Ohio University - Athena Yearbook (Athens, OH)

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Nixon Catches Up With Himself A Historical First: The Resignation Of a President BY ELLEN MILLER This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office in which so many decisions have been made that shape the history of this nation . . . With that introduction, in his 37th speech as President of the United States, the 37th President of the United States resigned, a first in the history of the country and a decision which would shape the history that was so quickly shaping the nature of politics and the future. In many ways, the nation breathed a sigh of relief. The man of whom they had been suspicious for so long was out and, although President Gerald R. Ford, Richard M. Nixon ' s successor, had been appointed by Nixon himself (another historical first which meant that an unelected man would be leading the country) after former Vice President Spiro T. Agnew resigned, the people wanted to believe in a leader again. So they put their faith in the new president and hoped that the long nightmare of Watergate had finally come to an end. Just how long that faith would last remained to be seen. What brought about the resignation of a man who had sought the presidency his entire life and who had won by the largest landslide in history when finally elected? Watergate had been trying to CREEP (pun intended) into the Oval Office ever since the first publicity on the third rate burglary. Nixon had been steadily denying his involvement or any knowledge of the scandal. But when the Supreme Court ruled that Nixon must relinquish the tapes, it was only a matter of time. On July 31, 1974, Nixon ' s lawyer, James St. Clair, received and read transcripts of three taped conversations between Nixon and Chief of Staff H.R. Bob Haldeman from July, 1972. The tapes showed that Nixon had, indeed, known about the Watergate break-in and had, in fact, suggested cover-up actions. St. Clair, who realized the impact of the contents of the transcripts, contacted Alexander Haig, Haldeman ' s successor. They knew that the transcripts would soon become public; they decided that they must persuade Nixon to resign. Nixon resisted. He pursued his cover-up to the end. But in a meeting with top-ranking Republican senators, including Barry Goldwater, Nixon was informed that his Congressional support was gone. Again he was advised to resign. On Thursday, August 8, 1974, Nixon notified Gerald R. Ford that he was about to become the 38th President of the United States. For awhile, Ford was the epitome of the perfect president, the all-American boy, grass-roots, a family man, the UPl Wirephoto courtesy of the Athens Messenger ABOVE Former President Nixon and Pat stand together in the East Room of the White House where he made a farewell address to members of the White House staff. Nixon then boarded a helicopter for a short flight to Andrews Air Force Base where Air Force I was waiting to fly he and his family to San Clemente American dream. Perhaps the nation just wanted to believe in a man who fixed his own English muffins for breakfast or maybe that dream was reality. But again, American hopes were shaken when Ford made his decision to grant Nixon, who had been named an unindicted co-conspirator, a full, free and absolute pardon for all offenses against the United States which he has committed or may have committed or taken part in during the period from January 20, 1969, through August 9, 1974. With that decision. Ford reopened the suspicion that had been cast over the office of the presidency and closed the door on the opportunity that Nixon would ever be brought to justice. He eliminated the chance for the judicial system of the country to work. Popular reaction was that the entire situation had been arranged prior to Nixon ' s resignation. But some sympathizers advocated that Nixon had suffered enough. With the passage of time, the conviction of other Watergate conspirators and the realization of the nation ' s other problems, such as its economic situation, anxiety began to dwindle. The crisis was over. It was time to move on. 20

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BY ELLEN MILLER When Jeff Klem announced his candidacy for an outside housing position on Student Governing Board, he stated that, if elected, he would introduce a motion for the board to disband itself. Cast a vote for Jeff Klem and cast a vote for apathy, he advocated. His rationale was that because SGB had been a meaningless organization for several years, and because such a small percentage of the student body voted in recent past elections, the board might as well not exist. Klem was not elected. But, on April 30, 1975, SGB did vote to disband itself by accepting a resolution which stated, The administration is opposed to those who want to direct input on policy decisions. In other words, determinative student input is not desired, but ignored. Only five of the originally elected 13 members were still on the board when the resolution was passed: Charles (Andy) Karp, Jeff Mason, JoAnn Jaffe, Timothy Hurley and Bruce Mitchell. Jaffe and Mitchell had run on the action ticket, along with Anita Taylor and Mark Satchwell. The action ticket was headed by Student Workers ' Union (1974) leaders, Mitchell and Satchwell who intended to get the board more involved in student issues. Satchwell was elected chairman fall quarter and SGB began its involvement in the freshmen dorm controversy. They led freshmen in the fight for open visitation, helping organize the Boyd Hall sit-in. By the time of the sit-in, the board had been through two succeeding chairmen, Mitchell who replaced Satchwell when he resigned and Adrian Harpool who replaced Mitchell at the beginning of the winter quarter. During the sit-in in Boyd, nine of the 13 board members were referred to university Judiciaries for violation of university regulations. The board was also active in the United Farm Workers support group, and that march on Cutler Hall resulted in Mitchell ' s suspension for the university for two quarters. SGB polled students on their preferences for a quarter versus a semester system, negotiated with Athens Mayor Donald Barrett on the housing code and assisted in the publication of a housing manual. The degree to which these efforts were successful is questionable. On one hand, the board should be credited for getting involved in issues which concerned the majority of the student body of the university. It was an attempt to be representative of student needs. On the other hand, sources close to SGB report that disorganization and personal biases prevailed in the board ' s operation. Perhaps they were more concerned with issues than with operation; or perhaps they were more concerned with their own soapboxing than they were with acting as a liason between students and the administration. The members were elected by a larger voter turnout than had been recorded in years. Reportedly, 2679 students voted, approximately 20 per cent of the student body. In 1974, only 11.5 per cent voted. There was, however, a rapid turnover among board members; some were terminated because of unexcused absences, some resigned. And in the end, in effect they all resigned, decided that their efforts had been futile and that it was not possible for a governing board to function efficiently at this univers ity. Jeff Klem ' s campaign goals had been realized, after all, even though he had never been a member of the board. He responded by submitting a perspective to The Post, reiterating his original feelings and telling SGB members, I told you so. After the disbandment, a special task force was chosen to study possible alternative forms of student government for the future. At the close of the academic year, no decisions had been reached. 19

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UPI Wirephotocourtesy of the Athens Messenger UPI Wirephoto courtesy of the Athens Messenger ABOVE LEFT: A portrait of Nixon is being removed and replaced with Ford ' s portrait in the U.S. Embassy in Bonn, West Germany. ABOVE: Nixon confers with Ford in the Oval Office and informs him of his coming resignation. 21