University of Wisconsin Superior - Gitche Gumee Yearbook (Superior, WI)

 - Class of 1927

Page 120 of 208


University of Wisconsin Superior - Gitche Gumee Yearbook (Superior, WI) online yearbook collection, 1927 Edition, Page 120 of 208
Page 120 of 208

University of Wisconsin Superior - Gitche Gumee Yearbook (Superior, WI) online yearbook collection, 1927 Edition, Page 119
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University of Wisconsin Superior - Gitche Gumee Yearbook (Superior, WI) online yearbook collection, 1927 Edition, Page 121
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Page 120 text:

dfxe Jiitcfie Jiutnee Panama in 1003 to insure the success of the canal. In 1905 we extended our influence into the Dominican Republic lest European creditors despoil the little country. Protection of the property of our own citizens and of that of Europeans caused us to interfere in Nicaragua in 1012. We landed marines in Haiti in 1015 to stop a reign of horror. And so the story runs. Each case seems easily justifiable. But the fact remains that, regardless of the sincerity of our direct motives, the unpleasant consequences of each experience are invariably the same. More and more of our wealth is being invested in these countris where it yields generous returns to us, while the native financial condition is not improving in a proportional degree. And the people in these countries regard our continued presence in their midst with more and more apprehension. Our positioin in relation to our smaller neighbors is yearly becoming more difficult. Its ramifications insidiously underlie all of our political and economic life. The recent Mexican and Nicaraguan affairs, with their religious and financial complications, are intruding themselves far into the domestic life of our country, and we arc becoming involved in actions which we should blush to own. Let us recall just one incident. Why. in 1023. when Charles E. Hughes was Secretary of State, the representatives of Central American powers met in Washington, and we. wih them, signed a treaty in which we promised not to recognize any other government which might come into power through a coup d’ etat, or revolution in their countries. That was in 1023. but in 1026 Adolpho Diaz was given the support of the United States at the time when, by virtue of President Solorzano’s resignation, J. Bautista Sacasa. Nicaragua’s vice-president, should legitimately have come automatically into power. The record of Diaz is well known. In 1010 he was an employe of a Pittsburg mining company, at a salary of one thousand dollars a year, and contributed six hundred thousand dollars to the revolution then in progress in Nicaragua. Shorn of its embellishment, this transaction of ours in Nicaragua reads like this—the United States, a great world power, in its dealings with a small neighbor, broke its word and raised to a position of great power a man of unsavory reputation. At the present time, our diplomats, fearing an enraged public opinion, may deem it wise to modify temporarily their plans for aggression, but no matter what settlement is made in this present crisis, Mexico and the other Caribbean countries, like the poor, we shall have with us always. The matter is far from ended; and there is little doubt that sooner or later, action will be resumed to insure our dominance in the south. Southward the course of empire takes its way, and from the present outlook, the American empire may ultimately bestride the entire area bounded by the Monroe Doctrine. Is this the course the United States of Lincoln and Washington really wishes to pursue? Is the greatest free government in the world to give a large share of its attention to insuring additional financial returns to persons who are already burdened with wealth? Is the idealism of our past to become mere materialism in the future? If so. then let us seal the pages of our former history that future generations may not recall how this same country, once devoted its best efforts to establishing religious freedom, and to striking the shackles from slaves. At least let us acknowledge what we are doing and be consistent. Let us not sanctimoniously vote for prohibition with one hand, while we raise the embargo on arms against Mexico with the other. Let us not shun the Turk for his treatment of the Armenian, while we send our battleships and land our marines, in violation of treaty agreements, to safeguard our investments in Nicaragua. In the name of Justice and Civilization the imperialists of America have professed to pursue their policy, and by Justice they shall hereafter be judged. If the course is continued, let them see to it that by Civilization they be not condemned. This country that was conceived in liberty and has so often taken sides with right against might, is now treading on treacherous grounds. We are in grave danger of losing sight of the great traditions that have guided us wisely through many a sin-beset way. "Lord GotI of Hosts, be with us yet. Lest we forget,—lest ivc forget."

Page 119 text:

Ofw J itcfic Quince S’uutliuiarft the (Eourar of Empire ©akes its I0ay The imperialism of Great Britain has been a subject which American sentiment has loudly bewailed. Her crimes in India, her misdemeanors in Africa, her injustice in China have furnished material for many eloquent denunciations which American audiences have vociferously praised. We have taught the children in our schools to regard with horror the competitive acquisition of landed properties. The right of each nation, however small, to self-determination has been one of our unwritten laws. At spheres of influence, we have raised our pious eyebrows as we would at gambling dens, flourishing under the protection of unscrupulous hypocrites. So thoroughly did we disapprove of the insidious imperialistic policy of benighted Europe, and so earnestly did we desire that its contaminating influence should never violate our Western hemisphere, that we formulated that opinion in the Monroe Doctrine. In this document, we proclaimed to the world that we had crossed our fingers against ever allowing our sinful brothers across the seas to come over to our unsullied continents for the purpose of interfering with the unhampered development of the nations on their soil. Pleased with our own self-righteousness, most of us have been content to reflect upon ourselves as the self-appointed guardians of weaker nations—as the hope of the down-trodden in this bad world of empire-mad nations. But behold! In this twentieth century, upon arousing ourselves from a dream of self-congratulation, we are confronted by an extraordinary spectacle. While we have been unaware, one of the most significant phenomena of this century has been taking place under our very eyes. A persistent force, rarely called by name, is increasingly making its presence felt, among us. Coming into being under the sheltering wing of the Monroe I)oc-trine, it has been fostered unwittingly because it claimed to be the companion of peace, progress, civilization, and culture. And now as it grows to maturity and assumes its horrid shape, we recognize it. The thing which we hated, we have become. American imperialism is staring us in the face. The international press today is aflame with this truth. Our government is assuming toward the smaller countries geographically and politically within our reach a definitely aggressive policy. The French L'Humanite proclaims that "The American imperialism of 1927 is more dangerous than Germany's was in 1914.” The London Spectator remarks that Central and South America recognize that the Monroe Doctrine, which was originally presented to them as a shield, is fast assuming the form of a dagger. The people of these countries look toward the future with serious apprehension. The Berlin Lokal-Anzeiger is quite outspoken in its conviction that the policy of North America is now showing "itself in its true colors, as a policy of might against the independence of small countries.” "North American imperialism, at one time overbearing, at another time conciliatory, shrewdly calculating the main chance in every complex situation with a foresight that envisages centuries, never acting on impulse, never forgetting, insensitive, unafraid, pursuing its world policy with complete prevision,—that imperialism is the most efficient agency of conquest that has ever been exhibited in the history of the world." During the last thirty years, it has underlain the activities of our country to such an extent that today, the United States is tampering with the human rights of over thirty-six million people, not one of whom is a voting member of our republic. We have "intervened by force at least thirty times in the internal affairs of nine supposedly sovereign and independent nations.” Our investments in the coutries which lie in the neighborhood of the Caribbean Sea alone amount to over three billions of dollars. In four of these states we have our own collectors of customs. The United States controls all agencies of public opinion in these countries, and has the cables in its hands. In an endless number of different ways we are subordinating to our purposes these Latin-American countries, wonderfully productive and capable of almost unlimited development. "Never in the course of history has the world witnessed a process of expansion so irresistible and so marvelous." Our immediate motives at the time of action have always seemed to be sound, in 1898 we rescued Cuba from Spanish misrule. We assumed a virtual protectorate over

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