Abilene Christian College - Prickly Pear Yearbook (Abilene, TX)

 - Class of 1980

Page 16 of 405

 

Abilene Christian College - Prickly Pear Yearbook (Abilene, TX) online collection, 1980 Edition, Page 16 of 405
Page 16 of 405



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Page 16 text:

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Page 17 text:

I N R E T R lessons from Gas prices quadrupled; 900 people died in the heat of Guyana; a President betrayed his nation; we lost our first war — these were the If we put all the tragedies together, there would be enough to cry about for a week. The reason for an examination is not to feel guilty, but to learn lessons. When we look at what happened in the 70s, good or bad, we prepare ourselves for coping with, and enjoying the ’80s. In a country as large and free as ours, it’s seldom that the differences in people and their beliefs meet in hatred and violence. But in 1970 at Kent State University, angry students met a group of armed National Guardsmen. Although four students died from the spray of bullets, the confrontation wasn’t one-sided. The anti-war group, those who spoke so much of peace and love, fired no guns, but threw rocks and yelled obscenities. Strange behavior for a group who spoke so much of peace and love. Four students fell, but an entire generation of voices arose. In the week that followed the shootings, 450 colleges and universities were closed down by students. Others, like actress Jane Fonda and Daniel Ellsberg, a former aide to Secretary of Defense McNamara, were more personal in efforts to stop the war. Fonda went to North Vietnam in 1972 to broadcast messages over Radio Hanoi asking American pilots to discontinue the bombing of North Vietnam. Ellsberg stole secret government documents which he gave to the The New York Times. The documents, known as the Pentagon Papers, revealed the Vietnam strategy of Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. Both acts, particularly Ellsberg's, undermined the American effort in Vietnam, yet both were heroes to many. Many people began to see America as the “bad guy”, and the government as the peoples’ enemy. The protesters considered the war wrong, and any means used to stop that effort was somehow justified. Buildings were blown up and people were killed in the name of ending a But the struggle between the young and the old was coming to an end. On the eve of the 72 election Secretary of State Henry Kissinger announced that“peace is at hand.” Shortly after that announcement, we had withdrawn most of our troops and the carefully planned peace of Nixon and Kissinger went into effect. However, in 1974, Congress cut off funding for the bombing of Cambodia, which in effect, terminated U.S. involvement Nixon’s Vietnamization plan, created to enable the South Vietnamese to defend themselves, also soon ended. In 1975 South Vietnam toppled to the forces of Communist North Vietnam. For the first time in several decades an American military endeavor had ended in our loss. There were no parades. But the Vietnam effort showed America things it needed to see. It showed what war was really about and what it really wasn’t about. War isn’t glory and triumph; it’s pain and death. Vietnam was an unsolvable puzzle. The question of who was right and wrong still cannot be determined. One thing was certain, the war drained America. The investment — lives, money, and worry — without gain, was unprecedented. We suf- fered a great loss of prestige and confidence, but at least the bitter struggle, both overseas and in our backyards, was over. Unfortunately,the Vietnam struggle was not the only bleak spot in the American 70s. President Richard Nixon had plenty of enemies. In ’969 his first targets were reporters, but as the 70s opened, the emphasis switched to the anti-war movement. When the 1972 election neared, it was only natural that this abuse would be directed towards the Democrats. In “All the President's Men, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein pointed out that the “President’s men” had in unethical, if not illegal, ways attacked administration On June 16, 1972, a group of men representing the Committee to Re- Elect the President (CREEP) broke into the Democratic party’s cam- paign headquarters. At the time, the event did not seem to be particularly earthshaking. Washington Post reporter, Bob Woodward was not excited when his editor called him on his day off to assign him the Watergate story. If he had known the massive job awaiting him he might have gone back to bed. Carl Bernstein, a college dropout turned reporter, soon joined Woodward on the story. Bernstein was quite different than Woodward, a graduate of Yale. But the Ivy Leaguer and the Drop Out overcame their differences to begin a suc- cessful collaboration. Woodward and Bernstein became “Woodstein”, and history was in the making. The investigation would not be an easy one. The break- fn seemed unnecessary — Nixon’s re-election was all but certain. Ron Ziegler, Nixon’s press secretary, termed the break- in, “A third rate robbery attempt.” John Mitchell, Nixon’s campaign director, said, “We want to em- phasize that this man (James Mc- Cord, the security coordinator of the CREEP of which Mitchell was head) and the other people involved (in the break in) were not operating on either our behalf, or with our con-

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