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Page 8 text:
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Tlte Postwar Welle) Today the people of the world are challenged by a tremendous task, that of organ- izing a plan for lasting peace. We must plan now for the day w hen victory shall be ours. We cannot risk waiting for the final surrender. If we do, we shall be guilty of another Versailles and in another twenty or twenty-five years we shall again be faced with war. Therefore, it is the duty of every one of us to think now of postwar plans. We must discuss openly and freely the mistakes made by the peacemakers of 1018. That peace was a peace of hate; it sought by revenge to make the German people impotent, for- getting that resentment and revenge lead only to nationalism and war. The problem of the postwar world is being given the attention of the world's greatest minds. At the eleventh annual New York Herald Tribune Forum in New York last November, President Roosevelt, Queen Wilhelmina of Holland, Chiang Kai-shek, Sir Stafford Cripps, and the leaders of the other nations of the Allied Powers, stressed in their mes oa to the world the importance of immediate planning for the future. iples for the foundation of the postwar world have been ad- ?velt has outlined four great freedoms that the world is fighting of speech and expression everywhere; the right of every person ever manner he chooses; the right of everyone to be free from )f all to be free from fear, fear of another such war as this, guarantees to the countries of the western hemisphere access erials of the world; improved labor and economic standards; nd the right of the people to choose their ow n form of govern- rivileges would be extended to the entire world in any post- r Alrea vanced. for: the ri to worshi want; ant The to the tr freedom c ment. 0 war plan. I Ex-pi] BFC-r in his famous book. The Problems of Lasting Peace, has outlined the approach for making a peace. He has divided this approach into three periods of time. The first period will be for the immediate settlement of certain problems which cannot be delayed, such as disarmament, relief from famine, and the establishment of separate international commissions to examine political and economic problems. A second period w ill be established to prepare us for the future. This intermediate period will be for the rebuilding of political life and the recovery of economic standards. The third period w ill provide for the development of those problems which take a long time to cool off before they can be considered, and the actual development of an in- ternational machinery to preserve peace. Mr. Hoover further states in his book that the following principles are vital to a postwar plan: first, representative government as the foundation of the peace; second, economic freedom regulated to prevent abuse; third, an overhauling of all trade barriers so that there will be no discriminations; fourth, an incentive given to Germany for building a peaceful nation. These ideas are all very noble and idealistic, you say. We agree that the whole world should benefit by them. But just how could they be put into actual practice? The airplane has revolutionized our conception of world size. Furthermore, what happens in one country directly affects the rest of the world. The depression of IQ2Q was not confined to Wall Street alone; the whole world reeled under its impact. We need no proof of the fact that when one nation builds up a powerful war machine, the rest of the world must do likewise or they will surely perish at the hands of this country. The powerful struggle we are now engaged in has convinced us that all the peaceful nations must form a political and social union for protection against those aggressi ve- nations. A plan for such a union must be definite yet flexible. We, here in the United States, are fortunate in being able to contribute to the world the structure for such an organization. 1 am referring to our own Constitution, which we can use as a model for a world constitution. This constitution can become the foundation of a United World. It will guarantee the right to freedom of speech, press, assembly, and religion, to all people. Such a constitution could well be conceived with this aim—to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure international tranquility. Like our own, this new constitution will be adjusted to the needs of changing times.
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Page 7 text:
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FACULTY First Row [left vertical Mrs. H. Aldrich, Miss M. Lynch, Mr. A. Oulton, Miss R. Perry, Miss G. Belyea Second Rou Miss M. Ward, Mr. J. Freme, Miss T. Benotti, Mr. H. Smith Third Row Mrs. A. Blake, Miss F. Trowbridge, Mr. F. Dacey, Mr. R. Flarris, Miss l£. Miller Fourth Row .Miss R. Dickerman, Miss H. Krone, Mr. W. Moseley, Mr. P. Langlois. Fifth Row Miss D. I lastings, Mr. J. Schinelli, Miss F. Smith. Ylr. J. Quirk, Miss K. Phealan. hi
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Page 9 text:
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To insure the people that these rights are actually secured, and that no encroach- ments of peace by hostile nations will be made, the United World will be divided into three branches. A council and assembly similar to that of the League of Nations will make the laws and amendments. The council will consist of the leading non-aggressive nations: the United States, Great Britain. China, Russia, and perhaps France and Poland. The council will take advice and aid from the assembly which will represent the rest of the nations of the world. The second branch will be a world court, the justices being picked by the members of the council and assembly. The court will try all cases which affect international safety and boundary disputes, and will interpret the constitution. The court will also decide just what action shall be taken by the council and assembly in such cases. A third branch will be necessary to enforce this constitution and to prevent any up- risings from spreading. The most satisfactory possibility of enforcement will be an in- ternational air police force. As Major-General Olds said recently. The only way to insure the lasting effects of this peace is through an international air police force made up of those nations which the world knows, from history, are non-aggressive and will do nothing to cause international alarm. However, this plan or any other plan cannot possibly hope to succeed unless it is backed by the entire world. Not only must all the world approve of the plan before it is enforced, but the entire world must support it by joining it. The one way to be sure of a world membership is to establish an economic policy which will benefit only those who are members of the United World. We must make the advantages and disadvan- tages such that no nation can afford to remain outside of the Union, for fear of economic suicide. We know that during war time the nations of the world arc w filing to unite to pro- tect themselves: but after the war. nations tend to withdraw into a shell of isolationism. This tendency must be combatted fiercely, for the United World is the only organization which can insure international peace and security. This task is a tremendous one, and one that will require the support of the whole world. But will all the nations want to federate1 Will they voluntarily forsake their old national forms of government1 When our own constitution was introduced, the states fought it, because they did not wish to surrender their rights as states. However, they finally accepted it. because they could see that, through surrendering their own selfish rights, they would gain in common strength. This did not mean they would forfeit all their state privileges. The Constitution allowed them to retain certain rights which did not interfere with the federal government. In a similar way the United World of the future intends that no nation shall be forced to surrender all its national privileges. In matters that affect the common good, national rights will he secondary to the welfare of the world. First, however, the world must rid the earth of its present bonds of slavery, and unite forever in preserving that freedom. Abraham Lincoln said about eighty years ago, No nation can endure half slave and half free Today, his words are even more true. The world cannot endure half slave and half free. Brenda 1 Iartley. WL HAVE INHERITED FREEDOM; IT SHALL NO I Dll I leirs to freedom, now we stand Confident and sure of life. Trusting in ourselves and those Joined already hand in hand That our freedom shall not die; Courageous as our youth allows, Eager now to work and fight For the land we know and love. Charlotte Gravel. l5l
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