoming tide of the Newer Unrighteousness.

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THE MODERN CRUSADE. MAUDE BLACKWELL. '10. During the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries occurred the expeditions we call Crusades. Two principal objects inspired the promoters of the Crusades. The primary motive was no doubt the restoration of the Holy Places to Christian rule; the secondary object was the defense of the Eastern Empire against tin dangers of Turkish Conquest. The first was based on a sentiment, the second on an urgent necessity. Is the time not ripe for a modern Crusade, for a Crusade which, like those of old, may be based perhaps on a sentiment and an urgent necessity? There is inherent in the American people a desire that their ideals of fairness, equal opportunity and civic righteousness shall be maintained at any cost. These ideals, as any observer may notice, have been menaced by the conditions of our new industrial order. Our Modern Crusade then, in so far as it shall he based on a sentiment, will have for its object the driving back of the new forces of sin which threaten the frontiers of our National ideals. To one who has traced our industrial history, it must be evident that there have grown up a set of evils incidental to the development of huge monopolies and trusts, which bv their impersonal nature and their failure to come within purview of established legal principles threaten the very existence of our government itself. An urgent necessity demands a Crusade. The need of this Crusade was recognized bv President Roosevelt and through his efforts a good beginning, but onlv a beginning, was made. Let ns analyze a little more carefully the conditions which make a Modern Crusade an absolute necessity. “The darling sins that are blackening the face of our time,” says Prof. E. A. Ross, “are incidental to the ruthless pursuit of private ends and hence quite without prejudice. Among these are: Doodling, blackmail, tax dodging, embezzlement, stock manipulation, child labor, criminal negligence in the adoption of safety devices, and adulteration of foods. These destructive evils being veiled by comeliness, do not reveal their hideous nature and are without tin offensive semblance of primitive sin; hence it becomes possible for vice to progress undisturbed even while people in general are adopting higher moral standards. The perpetrator of modern iniquity is often the sham philanthropist of his country; the regular attendant at church and, as lie is judged by old standards of domestic virtue, he is rated high in the esteem of his fellow countrymen. Impel , on il ty adds a distinguishing characteristic to modern sin. In the present day the perpetrator .is seldom known to us as In is usually hidden behind a board of directors or acts indirectlv hr ugh a sc; re of more or less prominent subordinates. The effect of hi vr ng doing passes into what has been called that vague mass “tin public and of it we know nothing specific. So subtle are the practices of the modern sinner that people fa’l to r a’ize that boodling is actually treason: that b'ackmail is piracy disguised: that embezzlement is downright theft; that tax dodging is real larceny; that faetorv labor of children is slavcrv d:ssembled: that deleterious adulteration of food is genuine murder. We n»'ed more insight and discrimination. Tf we possessed these, we should instantly perceive the in-inpitv of spoil practices and condemn them forthwith. The fundamental significance of thpsp practices has long been overlooked because we have lacked the pene- rati.ye insight to peroeive it. We have been exhausting our energv on mere surface immoralities and petty

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“PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRACY.” TOM TERRI I,. ’ll. The existing condition of politics in the United States should he a source of great concern to every citizen. Many questions of importance are now confronting us which cannot be solved in a day, or a year, but which will require generations to decide. Among the most important of these problems is the indifference of citizens in doing their civic duty. They neither take an active part in politics, nor seem to care what kind of government we have, and in many cases do not vote. The reason for this political indifference, especially in the American city—which .Tames Bryce says is the conspicuous failure of American democracy—is that it is of such rapid and recent growth.' Its inhabitants have not the feeling of responsibility and pride which they would possess if the government were more traditional and better developed. Many people place the burden of bad government upon the foreign population. “We shall have little difficulty in showing that the responsibility for our local misgovernment by no means rests upon the ‘ignorant foreigners;’ on the contrary it rests very distinctly upon the well-to-do natives.” If men of higher qualifications would take an active part in the government, the present condition of American politics would soon be altered. They are willing to pay the expenses of campaigns but refuse to enter the political arena itself. E. L. Bodkin, formerly editor of the “Nation,” says: “If there be in this world a plain moral obligation, it is the obligation which rests upon every inhabitant to use his vote in electing officers solely in the common interest. Patriotism has its municipal as well as national obligation, and in fact makes duty to the municipality far clearer to the plain man than duty to the nation.” Another detriment to good govern- ment is the buss. This is the man who enters politics solely for private gain. Politicians of this type, however, must not be confused with the men who are in politics from patriotic motives, men like Folk, Hughes and Roosevelt. Until there are more men of the latter type in American political organizations, the present low standard of morality among politicians will continue. In short, if American politics is to be rehabilitated, there must be a rehibili-taticn of the American political conscience, such :ts will urge men ‘‘f right kind into politics and force men of the wrong kind out of politics. There is also the problem which has been termed the “Long Ballot.” The majority of people in voting do not know the qualifications of tin men for whom they vote. This is not a sign of ignorance on tin part of tin American people. Tt is due to the excessive number of names on the ballot. Even ex-President Eliot of Harvard, “the ideal citizen,” said recently, “I am unable to vote intelligently a ballot containing from fifty to ninety names.” It is said that in New York the number of elective officers is nearly five hundred during four r ears. Tt is impossible for a man of ordinary ability to know the qualifications of so manv office-seekers. Therefore the only thing he can do is to vote for the men he knows are fitted for office and cast a straight partv ballot for the rest resrard'ess of fitness. This condition could he remedied if the number of names on the ballot were diminished. as has recentlv been done in Boston, granting larger aonointive powers to the remaining and holding all to a stricter acconntabilitv for their official conduct. The press could then give greater publieitv to the various candidates, presenting full accounts of their abilities and defects as public officers. This leads us to another important